Jacques Ignace, son of François Courtin, Chevalier, Seigneur de Nanteuil, and of Catherine Colin, is, I believe, the correct designation of the gentleman who appears in all the records of the French and English East India Companies as M. Courtin, Chief of the French Factory at Dacca.
In June 1756, when Siraj-ud-daula marched on Calcutta, he sent word to his representative, the Nawab Jusserat Khan at Dacca, to seize the English Factory, and make prisoners of the Company's servants and soldiers. The English Factory on the site of the present Government College, was—
"little better than a common house, surrounded with a thinbrick wall, one half of it not above nine foot high." Thegarrison consisted "of a lieutenant" (Lieutenant John Cudmore),"4 serjeants, 3 corporals, and 19 European soldiers,besides 34 black Christians[122] and 60Buxerries."[123]
DACCA, OR JEHANGIR NAGAR. (After Rennell.)
On the 27th of June Jusserat Khan sent on the Nawab's order by the Englishwakil, or agent, to Mr. Becher, the English Chief, and informed him of the capture of Fort William and the flight of Mr. Drake. Thinking this was merely a trick to frighten them into surrender, the Dacca Council requested Mr. Scrafton, third in Council, to write to M. Courtin, chief of the French Factory, for information. In reply M. Courtin sent them a number of letters which he had received from Chandernagore, confirming the bad news from Calcutta. Taking into consideration the unfortified condition of the Factory, and that Dacca was only four days by river from Murshidabad whilst it was fourteen from Calcutta, it seemed idle to hope to defend it even when assistance could be expected from the latter place, and, now that it was certain that Calcutta itself had fallen, any attempt at defence appeared rather "an act of rashness than of bravery." It was therefore resolved to obtain the best terms they could through the French.
The next day M. Fleurin, second of the French Factory—M. Courtin[124] was not well acquainted with the English language—came to inform them that the Nawab of Dacca agreed that the ladies and gentlemen should be allowed to retire to the French Factory on M. Courtin giving his word that they would there await the orders of Siraj-ud-daula as to their future fate. The soldiers were to lay down their arms, and be prisoners to the Nawab. This amicable arrangement was entirely due to M. Courtin's good offices, and he was much congratulated on the tact he had shown in preventing the Nawab from using violent measures, as he seemed inclined to do at first. As the Nawab would not allow the English to take away any of their property, except the clothes they were wearing, they were entirely dependent upon the French for everything, and were treated with the greatest kindness. The Council wrote:—
"The French have behaved with the greatest humanityto such as have taken refuge at their Factory, and the tenourof their conduct everywhere to us on this melancholy occasionhas been such as to merit the grateful acknowledgment ofour nation."
For some two months the English remained in the French Factory, M. Law, at Cossimbazar, warmly soliciting their release from Siraj-ud-daula. This he obtained with difficulty, and at last Mr. Becher and his companions sailed in a sloop provided by M. Courtin for Fulta, where they arrived safely on the 26th of August. When Calcutta had been recaptured by the English, M. Courtin, like a good business man, sent in a bill for the costs of the sloop to the Council at Calcutta, and the Consultations of the 16th of May, 1757, duly notify its payment.
The English did not regain possession of the Factory at Dacca till the 8th of March, by which time the declaration of War between France and England was known, and the likelihood of troubles in Bengal was very apparent. As we have seen, the English were successful in their attack on Chandernagore, but the whole country was aware that the Nawab was only the more enraged with them, and his local officers might at any moment be instructed to take vengeance on Englishmen found defenceless up country. On the 23rd of March, Messrs. Sumner and Waller wrote from Dacca that Jusserat Khan had refused to restore the Factory cannon, and to pass their goods without a newparwana[125] from Murshidabad. It was therefore still very doubtful whether he would assist the English or the French at Dacca, and though the English obtained theparwanathey wanted early in May, on the 9th the Council at Calcutta sent them orders to do the best they could for their own security, and informed them they had sent an armed sloop to Luckipore to cover their retreat. They immediately sent down all the goods they could, but as matters became quieter again they soon resumed business, and appear to have had no further trouble.
