CHAPTER XVITHE CZAR NICHOLAS II.

At first we at Mohileff had no idea of the scale of the events which had occurred at Petrograd. Yet after Saturday, March 10th, General Alexeieff and some officers of the Czar’s suite had tried to open his eyes and persuade him to grant the liberties the nation demanded immediately. But once more Nicholas II. was deceived by the intentionally incomplete and inaccurate statements of a few ignorant individuals in his suite[56]and would not take their advice.

By the 12th it was impossible to conceal the truth from the Czar any longer; he understood that extraordinary measures were required, and decided to return to Tsarskoïe-Selo at once.

The Imperial train left Mohileff on the night of the 12th, but on arriving at the station of Malaia-Vichera twenty-four hours later it was ascertained that the station of Tosno, thirty miles south of Petrograd, was in the hands of the insurgents, and that it was impossible to get to Tsarskoïe-Selo. There was nothing for it but to turn back.

The Czar decided to go to Pskoff to General Russky, the Commander-in-Chief of the Northern Front. He arrived there on the evening of the 14th. When the General had told him the latest developments in Petrograd the Czar instructed him to inform M. Rodzianko by telephone that he was ready to make every concession if the Duma thought that it would tranquillise the nation. The reply came: “It is too late.”

Was it really so? The revolutionary movement was confined to Petrograd and its suburbs; in spite of propaganda, the Czar still enjoyed considerable prestige in the army, and his authority with the peasants was intact. Would not the grant of a Constitution and the help of the Duma have been enough to restore to Nicholas II. the popularity he had enjoyed at the beginning of the war?

The reply of the Duma left the Czar with the alternatives of abdicating or marching on Petrograd with the troops which remained faithful to him: the latter would mean civil war in the presence of the enemy. Nicholas II. did not hesitate, and on the morning of the 15th he handed General Russky a telegram informing the President of the Duma that he intended to abdicate in favour of his son.

A few hours later he summoned Professor Fiodorof to his carriage and said:

“Tell me frankly, Sergius Petrovitch. Is Alexis’s malady incurable?”

Professor Fiodorof, fully realising the importance of what he was going to say, answered:

“Science teaches us, sire, that it is an incurable disease. Yet those who are afflicted with it sometimes reach an advanced old age. Still, Alexis Nicolaïevitch is at the mercy of an accident.”

The Czar hung his head and sadly murmured:

“That’s just what the Czarina told me. Well, if that is the case and Alexis can never serve his country as I should like him to, we have the right to keep him ourselves.”

His mind was made up, and when the representatives of the Provisional Government and the Duma arrived from Petrograd that evening he handed them the Act of Abdication he had drawn up beforehand and in which he renounced for himself and his son the throne of Russia in favour of his brother, the Grand-Duke Michael Alexandrovitch.

I give a translation of this document which, by its nobility and the burning patriotism in every line, compelled the admiration of even the Czar’s enemies:

The Act of Abdication of the Czar Nicholas II.By the grace of God, We, Nicholas II., Emperor of all the Russias, Tsar of Poland, Grand-Duke of Finland, etc., etc.... to all Our faithful subjects make known:In these days of terrible struggle against the external enemy who has been trying for three years to impose his will upon Our Fatherland, God has willed that Russia should be faced with a new and formidable trial. Troubles at home threaten to have a fatal effect on the ultimate course of this hard-fought war. The destinies of Russia, the honour of Our heroic army, the welfare of the people and the whole future of Our dear country demand that the war should be carried to a victorious conclusion at any price.Our cruel foe is making his supreme effort, and the moment is at hand in which Our valiant army, inconcert with Our glorious allies, will overthrow him once and for all.In these days, which are decisive for the existence of Russia, We think We should follow the voice of Our conscience by facilitating the closest co-operation of Our people and the organisation of all its resources for the speedy realisation of victory.For these reasons, in accord with the Duma of the Empire, We think it Our duty to abdicate the Crown and lay down the supreme power.Not desiring to be separated from Our beloved son, We bequeath Our heritage to Our brother, the Grand-Duke Michael Alexandrovitch, and give him Our blessing. We abjure him to govern in perfect accord with the representatives of the nation sitting in the legislative institutions, and to take a sacred oath in the name of the beloved Fatherland.We appeal to all the loyal sons of the country, imploring them to fulfil their patriotic and holy duty of obeying their Czar in this sad time of national trial. We ask them to help him and the representatives of the nation to guide the Russian state into the path of prosperity and glory.God help Russia.

The Act of Abdication of the Czar Nicholas II.

By the grace of God, We, Nicholas II., Emperor of all the Russias, Tsar of Poland, Grand-Duke of Finland, etc., etc.... to all Our faithful subjects make known:

In these days of terrible struggle against the external enemy who has been trying for three years to impose his will upon Our Fatherland, God has willed that Russia should be faced with a new and formidable trial. Troubles at home threaten to have a fatal effect on the ultimate course of this hard-fought war. The destinies of Russia, the honour of Our heroic army, the welfare of the people and the whole future of Our dear country demand that the war should be carried to a victorious conclusion at any price.

Our cruel foe is making his supreme effort, and the moment is at hand in which Our valiant army, inconcert with Our glorious allies, will overthrow him once and for all.

In these days, which are decisive for the existence of Russia, We think We should follow the voice of Our conscience by facilitating the closest co-operation of Our people and the organisation of all its resources for the speedy realisation of victory.

For these reasons, in accord with the Duma of the Empire, We think it Our duty to abdicate the Crown and lay down the supreme power.

Not desiring to be separated from Our beloved son, We bequeath Our heritage to Our brother, the Grand-Duke Michael Alexandrovitch, and give him Our blessing. We abjure him to govern in perfect accord with the representatives of the nation sitting in the legislative institutions, and to take a sacred oath in the name of the beloved Fatherland.

We appeal to all the loyal sons of the country, imploring them to fulfil their patriotic and holy duty of obeying their Czar in this sad time of national trial. We ask them to help him and the representatives of the nation to guide the Russian state into the path of prosperity and glory.

God help Russia.

