In Kentucky, the blacks increased 57 per cent, whites only 37 per cent.Tennessee, the blacks increased 80 per cent, whites only 57 per cent.Georgia, the blacks increased 40 per cent, whites only 30 per cent.North-Carolina, the blacks increased 22 per cent, whites only 11 per cent.South-Carolina, the blacks increased 26 per cent, whites only 8 per cent.And in Louisiana as early as 1810 there were 5 blacks to every four white men.
In Kentucky, the blacks increased 57 per cent, whites only 37 per cent.Tennessee, the blacks increased 80 per cent, whites only 57 per cent.Georgia, the blacks increased 40 per cent, whites only 30 per cent.North-Carolina, the blacks increased 22 per cent, whites only 11 per cent.South-Carolina, the blacks increased 26 per cent, whites only 8 per cent.And in Louisiana as early as 1810 there were 5 blacks to every four white men.
In Kentucky, the blacks increased 57 per cent, whites only 37 per cent.Tennessee, the blacks increased 80 per cent, whites only 57 per cent.Georgia, the blacks increased 40 per cent, whites only 30 per cent.North-Carolina, the blacks increased 22 per cent, whites only 11 per cent.South-Carolina, the blacks increased 26 per cent, whites only 8 per cent.And in Louisiana as early as 1810 there were 5 blacks to every four white men.
In Kentucky, the blacks increased 57 per cent, whites only 37 per cent.Tennessee, the blacks increased 80 per cent, whites only 57 per cent.Georgia, the blacks increased 40 per cent, whites only 30 per cent.North-Carolina, the blacks increased 22 per cent, whites only 11 per cent.South-Carolina, the blacks increased 26 per cent, whites only 8 per cent.And in Louisiana as early as 1810 there were 5 blacks to every four white men.
In Kentucky, the blacks increased 57 per cent, whites only 37 per cent.
Tennessee, the blacks increased 80 per cent, whites only 57 per cent.
Georgia, the blacks increased 40 per cent, whites only 30 per cent.
North-Carolina, the blacks increased 22 per cent, whites only 11 per cent.
South-Carolina, the blacks increased 26 per cent, whites only 8 per cent.
And in Louisiana as early as 1810 there were 5 blacks to every four white men.
It is obvious, that, at this rate, in the course of a few years, those districts of our country will be covered with a black population; in comparison with which, the whites will appear as grasshoppers before them. Now I ask, in such a state of things, what can hinder the blacks from arising, and after avenging all their wrongs, by slaying their opposers, taking possession of those very lands as the reward of their own and their fathers’ labours? Do you say, their minds are incapable of such an enterprize? Look at St. Domingo; what has been effected there by the African race, in as ignorant and degraded a state as is any where witnessed in our own country! And what will our blacks need, but a few resolute spirits to concentrate their efforts and direct their energies? And if the genius of negroes is so far debased in our own country, that nature cannot produce them here, they can easily be furnished from the kingdom of Hayti. Though that little empire is now at peace with us and the world, yet black men have always a peculiar sympathy for their own colour. Besides this, many of our own free blacks have already gone, and many more will still go to that island, to enjoy all the blessings of liberty, civilization and science; leaving many of their brothers and children and connexions in bondage among us.—And do you think that a black man’s memory is so treacherous, or his heart so callous, that he can forget, or not feel for the wrongs of his own flesh and blood? Depend upon it, my hearers, on the shore of thatsea-beaten isle, many a champion will stand, and while he looks to the north and rejoices in the privileges which he is permitted to enjoy, he will long to impart them to those he has left behind; and if nothing is done, on your part, to redress the wrongs of Africa, before you are aware, the alarm of war, the din of arms, and the rage of conflagration will have laid in ruins the fairest portions of our land.[4]
4.If any are disposed to style this mere conjecture, be it so: but it is no more than what has already occurred, and may occur again. The revolution in St. Domingo originated in France, and was planned by a Society calledAmis de Noirs, or Friends of the Blacks, organized in Paris for the express purpose of aiding the negroes in recovering their liberty; of which La Fayette and other distinguished citizens were the patrons. And the first individual that drew his sword, was a mulatto who had been educated in Paris, and sent to his native isle to deliver his coloured brethren from bondage.
4.If any are disposed to style this mere conjecture, be it so: but it is no more than what has already occurred, and may occur again. The revolution in St. Domingo originated in France, and was planned by a Society calledAmis de Noirs, or Friends of the Blacks, organized in Paris for the express purpose of aiding the negroes in recovering their liberty; of which La Fayette and other distinguished citizens were the patrons. And the first individual that drew his sword, was a mulatto who had been educated in Paris, and sent to his native isle to deliver his coloured brethren from bondage.
4.If any are disposed to style this mere conjecture, be it so: but it is no more than what has already occurred, and may occur again. The revolution in St. Domingo originated in France, and was planned by a Society calledAmis de Noirs, or Friends of the Blacks, organized in Paris for the express purpose of aiding the negroes in recovering their liberty; of which La Fayette and other distinguished citizens were the patrons. And the first individual that drew his sword, was a mulatto who had been educated in Paris, and sent to his native isle to deliver his coloured brethren from bondage.
Do I hear the inhabitants of the north say, “If such events should be realized, the desolation will not come nigh us; and we will not interfere to avenge the slaughter of slave-holders!” And are you then prepared to perjure yourselves? You have sworn to maintain the union of these states, at the price of your treasures and your lives; and are you now meditating treason and rebellion in your hearts? You have become a party to the guilt of slavery, and will you desert your friends when the contract on the part of heaven is to be fulfilled?
But if you are verily guilty in this matter, do not imagine that you can evade the punishment of such a crime. It is the righteous God of heaven that pleads the cause of the oppressed: and, though the scene of battle may not be laid at your doors; though the fiercest wrath may be poured out upon those portions of our country where slavery has existed in its most extensive and cruel forms; yet the hand of justice will, in some way or other, mete out to every district the full tale of its desert. Let us hear no more then of local jealousies and feelings, but as the sin has involved us in acommon guilt, let us aim at a common and timely expiation. The path of present duty lies open before us, and it is only by diligent and faithful perseverance therein, that we can expect to escape the indignation of heaven.
This is a concern in which every citizen of the country is interested; whether he is now or ever has been a slave-holder or not: and there is something for every one to do. The sympathies of every heart must be aroused; the patronage of every purse must be secured in favour of these incipient measures to remedy the evil; publick attention must not only be aroused by an occasional effusion, but be kept awake by frequent communications; the general government must be convinced that it is not enough to countenance, they must approve and aid this humane undertaking—that the fountain of guilt springs from the foundation of our Capitol, and that the principal remedy must be applied there; our state legislatures must be made to feel that they also have imbrued their hands in African blood, and that not a moment is to be lost in washing away the stain. Every motive that can interest the philanthropist, the patriot, the Christian and the Christian Missionary is presented in this subject, and he that can be insensible of its influence is unworthy to occupy a place in human society, unless in the capacity of “a servant of servants.”
May the voice of timely warning arouse us, before the sword of sleepless justice smite our souls.
Transcriber’s Notes:Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.Typographical errors were silently corrected.Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a predominant form was found in this book.