It may be imagined that M. Courtin and his friends, knowing that the English had demanded the surrender of the French Factories, had a very uncomfortable experience all this time.[126] Unfortunately no Records of the French Factories in Bengal are now to be found, and I had despaired of obtaining any information about the expulsion from Dacca, when, in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, I came on a MS. entitled, "Copy of a letter from M. Courtin from India, written to his wife, in which are given in detail the different affairs which he had with the Moors from the 22nd of June, 1757, the day of his evacuation of Dacca, to the 9th of March, 1758."[127]
M. Courtin had married a Madame Direy, widow of a French Company's servant, and the letter shows she was fortunately in France at the time of her husband's troubles. As was natural, but inconveniently enough for us, Courtin does not think it necessary to trouble her with unintelligible and unpronounceable Indian names. Where possible, I shall fill them in from the English Records, otherwise I shall interrupt the course of the letter as little as possible. It runs as follows:—
"Calcapur,[128] April 20, 1758."Word must have reached thee in France of the loss ofChandernagore, which was taken from us by the English onthe 23rd of March, 1757, after eleven days' siege. I wasthen at Dacca, and expecting every day to see M.Chevalier return from his journey to the King of Assam.Judge, my dear wife, of the chagrin and embarrassment intowhich I was thrown by this deplorable event. The Englishhad had no idea of attacking Chandernagore until they hadrecovered Calcutta from the Moors, taken the Moorish villageat Hugli, and forced the Moors to agree to a most shamefulpeace. This was not, as thou wilt see, sufficient for them,for Siraj-ud-daula had offended them too deeply for them tostop when once they found themselves on a good road; butunfortunately we were an obstacle in the way of theirvengeance, otherwise I believe they would have observedthe neutrality which had been always so carefully maintainedby the European nations in the country of the Ganges, inspite of all the wars which took place in Europe. Many ofthe French from Chandernagore—officers, Company's servants,and others—had taken refuge at Cossimbazar with M. Law,who formed there a party which opposed the English invarious ways. The English, however, forced Siraj-ud-daula,against his true interest and in spite of his promise toprotect us, to abandon us, and to make M. Law leave hisFactory and go to Patna. This imprudent act was the ruinof the Prince and put the final touch to our misfortunes,whilst it has made the English masters of Bengal, and hasfilled their coffers with wealth."I held on at Dacca till the 22nd of June. I was troubledas little as was possible in such circumstances, owing, Ithink, to the gratitude which the English felt for the servicesI had rendered them in Dacca the year before. I had allthe more reason to think this was so because, after themisfortune which befell Chandernagore, they had oftenoffered to secure to me all my effects and merchandise inMurshidabad [?]—they were worth a million—provided Imade over to them the French Factory and all that belongedto the Company, and would myself leave for Pondicherryin the following October. They said I should not be considereda prisoner of war, and should not require to beexchanged."These were, no doubt, very good terms, and mostadvantageous to me; but should I not have been dishonouredfor ever if I had had a soul so servile and base as to acceptthem? I would have been covered with ignominy in myown eyes, and without doubt in those of all the world. Itherefore thought it my duty to reject them."Things were on this footing when, at the beginningof June, I learned that the English, having got rid of M.Law, were marching upon Murshidabad with all their forcesto achieve the destruction of a Prince who was already halfruined by his own timidity and cowardice, and still furtherweakened by the factions formed against him by the chiefmembers of his own family—a Prince detested by every onefor his pride and tyranny, and for a thousand dreadful crimeswith which he had already soiled his reputation though hewas barely twenty-five years old."I knew only too well what was preparing against him,and I was also most eager to find some honourable means ofescape for myself. M. Chevalier's absence troubled megreatly, and I did not like to leave him behind me. At lasthe arrived on the 16th