The Czar had fallen. Germany was on the point of winning her greatest victory, but the fruits might still escape her. They would have escaped her if the intelligent section of the nation had recovered itself in time and had gathered round the Grand-Duke Michael, who, by his brother’s desire—the Act of Abdication said so in terms—was to be a constitutional sovereignin the full sense of the word. Nothing prevented so desirable a consummation, for Russia was not yet in the presence of one of those great popular movements which defy all logic and hurl nations into the gulf of the unknown. The revolution had been exclusively the work of the Petrograd population, the majority of which would not have hesitated to rally round the new ruler if the Provisional Government and the Duma had set the example. The army, which was still a well-disciplined body, represented a serious force. As for the great bulk of the nation, it had not the slightest idea that anything had passed.

This last chance of averting the catastrophe was lost through thirst for power and fear of the Extremists. The day after the Czar’s abdication the Grand-Duke Michael, acting on the advice of all save two of the members of the Provisional Government, renounced the throne in turn and resigned to a constituent assembly the task of deciding what the future form of government should be.

The irreparable step had been taken. The removal of the Czar had left in the minds of the masses a gaping void it was impossible for them to fill. They were left to their own devices—a rudderless ship at the mercy of the waves—and searching for an ideal, some article of faith which might replace what they had lost, they found nothing but chaos around them.

To finish her work of destruction, Germany had only to give Lenin and his disciples a plentiful supply of money and let them loose on Russia. Lenin and his friends never dreamed of talking to the peasants about a democratic republic or a constituent assembly. They knew it would have been waste of breath. As up-to-date prophets, they came to preach theholy war and to try and draw these untutored millions by the attraction of a creed in which the finest teaching of Christ goes hand in hand with the worst sophisms—a creed which, thanks to the Jews, the adventurers of Bolshevism, was to be translated into the subjection of themoujikand the ruin of the country.

NICHOLAS II., desiring to say farewell to his troops, left Pskoff on March 16th and returned to G.H.Q. He stayed there until the 21st, living in the Governor’s house as before and receiving General Alexeieff’s report every day. The Dowager Empress, Marie Feodorovna, had come from Kieff to join the Czar, and she remained with him until the day he left for Tsarskoïe-Selo.

On the 21st the Commissioners sent by the Provisional Government and the Duma arrived at Mohileff. They instructed General Alexeieff to tell the Czar that on the orders of the Provisional Government he was under arrest, and that their duty was to conduct him to Tsarskoïe-Selo. The Commissioners’ carriage was attached to the Czar’s train and they all left together the same evening.

Before leaving G.H.Q, Nicholas II. insisted on taking leave of his troops by addressing to them the following Order of the Day:

Prikaze of the Chief of Staff to the Commander-in-Chief.8 (21) March, 1917. No. 371.I address my soldiers, who are dear to my heart, for the last time. Since I have renounced the Throne of Russia for myself and my son, power has been takenover by the Provisional Government which has been formed on the initiative of the Duma of the Empire.May God help it to lead Russia into the path of glory and prosperity! May God help you, my glorious soldiers, to defend our Fatherland against a cruel enemy! For two and a half years you have endured the strain of hard service; much blood has been shed, great efforts have been made, and now the hour is at hand in which Russia and her glorious Allies will break the enemy’s last resistance in one common, mightier effort.This unprecedented war must be carried through to final victory. Anyone who thinks of peace or desires it at this moment is a traitor to his country and would deliver her over to the foe. I know that every soldier worthy of the name thinks as I do.Do your duty, protect our dear and glorious country, submit to the Provisional Government, obey your leaders, and remember that any failure in duty can only profit the enemy.I am firmly convinced that the boundless love you bear our great country is not dead within you. God bless you, and may St. George, the great martyr, lead you to victory!Nicholas.The Chief of the General Staff,Alexeieff.

Prikaze of the Chief of Staff to the Commander-in-Chief.

8 (21) March, 1917. No. 371.

I address my soldiers, who are dear to my heart, for the last time. Since I have renounced the Throne of Russia for myself and my son, power has been takenover by the Provisional Government which has been formed on the initiative of the Duma of the Empire.

May God help it to lead Russia into the path of glory and prosperity! May God help you, my glorious soldiers, to defend our Fatherland against a cruel enemy! For two and a half years you have endured the strain of hard service; much blood has been shed, great efforts have been made, and now the hour is at hand in which Russia and her glorious Allies will break the enemy’s last resistance in one common, mightier effort.

This unprecedented war must be carried through to final victory. Anyone who thinks of peace or desires it at this moment is a traitor to his country and would deliver her over to the foe. I know that every soldier worthy of the name thinks as I do.

Do your duty, protect our dear and glorious country, submit to the Provisional Government, obey your leaders, and remember that any failure in duty can only profit the enemy.

I am firmly convinced that the boundless love you bear our great country is not dead within you. God bless you, and may St. George, the great martyr, lead you to victory!

Nicholas.The Chief of the General Staff,Alexeieff.

In this sad and tragic hour the Czar had only one desire—to make the task of the Government which had dethroned him easier. His only fear was that the events which had happened might have an evil effect on the army which the enemy could turn to his own advantage.

On the orders of the Minister of War this Order of the Day was never brought to the knowledge of the troops!

Why did Fate decree that the Czar Nicholas II. should reign at the beginning of the twentieth century and in one of the most troublous periods of history? Endowed with remarkable personal qualities, he was the incarnation of all that was noblest and most chivalrous in the Russian nature. But he was weak. The soul of loyalty, he was the slave of his pledged word. His fidelity to the Allies, which was probably the cause of his death, proves it beyond doubt. He despised the methods of diplomacy and he was not a fighter. He was crushed down by events.

Nicholas II. was modest and timid; he had not enough self-confidence: hence all his misfortunes. His first impulse was usually right. The pity was that he seldom acted on it because he could not trust himself. He sought the counsel of those he thought more competent than himself; from that moment he could no longer master the problems that faced him. They escaped him. He hesitated between conflicting causes and often ended by following that to which he was personally least sympathetic.

The Czarina knew the Czar’s irresolute character. As I have said, she considered she had a sacred duty to help him in his heavy task. Her influence on the Czar was very great and almost always unfortunate; she made politics a matter of sentiment and personalities, and too often allowed herself to be swayed by her sympathies or antipathies, or by those of herentourage. Impulsive by nature, the Czarina was liable to emotional outbursts which made her give her confidence unreservedly to those she believed sincerely devoted to the country and the dynasty. Protopopoff was a case in point.