or 17th. I had taken the precautionto provide myself with aparwana, or passport, signed bySiraj-ud-daula, allowing me to go where I pleased. ThatPrince had recalled M. Law to him, but too late, for I feltcertain he could not rejoin him in time to save him or tocheck the progress of his enemies. I was in a hurry thereforeto go and help to save him if that were possible, takingcare, however, to choose a route by which I could escape if,as I thought probable, he should have succumbed beforehandto the efforts of the English, and the treason of his subjects."It was then the 22nd of June when I started withabout 35 boats,[129] MM. Chevalier, Brayer [possibly a relationof the M. Brayer who commanded at Patna], Gourlade, thesurgeon, and an Augustine Father, Chaplain of the Factory,8 European soldiers, of whom several were old and pastservice, 17 topass gunners, 4 or 5 of the Company's servants,and about 25 or 30 peons.[130] There, my dear wife, is thetroop with which thou seest me start upon my adventures.[131]To these, however, should be added my Christian clerks, mydomestics, and even my cook, all of whom I dressed andarmed as soldiers to assist me in what I expected to be alosing game, and which, in fact, had results the most disastrousin the world for my personal interests."It was not till seven or eight days after I had set outwith this fine troop that I learned there had been a battle atPlassey between the English and the Nawab, in which thelatter had been defeated and forced to flee, and that JafarAli Khan, his maternal uncle,[132] had been enthroned in hisplace. This report, though likely enough as far as I couldjudge, did not come from a source so trustworthy that I couldrely on it with entire faith. Accordingly I did not yetabandon the route which I had proposed to myself; in fact,I followed it for some days more, and almost as far as themouth of the Patna River.[133] There I learned, beyond possibilityof doubt, that Siraj-ud-daula had been captured, conductedto Murshidabad, and there massacred; that he hadjust missed being rejoined by M. Law, who was coming tomeet him, and could easily have done so if he had followedthe instructions given him and had been willing to marchonly three hours longer; and that the English had sent abody of troops towards Patna to capture or destroy M. Lawif possible."
We have seen in a previous chapter the real reasons why Law was unable to rejoin Siraj-ud-daula in time for the battle.
"I now saw that a junction with him had become impossible,unless I determined to run the most evident risk oflosing my liberty and all I had."
It appears that Courtin had the Company's effects, as well as his own private property and that of his companions, on board his little fleet.
"This made me change my route immediately. Themountains of Tibet[134] appeared to me a safe and eminentlysuitable asylum until the arrival in the Ganges of the forceswhich we flattered ourselves were coming. I therefore directedmy route in this direction, but found myself suddenly andunexpectedly so close to Murshidabad that for two daystogether we heard the sound of the guns fired in honour ofthe revolution which had taken place. It is easy to judgeinto what alarm this unexpected and disagreeable proximitythrew me. However, we arrived safely, on the 10th of July,at the capital of the Raja of Dinajpur, who wished to opposeour passage."
This was the Raja Ram Nath, whom Orme describes as "a Raja, who with much timidity, was a good man."
"We made it in spite of him, threatening to attack himif he showed any further intention of opposing us. I do notknow what would have happened if he had had a little firmness,for we learned afterwards that he had always in hisservice a body of 5000 infantry and cavalry. The personswhom he sent to us had at first suggested that I should pretendI was English, assuring me that by that means all difficultieswould be removed; but I thought this trick too muchbeneath a man of honour for me to make use of it, and, infact, I objected to pass for anything but what I really was."I found here a French soldier, who had been at thebattle of Plassey, where the brave Sinfray,[135] at the head of38 Frenchmen, had fought like a hero for a long time, andhad retreated only at the order of Siraj-ud-daula, who, seeinghimself betrayed and the battle lost, sent him word to ceasefighting. This worthy gentleman afterwards took refuge inBirbhum, the Raja of which country betrayed him, and disgracefullyhanded him over to the English in October last."