The Czar was always anxious to be just and to do the right thing. If he sometimes failed, the fault lies at the door of those who did their utmost to hide the truth from him and isolate him from his people. All his generous impulses were broken against the passive resistance of an omnipotent bureaucracy or were wilfully frustrated by those to whom he entrusted their realisation. He thought that personal initiative, however powerful and well meant, was nothing compared to those higher forces which direct the course of events. Hence that sort of mystical resignation in him which made him follow life rather than try to lead it. It is one of the characteristics of the Russian nature.

An essentially reflective man, he would have been perfectly happy to live as a private individual, but he was resigned to his lot, and humbly accepted the superhuman task which God had given him. He loved his people and his country with all the force of his nature; he had a personal affection for the least of his subjects, thosemoujikswhose lot he earnestly desired to better.

What a tragic fate was that of this sovereign whose only desire during his reign was to be close to his people and who never succeeded in realising his wish. The fact is that he was well guarded, and by those whose interest it was that he should not succeed.[57]

WHILE the dramatic events I have described in the preceding chapters were in progress at Pskoff and Mohileff the Czarina and her children, who had remained behind at the Alexander Palace, were passing through days of the most poignant anguish.

As we have seen, it was only after long hesitation that the Czar, in his anxiety, had decided on March 8th, 1917, to leave Tsarskoïe-Selo and go to G.H.Q.

His departure was a great blow to the Czarina, for to the fears aroused in her breast by the political situation had been added her anxiety about Alexis Nicolaïevitch. The Czarevitch had been in bed with measles for several days, and his condition had been aggravated by various complications. To crown everything, three of the Grand-Duchesses had also been taken ill, and there was no one but Marie Nicolaïevna to help the mother.

On March 10th we learned that trouble had broken out in Petrograd and that bloody collisions had taken place between police and demonstrators.

The fact was that for several days the shortage of food had produced feelings of bitter discontent in the poorer quarters ofthe city. There had been processions, and mobs had appeared in the streets demanding bread.

I realised that Her Majesty had a good deal on her mind, for, contrary to her usual habit, she spoke freely about political events, and told me that Protopopoff had accused the Socialists of conducting an active propaganda among railway employees with a view to preventing the provisioning of the city, and thus precipitating a revolution.

On the 11th the situation suddenly became very critical and the most alarming news arrived without warning. The mob made its way into the centre of the town, and the troops, who had been called in the previous evening, were offering but slight resistance.

I heard also that an Imperialukasehad ordered the sittings of the Duma to be suspended, but that, in view of the grave events in progress, the Assembly had disregarded the decree for its prorogation and decided to form an executive committee charged with the duty of restoring order.

The fighting was renewed with greater violence the next morning, and the insurgents managed to secure possession of the arsenal. Towards the evening I was told on the telephone from Petrograd that reserve elements of several regiments of the Guard—e.g., the Paul, Preobrajensky, and other regiments—had made common cause with them. This piece of news absolutely appalled the Czarina. She had been extremely anxious since the previous evening, and realised that the peril was imminent.

She had spent these two days between the rooms of the Grand-Duchesses and that of Alexis Nicolaïevitch, who had taken a turn for the worse, but she always did her utmost to conceal her torturing anxiety from the invalids.

At half-past ten on the morning of the 13th the Czarina beckoned me to step into an adjoining room just as I was entering the Czarevitch’s bedroom. She told me that the capital was actually in the hands of the revolutionaries and that the Duma had just set up a Provisional Government with Rodzianko at its head.

“The Duma has shown itself equal to the occasion,” she said. “I think it has realised the danger which is threatening the country, but I’m afraid it is too late. A Revolutionary-Socialist Committee has been formed which will not recognise the authority of the Provisional Government. I have just received a telegram from the Czar saying he will be here at six in the morning, but he wants us to leave Tsarskoïe-Selo for Gatchina,[58]or else go to meet him. Please make all arrangements for Alexis’s departure.”

The necessary orders were given. Her Majesty was a prey to terrible doubt and hesitation. She informed Rodzianko of the serious condition of the Czarevitch and the Grand-Duchesses, but he replied: “When a house is burning the invalids are the first to be taken out.”

At four o’clock Dr. Derevenko came back from the hospital and told us that the whole network of railways round Petrograd was already in the hands of the revolutionaries, so that we could not leave, and it was highly improbable that the Czar would be able to reach us.

About nine in the evening Baroness Buxhœveden entered my room. She had just heard that the garrison of Tsarskoïe-Selo had mutinied and that there was firing in the streets. She was going to tell the Czarina, who was with the Grand-Duchesses. As a matter of fact, she came into the corridor atthat moment and the Baroness told her how things stood. We went to the windows. We saw General Reissine, who had taken up position outside the palace at the head of two companies of the composite regiment. I also saw some marines of the bodyguard and cossacks of the escort. The park gates had been occupied in special strength, the men being drawn up in four ranks, ready to fire.

At that moment we heard on the telephone that the rebels were coming in our direction and had just killed a sentry less than five hundred yards from the palace. The sound of firing came steadily nearer and a fight seemed inevitable. The Czarina was horrorstruck at the idea that blood might be shed under her very eyes; she went out with Marie Nicolaïevna and exhorted the men to keep cool. She begged them to parley with the rebels. It was a terrible moment, and our hearts almost stopped beating with suspense. A single mistake and there would have been a hand-to-hand fight followed by bloodshed. However, the officers stepped in and a parley began. The rebels were impressed by the words of their old leaders and the resolute attitude of the troops which remained faithful.

The excitement gradually subsided and a neutral zone was fixed between the two camps.

Thus was the night passed, and in the morning formal orders from the Provisional Government arrived which put an end to the dreadful situation.

In the afternoon Her Majesty sent for the Grand Duke Paul and asked him if he knew where the Czar was. The Grand Duke did not know. When the Czarina questioned him about the situation he replied that in his opinion the grant of a constitution at once could alone avert the peril. The Czarina shared that view, but could do nothing, as she had been

IN THE CHAIR, THE GRAND-DUCHESS MARIE RECOVERING FROM HER ILLNESS. ON THE LEFT, ANASTASIE NICOLAÏEVNA. ON THE RIGHT, TATIANA NICOLAÏEVNA. APRIL, 1917.

THE FOUR GRAND-DUCHESSES IN THE PARK AT TSARSKOÏE-SELO. MAY, 1917.[Facing page 212.

THE FOUR GRAND-DUCHESSES IN THE PARK AT TSARSKOÏE-SELO. MAY, 1917.

[Facing page 212.

unable to communicate with the Czar since the previous evening.

The day of the 15th passed in an oppressive suspense. At 3.30 a.m. next morning Dr. Botkin was called to the telephone by a member of the Provisional Government, who asked him for news of Alexis Nicolaïevitch. (We heard subsequently that a report of his death had been circulating in the city.)

The Czarina’s ordeal was continued the next day. It was three days since she had had any news of the Czar and her forced inaction made her anguish all the more poignant.[59]

Towards the end of the afternoon the news of the Czar’s abdication reached the palace. The Czarina refused to believe it, asserting it was acanard. But soon afterwards the Grand Duke Paul arrived to confirm it. She still refused to believe it, and it was only after hearing all the details he gave her that Her Majesty yielded to the evidence. The Czar had abdicated at Pskoff the previous evening in favour of his brother, the Grand Duke Michael.

The Czarina’s despair almost defied imagination, but her great courage did not desert her. I saw her in Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s room that same evening. Her face was terrible to see, but, with a strength of will which was almost superhuman, she had forced herself to come to the children’s rooms as usual so that the young invalids, who knew nothing of what had happened since the Czar had left for G.H.Q., should suspect nothing.

Late at night we heard that the Grand Duke Michael hadrenounced the throne, and that the fate of Russia was to be settled by the Constituent Assembly.

Next morning I found the Czarina in Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s room. She was calm, but very pale. She looked very much thinner and ever so much older in the last few days.

In the afternoon Her Majesty received a telegram from the Czar in which he tried to calm her fears, and told her that he was at Mohileff pending the imminent arrival of the Dowager Empress.

Three days passed. At half-past ten on the morning of the 21st Her Majesty summoned me and told me that General Korniloff had been sent by the Provisional Government to inform her that the Czar and herself were under arrest and that all those who did not wish to be kept in close confinement must leave the palace before four o’clock. I replied that I had decided to stay with them.

“The Czar is coming back to-morrow. Alexis must be told everything. Will you do it? I am going to tell the girls myself.”

It was easy to see how she suffered when she thought of the grief of the Grand-Duchesses on hearing that their father had abdicated. They were ill, and the news might make them worse.

I went to Alexis Nicolaïevitch and told him that the Czar would be returning from Mohileff next morning and would never go back there again.

“Why?”

“Your father does not want to be Commander-in-Chief any more.”

He was greatly moved at this, as he was very fond of going to G.H.Q.

After a moment or two I added:

“You know your father does not want to be Czar any more, Alexis Nicolaïevitch.”

He looked at me in astonishment, trying to read in my face what had happened.

“What! Why?”

“He is very tired and has had a lot of trouble lately.”

“Oh yes! Mother told me they stopped his train when he wanted to come here. But won’t papa be Czar again afterwards?”

I then told him that the Czar had abdicated in favour of the Grand Duke Michael, who had also renounced the throne.

“But who’s going to be Czar, then?”

“I don’t know. Perhaps nobody now....”

Not a word about himself. Not a single allusion to his rights as the Heir. He was very red and agitated.

There was a silence, and then he said:

“But if there isn’t a Czar, who’s going to govern Russia?”

I explained that a Provisional Government had been formed and that it would govern the state until the Constituent Assembly met, when his uncle Michael would perhaps mount the throne.

Once again I was struck by the modesty of the boy.

At four o’clock the doors of the palace were closed. We were prisoners! The composite regiment had been relieved by a regiment from the garrison of Tsarkoïe-Selo, and the soldiers on sentry duty were there not to protect us, but to keep guard over us.

At eleven o’clock on the morning of the 22nd the Czar arrived, accompanied by Prince Dolgorouky, the Marshal ofthe Court. He went straight up to the children’s room, where the Czarina was waiting for him.

After luncheon he went into the room of Alexis Nicolaïevitch, where I was, and greeted me with his usual unaffected kindness. But I could tell by his pale, worn face that he too had suffered terribly during his absence.

Yet, despite the circumstances, the Czar’s return was a day of rejoicing to his family. The Czarina and Marie Nicolaïevna, as well as the other children, when they had been told what had occurred, had been a prey to such dreadful doubts and fears on his account! It was a great comfort to be all together in such times of trial. It seemed as if it made their troubles less unbearable, and as if their boundless love for each other was a dynamic force which enabled them to face any degree of suffering.

In spite of the self-control which was habitual with the Czar, he was unable to conceal his immense distress, though his soon recovered in the bosom of his family. He spent most of the day with them, and otherwise read or went for walks with Prince Dolgorouky. At first he had been forbidden to go into the park, and was only allowed the enjoyment of a small garden contiguous to the palace. It was still under snow. A cordon of sentries was posted round it.

Yet the Czar accepted all these restraints with extraordinary serenity and moral grandeur. No word of reproach ever passed his lips. The fact was that his whole being was dominated by one passion, which was more powerful even than the bonds between himself and his family—love of country. We felt he was ready to forgive anything to those who were inflicting such humiliations upon him so long as they were capable of saving Russia.

THE CZARINA’S ROOM IN THE ALEXANDER PALACE. ON THE WALL “MARIE ANTOINETTE AND HER CHILDREN,” A TAPESTRY AFTER MADAME VIGEE-LEBRUN’S PICTURE PRESENTED BY THE FRENCH GOVERNMENT.

THE PORTRAIT GALLERY.[Facing page 216.

THE PORTRAIT GALLERY.

[Facing page 216.

The Czarina spent almost all her time on achaise longuein the Grand-Duchesses’ room, or else with Alexis Nicolaïevitch. Her anxieties and the emotional strain had exhausted her physically, but since the Czar’s return she had found great moral relief, and lived closely with her own thoughts, speaking little and finally yielding to that urgent need for rest which had long assailed her. She was glad she need struggle no longer and that she could wholly devote herself to those she loved so tenderly.

She was now anxious about Marie Nicolaïevna only. The latter had been taken ill much later than her sisters, and her condition was aggravated by a severe attack of pneumonia of a virulent kind. Her constitution was excellent, but she had all she could do to survive. She was also the victim of her own devotion. This girl of seventeen had spent herself without reflection during the revolution. She had been her mother’s greatest comfort and stand-by. During the night of March 13th she had been rash enough to go out with her mother to speak to the soldiers, thus exposing herself to the cold, even though she realised that her illness was beginning. Fortunately the other children were better, and already on the road to convalescence.