Courtin is somewhat unfair to the Raja (apparently a Muhammadan, as he was called Assaduzama Muhammad),[136] for this Prince was an ally of the English, and had offered Clive the assistance of his forces before the battle of Plassey. It could be no treachery on his part to pick up fugitives from the battle, like Sinfray, and hand them over to his allies. I may as well quote one of the Raja's letters to Clive, received 28th October, 1757:—
"Before your letter arrived the French were goingthrough, some woods in my country. I knew they were yourenemies, therefore I ordered my people to surround them. TheFrench being afraid, some said they were English, and someDutch. In the meantime I received your letter that if Icould apprehend them I should send them to you, thereforeI have sent them. Surajah Dowlat has plundered mycountry so much, that there is hardly anything left in it."[137]
Courtin continues:—
"To return to my journey and my adventures. I nowfound myself outside of Bengal and in sight of the mountainsof Tibet, a month having elapsed since my departure fromDacca. I was only two or three days distant from thesemountains, and my intention, as thou hast seen above, was togo there; but I was prevented by the murmurs of my people,especially the boatmen, who already began to desert in smallparties. Accordingly I accepted an offer made me on thepart of the Raja of Sahibgunj, to give me a site for a fort,and to aid me with everything I might want. I descendedthe river again for a little, and near this site, which was onthe river bank, I commenced a fort, but the thickness of theforest forced me to abandon it, and I entered a little riverclose by, which conducted me to a marsh, on the borders ofwhich I found an elevated site admirably situated and in avery agreeable neighbourhood.[138] This belonged to the sameRaja, and with his consent I again set to work, and thatwith such promptitude that in less than a month my fortresscommenced to take form, and visibly progressed owing tothe extraordinary efforts I made to complete it. It wastriangular, with a bastion at each angle. At two of theangles I had found superb trees with very heavy foliage, andon the third I erected the mast of my boat and hoisted ourflag. All three bastions had four embrasures, a fine entrancegate opening on the marsh, and a little open turret above,A small entrance gate led to the open country. The curtainswere carefully pierced for musketry, and strengthened outsidewith a trellis work of bamboo, and finished off with banquetteson the ramparts. An excellent powder magazinewas built in the same way, and, being situated in the interiorof the fort, was quite safe from any accident."As I had brought workmen of all kinds with me, thework went on well, especially as the care of our health madeus all industrious. I was not without cannon, and I mountedon our ramparts two Swedish guns, which afterwards provedour safety and preservation.[139] Also being provided with therequisites for making gunpowder, I very soon had nearly3000 lbs. weight of very good quality."Hardly anything remained to complete my fortress,which I had named 'Bourgogne,' except to provide it witha glaçis. It was already furnished with a market which wassufficiently flourishing, when to my misfortune I receivedthe false information that our forces, which were said to beconsiderable, were ready to enter the Ganges, and that therewas certain news of the arrival of a very strong squadron atPondicherry.[140] On the 8th September there broke out atPurneah, and in the province of that name, a Evolutionheaded by a person named Hazir Ali Khan,[141] who, havingseized the capital, at once wrote to me to join him, and assisthim against the English and Jafar Ali Khan.