Our captivity at Tsarskoïe-Selo did not seem likely to last long, and there was talk about our imminent transfer to England. Yet the days passed and our departure was always being postponed. The fact was that the Provisional Government was obliged to deal with the advanced wing and gradually felt that its authority was slipping away from it. Yet we were only a few hours by railway from the Finnish frontier, and the necessity of passing through Petrograd was the only serious obstacle.

It would thus appear that if the authorities had acted resolutely and secretly it would not have been difficult to get the Imperial family to one of the Finnish ports and thus to some foreign country. But they were afraid of responsibilities, and no one dare compromise himself. Once more Fate was on guard!

THE Imperial family remained at Tsarskoïe-Selo until the month of August, 1917. During the five months of this internment with them I kept a diary of our life together. It will be understood that delicacy of feeling prevents me from reproducing it in its entirety. I wish to avoid as much as possible bringing in people who are still alive. I shall, however, break through this reserve when it is a question of dealing with incidents which throw light on the character of the Czar and his family or their feelings during these long months of trial.

Sunday, April 1st.—Alexis Nicolaïevitch feeling much better. We went to church this morning, where we found Their Majesties, the Grand-Duchesses Olga and Tatiana, and the various members of the suite who are sharing our captivity. When the priest prayed for the success of the Russian and Allied armies the Czar and Czarina knelt down, the whole congregation following their example.A few days ago, as I was leaving Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s room, I met ten soldiers wandering about in the passage. I went up to them and asked what they wanted.“We want to see the Heir.”“He’s in bed and can’t be seen.”“And the others?”“They are also unwell.”“And where is the Czar?”“I don’t know.”“Will he be going out?”“I don’t know; but come, don’t hang about here. There must be no noise because of the invalids!”They went back, walking on their toes and talking in low voices. These are the soldiers depicted to us as wild revolutionaries hating their ex-Czar.Tuesday, April 3rd.—To-day Kerenski came to the palace for the first time. He went through all the rooms and noted all the sentry-posts, wishing to assure himself in person that we are well guarded. Before leaving he had a fairly long conversation with the Czar and Czarina.Wednesday, April 4th.—Alexis Nicolaïevitch related to me yesterday’s conversation between Kerensky and the Czar and Czarina.The whole family was collected in the apartment of the Grand-Duchesses. Kerensky entered and introduced himself, saying:“I am the Procurator-General, Kerensky.”Then he shook hands all round. Turning to the Czarina, he said:“The Queen of England asks for news of the ex-Czarina.”Her Majesty blushed violently. It was the first time that she had been addressed as ex-Czarina. She

A few days ago, as I was leaving Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s room, I met ten soldiers wandering about in the passage. I went up to them and asked what they wanted.

“We want to see the Heir.”

“He’s in bed and can’t be seen.”

“And the others?”

“They are also unwell.”

“And where is the Czar?”

“I don’t know.”

“Will he be going out?”

“I don’t know; but come, don’t hang about here. There must be no noise because of the invalids!”

They went back, walking on their toes and talking in low voices. These are the soldiers depicted to us as wild revolutionaries hating their ex-Czar.

Tuesday, April 3rd.—To-day Kerenski came to the palace for the first time. He went through all the rooms and noted all the sentry-posts, wishing to assure himself in person that we are well guarded. Before leaving he had a fairly long conversation with the Czar and Czarina.

Wednesday, April 4th.—Alexis Nicolaïevitch related to me yesterday’s conversation between Kerensky and the Czar and Czarina.

The whole family was collected in the apartment of the Grand-Duchesses. Kerensky entered and introduced himself, saying:

“I am the Procurator-General, Kerensky.”

Then he shook hands all round. Turning to the Czarina, he said:

“The Queen of England asks for news of the ex-Czarina.”

Her Majesty blushed violently. It was the first time that she had been addressed as ex-Czarina. She

THE CZAR, HIS CHILDREN AND THEIR COMPANIONS IN CAPTIVITY CONVERTING THE LAWNS OF THE PARK INTO A KITCHEN-GARDEN. MAY, 1917.Near to the wooden hut, the Czarina in white, with a parasol, and two of the Grand-Duchesses. In the centre, to the right, the Czar Nicholas II. The Alexander Palace in the background.[Facing page 222.

THE CZAR, HIS CHILDREN AND THEIR COMPANIONS IN CAPTIVITY CONVERTING THE LAWNS OF THE PARK INTO A KITCHEN-GARDEN. MAY, 1917.

Near to the wooden hut, the Czarina in white, with a parasol, and two of the Grand-Duchesses. In the centre, to the right, the Czar Nicholas II. The Alexander Palace in the background.

[Facing page 222.

answered that she was fairly well, but that her heart was troubling her as usual. Kerensky went on:“Anything I begin I always carry through to the bitter end, with all my might. I wanted to see everything myself, to verify everything so as to be able to report at Petrograd, and it will be better for you.”He then asked the Czar to go with him into the next room as he wished to speak to him in private. He went in first and the Czar followed.After his departure, the Czar told us that no sooner were they alone than Kerensky said to him:“You know I’ve succeeded in getting the death penalty abolished?... I’ve done this in spite of the fact that a great number of my comrades have died, martyrs to their convictions.”Was he trying to make a display of his magnanimity, and insinuating that he was saving the Czar’s life though the latter had done nothing to deserve it?He then spoke of our departure, which he still hopes to be able to arrange. When? Where? How? He did not know himself, and asked that the matter should not be discussed.This has been a hard blow for Alexis Nicolaïevitch. He has not yet realised their new situation. It was the first time he had seen his father receive orders and obey like a subordinate.It is worthy of note that Kerensky arrived at the palace in one of the Czar’s private cars, driven by a chauffeur from the Imperial garage.Friday, April 6th.—The Czar told me to-day of the distress the papers cause him. It is the ruin of thearmy; no more hierarchy or discipline. The officers are afraid of their men and are spied upon by them. One feels the Czar is hard hit by the collapse of the army which is so dear to him.Sunday, April 8th.—After Mass, Kerensky announced to the Czar that he was obliged to separate him from the Czarina—that he will have to live apart, only seeing Her Majesty at meals, and that on condition that only Russian is spoken. Tea, too, may be taken together, but in the presence of an officer, as no servants are present.A little later the Czarina came up to me in a great state of agitation, and said:“To think of his acting like this to the Czar, playing this low trick after his self-sacrifice and his abdication to avoid civil war; how mean, how despicable! The Czar would not have had a single Russian shed his blood for him. He has always been ready to renounce all when he knew that it was for the good of Russia.”A moment later she went on:“Yes, this horrible bitterness must be endured too.”Monday, April 9th.—I learn that Kerensky had intended at first to isolate the Czarina, but it was pointed out to him that it would be inhuman to separate a mother from her sick children; it was then that he decided to isolate the Czar.April 13th, Good Friday.—In the evening the whole family went to Confession.Saturday, April 14th.—In the morning, at half-past nine, Mass and Holy Communion. In the evening, at half-past eleven, everyone went to church for themidnight service. Colonel Korovitchenko, the Commandant of the palace and friend of Kerensky, and the three officers of the guard were also present. The service lasted until two o’clock, when we went to the library to exchange the traditional greetings. The Czar, according to Russian custom, embraced all the men present, including the Commandant and officers of the guard, who had remained with him. The two men could not hide their emotion at this spontaneous act.We then took our places at a round table for the Easter meal. Their Majesties sat facing one another. There were seventeen of us, including the two officers. The Grand-Duchesses Olga and Marie were not present, nor Alexis Nicolaïevitch. The comparative animation which marked the beginning soon relapsed and conversation flagged. His Majesty was particularly silent. Was it sadness or fatigue?Sunday, April 15th, Easter Day.—We went out for the first time with Alexis Nicolaïevitch on the terrace in front of the palace. A superb spring day.In the evening at seven o’clock a religious service upstairs in the children’s apartments. There were only fifteen of us. I noticed that the Czar crossed himself piously when the priest prayed for the Provisional Government.On the following day, as the weather was still very fine, we went out into the park, where we are now allowed to take the air, followed by officers of the guard and sentries.Wishing to take a little physical exercise, we amused ourselves by clearing the sluices of the pond of the icewhich was blocking them. A crowd of soldiers and civilians soon lined up along the park railing and watched our work. After some time the officer of the guard went up to the Czar and told him that the Commandant of the Tsarskoïe-Selo garrison had just warned him that he feared a hostile demonstration or even an attempt on the lives of the Imperial family, and he would ask us not to remain where we were. The Czar answered that he had no fear, and that the good people were not annoying him in any way.Wednesday, April 18th.—Whenever we go out, soldiers, with fixed bayonets and under the command of an officer, surround us and keep pace with us. We look like convicts with their warders. The instructions are changed daily, or perhaps the officers interpret them each in his own way!This afternoon, when we were going back to the palace after our walk, the sentry on duty at the gate stopped the Czar, saying:“You cannot pass, sir.”The officer with us here intervened. Alexis Nicolaïevitch blushed hotly to see the soldier stop his father.Friday, April 20th.—We now go out regularly twice a day: in the morning from eleven till noon, in the afternoon from half-past two to five. We all collect in the semi-circular hall and wait for the officer commanding the guard to come and open the gates into the park. We go out; the officer on duty and soldiers fall in behind us and take station round the place where we stop to work. The Czarina and Grand-Duchesses Olga and Marie are still confined to their rooms.

answered that she was fairly well, but that her heart was troubling her as usual. Kerensky went on:

“Anything I begin I always carry through to the bitter end, with all my might. I wanted to see everything myself, to verify everything so as to be able to report at Petrograd, and it will be better for you.”

He then asked the Czar to go with him into the next room as he wished to speak to him in private. He went in first and the Czar followed.

After his departure, the Czar told us that no sooner were they alone than Kerensky said to him:

“You know I’ve succeeded in getting the death penalty abolished?... I’ve done this in spite of the fact that a great number of my comrades have died, martyrs to their convictions.”

Was he trying to make a display of his magnanimity, and insinuating that he was saving the Czar’s life though the latter had done nothing to deserve it?

He then spoke of our departure, which he still hopes to be able to arrange. When? Where? How? He did not know himself, and asked that the matter should not be discussed.

This has been a hard blow for Alexis Nicolaïevitch. He has not yet realised their new situation. It was the first time he had seen his father receive orders and obey like a subordinate.

It is worthy of note that Kerensky arrived at the palace in one of the Czar’s private cars, driven by a chauffeur from the Imperial garage.

Friday, April 6th.—The Czar told me to-day of the distress the papers cause him. It is the ruin of thearmy; no more hierarchy or discipline. The officers are afraid of their men and are spied upon by them. One feels the Czar is hard hit by the collapse of the army which is so dear to him.

Sunday, April 8th.—After Mass, Kerensky announced to the Czar that he was obliged to separate him from the Czarina—that he will have to live apart, only seeing Her Majesty at meals, and that on condition that only Russian is spoken. Tea, too, may be taken together, but in the presence of an officer, as no servants are present.

A little later the Czarina came up to me in a great state of agitation, and said:

“To think of his acting like this to the Czar, playing this low trick after his self-sacrifice and his abdication to avoid civil war; how mean, how despicable! The Czar would not have had a single Russian shed his blood for him. He has always been ready to renounce all when he knew that it was for the good of Russia.”

A moment later she went on:

“Yes, this horrible bitterness must be endured too.”

Monday, April 9th.—I learn that Kerensky had intended at first to isolate the Czarina, but it was pointed out to him that it would be inhuman to separate a mother from her sick children; it was then that he decided to isolate the Czar.

April 13th, Good Friday.—In the evening the whole family went to Confession.

Saturday, April 14th.—In the morning, at half-past nine, Mass and Holy Communion. In the evening, at half-past eleven, everyone went to church for themidnight service. Colonel Korovitchenko, the Commandant of the palace and friend of Kerensky, and the three officers of the guard were also present. The service lasted until two o’clock, when we went to the library to exchange the traditional greetings. The Czar, according to Russian custom, embraced all the men present, including the Commandant and officers of the guard, who had remained with him. The two men could not hide their emotion at this spontaneous act.