[142]"These two events made me stop everything else anddevote myself entirely to getting my boats out of the littleriver by which I had entered the marsh, and which was nowalmost quite dried up. I succeeded in doing so after sometime, by means of ditches which I cut from the marsh, butthis took me more than a month and considerable labour, asI was about two leagues from the great river. To completemy misfortunes, my troop was attacked by sickness, whichraged with a violence such as I had scarcely ever seen. Itcost me nine soldiers, of whom three were Europeans. Thelatter were luckily replaced some days after by the samenumber who joined me.[143] Poor M. Brayer and M. Gourladehad been during almost the whole campaign in the mostpitiable condition, especially the former, who I thought athousand times must have died. As for me, the powdersd'Aillotpreserved me from the pestilential air, and curedme from the effects of a fall in mybajarow,[144] caused by theclumsiness of my boatmen. I narrowly escaped breakingmy ribs and back."Before quitting Fort Bourgogne I must tell thee, mydear wife, that I often played there a very grand rôle. Iwas called the 'Fringuey Raja,' or 'King of the Christians.'I was often chosen as arbiter amongst the little princes inmy neighbourhood, who sent me ambassadors. My reputationspread so wide, and the respect that I gained was sogreat, that the King of Tibet did not disdain to honour mewith an embassy of nearly eight hundred persons, whom Ientertained for nine whole days, and whose chiefs I dismissedwith presents suitable to their rank, their king, ournation, and the idea which I wished to leave behind me inthis country of the European name. The presents whichwere made me consisted of five horses, some bags of scent,three or four pieces of china, pieces of gilt paper, and a sabrelike those used by the Bhutiyas, or people of Tibet, who aremen as strong and robust as those of Bengal are feeble.Though pagans like the latter, they eat all kinds of things,and live almost like the Tartars, from whom they are descended.They have no beards, and are clothed in a fashionwhich is good enough, but which looks singular. They arevery dirty. The complexion of those whom I saw was verydark, but I know it is not the same in the interior of thecountry and in the mountains, where all are as fair as theChinese, who are said to be their neighbours. I took sometrouble to form an alliance and to make a party amongstthem. They appeared very willing, but I soon had occasionto convince myself that not only were they not fitting personsfor my designs, but also that they were playing with me.It is not that they do not make raids upon the lower country,but they make these only in the cold weather, always withdrawingat the commencement of the hot, without trying tomake any permanent conquests."There, then, my reign is finished, or nearly so, for thegood news that I continued to receive (though always withoutfoundation, as I learned afterwards), joined to the entreatiesof Hazir All Khan and to the unhealthy air which continuedto decimate my poor little troop, induced me at last toabandon my fort, to embark again upon my boats, and toreapproach Bengal, from which I had hitherto been travellingaway. The second day after my departure was marked bya very annoying accident, namely the loss of one of mylargest boats, on which was my library and a quantity of myeffects. These were quickly drawn out of the water, butwere none the less ruined for the Company and for me.From that moment commence my misfortunes. The sixthday—I had passed three in the salvage of the effects on myboat—I received apattamar(messenger), who informed methat the English and the troops of Jafar Ali Khan were atPurneah, from which they had chased Hazir Ali Khan andwholly destroyed his faction."
From Broome we see that this was in the middle of December, 1757. It was now that Clive first heard what Courtin was attempting. He immediately sent orders direct, and also through the Nawab, to Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, and to Raja Ram Nath of Dinajpur, to seize the French.
"It was almost impossible for me to reascend the riverbecause of the dry banks and the strong currents whichwould have put my boats in danger. However, I foundmyself in the country of Rungpore, which was a dependencyof Bengal. I determined nevertheless to remain where Iwas, flattering myself the English would not come to lookfor me, nor the Nawab or the ruler of the province think ofdisturbing themselves about me, as I was doing no harm inthe country, and as I was very strict in observing properorder and discipline. I was so confident on this latter headthat I did not think of throwing up now entrenchments, andoccupied myself only with hunting and walking whilst Iawaited the arrival of the French forces. However, one day,towards the middle of January, a secret rumour came to methat Kasim Ali Khan, Faujdar of Rungpore, was coming toattack me. I sent out scouts, who reported that all wastranquil in his town, and that, far from wishing to come andlook for a quarrel, he was in fear lest I should march againsthis town, which was three days' journey from where I was.Doubtless my men deceived me or did not take the troubleto go to Rungpore, for on the 15th of the same month, at3 p.m., on the opposite side of the river to that on whichwe were, there appeared a body of soldiers, cavalry andinfantry, about 600 in number, who approached so near myfleet that I no longer doubted the correctness of the firstadvice which had been given me. I ordered a dischargeof three guns on this troop, which was so well directed thatthe enemy were forced to take themselves off and to encampa little further from me. Next day the commander sent mea present of some fruit, and an intimation that he onlywished to see me quit his country. He knew I could notdo this without risk, and, according to the custom of theinfidels, he gave me the strongest possible assurances of mysafety and tranquillity. I took care not to trust to them;I was then, as I said above, without entrenchments andwithout defence, so in the evening I set to work at surroundingmyself with a ditch, the mud taken out of which wouldserve me for embrasures. I was short of provisions, whichmade me very anxious, and I was still more so whenI learned that the enemy were trying to cut me off fromprovisions on all sides, and that their intention was tocapture me by famine or treachery. Their number quicklyincreased to 3000 men, of whom a part came over to myside of the river, and harassed my people whenever theywent out for provisions. This forced me to detach. MM.Chevalier and Gourlade, with about 10 men, some peonsand boatmen, against one of their little camps, where therewere about 150 men, foot and horse. Our men receivedtheir fire, stormed the camp, and destroyed it after havingput every one to flight. There was not a single personwounded on our side. This little advantage gave me time tomake a good provision of rice and other things in the villagesnear my entrenchments. I cleared out these villages anddrove out the inhabitants, but I was still in need of aquantity of things necessary to life. To procure these, Itried to frighten the enemy by cannonading their chief campon the other side of the river. This only resulted in makingthem withdraw altogether beyond the reach of my guns, notwith the idea of going away, but of starving me out, and, asI learned later, to give time for a reinforcement of artillerywhich they were expecting to arrive. They had already 4or 5 guns, but their calibre was small compared with mine,as I was able to see from the balls which fell in my campwhen it was entrenched only on the land side."The 19th of January, early in the morning, I sent acrossthe river a number of workmen, supported by a little detachmentunder M. Gourlade, to cut down a grove of bambooswhich masked my guns, and to burn down some houses whichwere also in their way. I forbade them to engage the enemy,and all went well until some topasses and peons advancedtoo far towards the enemy's camp, and I heard dischargesso loud and frequent on both sides, that I ordered a retreatto be beaten in my entrenchments, to make my people recrossthe river. I fired my guns continually to facilitate this and tocover the movement. In this skirmish I had only one soldierwounded, and I do not know whether the enemy had anylosses. This day more than 1500 shots were fired on bothsides. Some of the guns which the enemy brought uptroubled us greatly, as we were not entrenched on the waterside. Several balls fell at my side or passed over my head.This determined me to set all my people at work the nextnight with torches, to put us under cover on this sidealso."