We then took our places at a round table for the Easter meal. Their Majesties sat facing one another. There were seventeen of us, including the two officers. The Grand-Duchesses Olga and Marie were not present, nor Alexis Nicolaïevitch. The comparative animation which marked the beginning soon relapsed and conversation flagged. His Majesty was particularly silent. Was it sadness or fatigue?

Sunday, April 15th, Easter Day.—We went out for the first time with Alexis Nicolaïevitch on the terrace in front of the palace. A superb spring day.

In the evening at seven o’clock a religious service upstairs in the children’s apartments. There were only fifteen of us. I noticed that the Czar crossed himself piously when the priest prayed for the Provisional Government.

On the following day, as the weather was still very fine, we went out into the park, where we are now allowed to take the air, followed by officers of the guard and sentries.

Wishing to take a little physical exercise, we amused ourselves by clearing the sluices of the pond of the icewhich was blocking them. A crowd of soldiers and civilians soon lined up along the park railing and watched our work. After some time the officer of the guard went up to the Czar and told him that the Commandant of the Tsarskoïe-Selo garrison had just warned him that he feared a hostile demonstration or even an attempt on the lives of the Imperial family, and he would ask us not to remain where we were. The Czar answered that he had no fear, and that the good people were not annoying him in any way.

Wednesday, April 18th.—Whenever we go out, soldiers, with fixed bayonets and under the command of an officer, surround us and keep pace with us. We look like convicts with their warders. The instructions are changed daily, or perhaps the officers interpret them each in his own way!

This afternoon, when we were going back to the palace after our walk, the sentry on duty at the gate stopped the Czar, saying:

“You cannot pass, sir.”

The officer with us here intervened. Alexis Nicolaïevitch blushed hotly to see the soldier stop his father.

Friday, April 20th.—We now go out regularly twice a day: in the morning from eleven till noon, in the afternoon from half-past two to five. We all collect in the semi-circular hall and wait for the officer commanding the guard to come and open the gates into the park. We go out; the officer on duty and soldiers fall in behind us and take station round the place where we stop to work. The Czarina and Grand-Duchesses Olga and Marie are still confined to their rooms.

THE CZAR WORKING IN THE KITCHEN-GARDEN. BEHIND HIM THE OFFICER ON DUTY. ON THE RIGHT THE SAILOR, NAGORNY. BEHIND, COUNTESS HENDRIKOF.

THE CZARINA, IN AN INVALID CHAIR. WORKING AT SOME EMBROIDERY AND WATCHING HER FAMILY GARDENING.[Facing page 226.

THE CZARINA, IN AN INVALID CHAIR. WORKING AT SOME EMBROIDERY AND WATCHING HER FAMILY GARDENING.

[Facing page 226.

Sunday, April 22nd.—We are forbidden to go to the pond; we have to keep near the palace and not go outside the radius which has been fixed for us. In the distance we saw a crowd of several hundred people curious to see us.Wednesday, April 25th.—Kerensky returned to the palace. Dr. Botkin has taken advantage of this to ask if it would be possible to transfer the Imperial family to Livadia on account of the children’s health. Kerensky replied that it was quite impossible for the moment. He then went to see Their Majesties, and remained some time. Kerensky’s attitude to wards the Czar is no longer what it was at the beginning; he has given up his judicial bearing. I am convinced that he is beginning to understand what the Czar is and yielding to his moral ascendancy like all who come near him. Kerensky has requested the papers to put an end to their campaign against the Czar, and more especially the Czarina. These calumnies simply pour oil on the flames. He feels his responsibility towards the captives. But not a word about our departure abroad. That proves his powerlessness.Sunday, April 29th.—In the evening a long conversation with Their Majesties on the subject of Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s lessons. We must find a way out since we have no longer any tutors. The Czar is going to make himself responsible for History and Geography, the Czarina will take charge of his religious instruction. The other subjects will be shared between Baroness Buxhœveden (English), Mlle. Schneider (Arithmetic) Dr. Botkin (Russian) and myself.Monday, April 30th.—This morning the Czar greeted me with: “Good morning, dear colleague”—he has just given Alexis Nicolaïevitch his first lesson. Always the same serenity, the same anxiety to be agreeable to those who share his captivity. He is an example and an encouragement to us.I have given Tatiana Nicolaïevna the article in theJournal des Débatsof April 18th, 1917, signed A. G. (Auguste Gauvain) for her parents to read.It is apparent that the régime to which we are being subjected is becoming continually more severe.Tuesday, May 1st.—For the first time Russia celebrates May 1st. We hear the bands and see the processions of demonstrators pass along the park railings.This evening the Czar returned to me the copy of theJournal des Débatsdealing with his abdication. He told me it had given the Czarina pleasure to read this article, which tried to be fair to him. Its tone was a contrast to that of the English papers.Thursday, May 3rd.—The Czar told me this evening that the news has not been good for several days. The Extremist parties demand that France and England should declare themselves ready to make peace “without annexations or indemnities.” Deserters are becoming more and more numerous and the army is melting away. Will the Provisional Government be strong enough to continue the war?The Czar is following events with acute interest; he is anxious, but still hopes that the country will pull itself together and remain faithful to the Allies.Sunday, May 13th.—This is the second day we havespent making a kitchen garden on one of the lawns of the park. We began by taking up the turf, carrying away the sod on barrows and arranging it in heaps. Everyone helped: the family, ourselves, and the servants, who for some time have been going out with us. Several soldiers of the guard even have come to help us!The Czar has looked very preoccupied during the last few days. As we were coming back from our walk he said to me:“It seems Rvssky has resigned. He had asked that an offensive should be undertaken. (Oneasksnow; one no longer gives orders!) The Soldiers’ Committees refused. If this is true it is the end! What humiliation! To remain on the defensive and not attack is suicide! We’re going to let our allies be crushed, and then it will be our turn.”Monday, May 14th.—The Czar returned to our conversation of yesterday, adding:“What gives me a little hope is our love of exaggeration. I can’t believe that our army at the front is as bad as they say; it can’t have fallen to this extent in two months.”Thursday, May 17th.—It appears that the end has been reached of the serious Government crisis that has lasted a fortnight. The news from Petrograd seems less bad. The new Council of Ministers, reconstituted with the addition of a few representatives of the soldiers and workmen, will perhaps succeed in establishing its authority. Meanwhile anarchy is everywhere gaining ground.Saturday, May 19th.—The Czar’s birthday. (He is forty-nine.) Mass and congratulations.Sunday, May 27th.—For some time we have been allowed only a very small supply of wood, and it is intensely cold everywhere. Mme. Narichkine (Grand-Mistress of the Court) has been taken ill, and was sent away to-day, the state of her health demanding care which cannot be given here. She was in despair at the idea of leaving us, for she knows she will not be permitted to return to the palace.Saturday, June 2nd.—We are still working every day at the kitchen garden. We are watering it from a tub which we take turns to drag.Sunday, June 10th.—A few days ago the children were playing on their island (an artificial islet in the middle of a little lake). Alexis Nicolaïevitch was practising handling his little gun, which he thinks a lot of, as it was given to the Czar when he was a boy by his father. An officer came up to us. He told me that the soldiers had decided to take the gun away from the Czarevitch, and were coming for it. When he heard this, Alexis Nicolaïevitch put down his toy and joined the Czarina, who was sitting on the grass a few yards from us. A moment later the officer on duty came with two soldiers and demanded that the “weapon” should be given up. I tried to intervene and make them understand that the gun was not a weapon but a toy. It was no use: they took possession of it. Alexis Nicolaïevitch began to sob. His mother asked me to make another attempt to convince the soldiers, but I did not succeed any better than the first time, and they went off with their prize.Half an hour later the officer on duty took me aside

Wednesday, April 25th.—Kerensky returned to the palace. Dr. Botkin has taken advantage of this to ask if it would be possible to transfer the Imperial family to Livadia on account of the children’s health. Kerensky replied that it was quite impossible for the moment. He then went to see Their Majesties, and remained some time. Kerensky’s attitude to wards the Czar is no longer what it was at the beginning; he has given up his judicial bearing. I am convinced that he is beginning to understand what the Czar is and yielding to his moral ascendancy like all who come near him. Kerensky has requested the papers to put an end to their campaign against the Czar, and more especially the Czarina. These calumnies simply pour oil on the flames. He feels his responsibility towards the captives. But not a word about our departure abroad. That proves his powerlessness.

Sunday, April 29th.—In the evening a long conversation with Their Majesties on the subject of Alexis Nicolaïevitch’s lessons. We must find a way out since we have no longer any tutors. The Czar is going to make himself responsible for History and Geography, the Czarina will take charge of his religious instruction. The other subjects will be shared between Baroness Buxhœveden (English), Mlle. Schneider (Arithmetic) Dr. Botkin (Russian) and myself.

Monday, April 30th.—This morning the Czar greeted me with: “Good morning, dear colleague”—he has just given Alexis Nicolaïevitch his first lesson. Always the same serenity, the same anxiety to be agreeable to those who share his captivity. He is an example and an encouragement to us.

I have given Tatiana Nicolaïevna the article in theJournal des Débatsof April 18th, 1917, signed A. G. (Auguste Gauvain) for her parents to read.

It is apparent that the régime to which we are being subjected is becoming continually more severe.

Tuesday, May 1st.—For the first time Russia celebrates May 1st. We hear the bands and see the processions of demonstrators pass along the park railings.

This evening the Czar returned to me the copy of theJournal des Débatsdealing with his abdication. He told me it had given the Czarina pleasure to read this article, which tried to be fair to him. Its tone was a contrast to that of the English papers.

Thursday, May 3rd.—The Czar told me this evening that the news has not been good for several days. The Extremist parties demand that France and England should declare themselves ready to make peace “without annexations or indemnities.” Deserters are becoming more and more numerous and the army is melting away. Will the Provisional Government be strong enough to continue the war?

The Czar is following events with acute interest; he is anxious, but still hopes that the country will pull itself together and remain faithful to the Allies.

Sunday, May 13th.—This is the second day we havespent making a kitchen garden on one of the lawns of the park. We began by taking up the turf, carrying away the sod on barrows and arranging it in heaps. Everyone helped: the family, ourselves, and the servants, who for some time have been going out with us. Several soldiers of the guard even have come to help us!

The Czar has looked very preoccupied during the last few days. As we were coming back from our walk he said to me:

“It seems Rvssky has resigned. He had asked that an offensive should be undertaken. (Oneasksnow; one no longer gives orders!) The Soldiers’ Committees refused. If this is true it is the end! What humiliation! To remain on the defensive and not attack is suicide! We’re going to let our allies be crushed, and then it will be our turn.”

Monday, May 14th.—The Czar returned to our conversation of yesterday, adding:

“What gives me a little hope is our love of exaggeration. I can’t believe that our army at the front is as bad as they say; it can’t have fallen to this extent in two months.”

Thursday, May 17th.—It appears that the end has been reached of the serious Government crisis that has lasted a fortnight. The news from Petrograd seems less bad. The new Council of Ministers, reconstituted with the addition of a few representatives of the soldiers and workmen, will perhaps succeed in establishing its authority. Meanwhile anarchy is everywhere gaining ground.

Saturday, May 19th.—The Czar’s birthday. (He is forty-nine.) Mass and congratulations.

Sunday, May 27th.—For some time we have been allowed only a very small supply of wood, and it is intensely cold everywhere. Mme. Narichkine (Grand-Mistress of the Court) has been taken ill, and was sent away to-day, the state of her health demanding care which cannot be given here. She was in despair at the idea of leaving us, for she knows she will not be permitted to return to the palace.

Saturday, June 2nd.—We are still working every day at the kitchen garden. We are watering it from a tub which we take turns to drag.

Sunday, June 10th.—A few days ago the children were playing on their island (an artificial islet in the middle of a little lake). Alexis Nicolaïevitch was practising handling his little gun, which he thinks a lot of, as it was given to the Czar when he was a boy by his father. An officer came up to us. He told me that the soldiers had decided to take the gun away from the Czarevitch, and were coming for it. When he heard this, Alexis Nicolaïevitch put down his toy and joined the Czarina, who was sitting on the grass a few yards from us. A moment later the officer on duty came with two soldiers and demanded that the “weapon” should be given up. I tried to intervene and make them understand that the gun was not a weapon but a toy. It was no use: they took possession of it. Alexis Nicolaïevitch began to sob. His mother asked me to make another attempt to convince the soldiers, but I did not succeed any better than the first time, and they went off with their prize.

Half an hour later the officer on duty took me aside

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