[It was apparently this fight which Kasim Ali reported to Clive on the 24th of January:—
"I wrote expressly to my people to go and take them"(the French) "and they went immediately and found themready to fight. On both sides there were cannon andjenjalls.[145] Anulla[146] was between them, which the Frenchcrost, and advancing upon my people, fought with greatintrepidity: but luckily, three or four of them being killed,they retired into their fort."[147]]"The Moors saw, from my manoeuvre, how important itwas for them to seize the ground which I had intended toclear, and, contrary to my expectation, established themselveson it the same evening without my being able to hinderthem, keeping themselves always well hidden behind thebamboos, where they had nothing to fear from my artillery,and still less from my musketry. Like me they worked atnight, and, having as many prisoners or other workmen attheir command as they wanted, I saw, with regret, nextmorning the progress which they had made opposite me. Icould not dislodge them without risking everything. Weakas I was, I thought it wiser not to hazard anything more insorties, but to hold myself always on the defensive."Sheikh Faiz Ulla (that was the name of the Moorishgeneral) sent me one of his men next day with a present andproposals of peace, the first condition of which was, of course,that I should quit his country, and as, since the dry weatherhad set in, a very large and dangerous bank had formed inthe river seven or eight leagues below me, he offered me oneor two thousand workmen to assist in making a passage formy boats. The shocking treachery used by the Moors beingwell known to me, I refused to accept his offers except onhis furnishing me with hostages for his good faith. He firstproposed himself, but with such a strong escort that it wasnot difficult to see that it was a trap which he was settingfor me, so as to seize and massacre us. After many debatesbetween our emissaries, he consented to come to mybajarow,he and his servants, and that all of them should serve ashostages until I was quite out of the domains of his master."I loyally agreed to this arrangement and made preparationsin consequence, but at 7 in the morning on the23rd of January, the day I expected the hostages, I wasawakened by a cannon-shot quickly followed by a second, theball of which pierced therezai[148] at the foot of my bed fromside to side, and made a great noise. For a long time I hadbeen accustomed to sleep fully dressed, so I was able to go outquickly and give orders in the entrenchments. The treacheryand perfidy of the enemy were too manifest; nevertheless, Iforbade a single shot to be fired with musket or cannon, andsimply recommended my people to be on their guard onthe land side. The enemy kept up a continuous and verylively fire until 4 o'clock in the evening. I considered thatit would be useless for me to reply, and wished to see how farthey would push their insolence. That day we picked up 40cannon-balls, and our whole loss was one boatman slightlywounded in the leg. From 4 o'clock till night the enemy'sfire was continued, but at long intervals. It began againthe next morning. I suffered this as on the previous dayfor a couple of hours, at the end of which. I fired severalshots and silenced it. My firing seemed to trouble theenemy more than I expected it would. One of my boats wassunk by a cannon-ball, several were pierced through, andmyrezai, which used to serve me as a coat, was muchdamaged."The succeeding days passed much in the same manneruntil the 3rd of February, when, on the same bank and tothe north above my fleet, I saw a new entrenchment, whichhad been thrown up during the preceding night. Its batteriesenfiladed mine along their whole length. It was necessaryeither to risk everything by making a sortie in order todestroy it, or to arrange terms. I determined on the latter,which appeared to me all the more necessary, as I wasbeginning to be in want of everything, and as I had justreceived letters which deprived me of all hope of the arrivalof our forces in Bengal until April or May. I thereforeinformed Sheikh Faiz Ulla that I was ready to enter uponnegotiations, and the same day he sent me some of his people,with whom I agreed to leave my entrenchments and godown the river. I consented to do this without hostages,but, that it might be done in security, I promised them asum of money for themselves as well as for their general.This arrangement being agreed to by Sheikh Faiz Ulla, hesent me word that, in order that he might not appear tobetray his master, it would be necessary for me next morningto open the fiercest fire possible on his camp; that he wouldreply; that on both sides it should be with the intention ofdoing as little hurt as possible; that I should pretend it wasto force him to give me a passport, which he would send mein the evening; and that I should then send him themoney I had promised. All these precautions were onlyto assist his rascality, and they appeared to me all the moresurprising, as he had already repeatedly informed me thathe had his master's permission to give me a passport, and tolet me go where I pleased. But of what are these Moors notcapable? Without being blind to the continuance of his perfidy,I flattered myself that it might happen that he would nottrouble me on my march when he had received my money."However this might be, my cannon fired from 10 inthe morning till 3 in the evening. Our people, perceivingthat the enemy were firing in earnest, did not spare themany more than they spared us, and that which was at first,on our side, only a pretence, finally became serious. At 4o'clock I received an envoy, who brought me the passport,and to whom I paid the money. He assured me that Imight embark my artillery the next morning, and set out theday after without the slightest apprehension of being interferedwith, I took my precautions, and, in fear of treachery, kepton shore my two Swedish guns. At last, at seven in themorning, my boats started, having on board only the sickand helpless, and I set out by land with my two guns andthe rest of my troop, at the head of which I put myself."