[117]It has obtained the name offormiga de roça. The wordroçameans literally a piece of land that has been planted, of which the native wood has been cut down and cleared away. But at the present day, in Pernambuco, the wordroçais applied to the mandioc plant exclusively; thus a peasant will say “hum bom roçado de roça,” a good field of mandioc. The wordroçadois used in speaking of any kind of field; as for instance, a fineroçadofor cotton,—a fineroçadofor cane, &c.[118]In theNouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, byPierre Barrere, I find that the great red ant is as troublesome in the neighbourhood of Cayenne as in the part of South America which I visited. p. 60.[119]Labat says, “Cet insecte engraisse les volailles.” I know that fowls are fond of the insect; but the peasants of Pernambuco prevent the poultry from eating it, because they say that such food gives a bad taste to the flesh; this is, I think, by no means improbable, for thecopimhas a most disagreeable smell. This author afterwards continues the same subject, saying, “Il y a deux sortes de bois qui ne sont pas de leur goût; l’acajou et le bois amer. Cela vient de ce que le suc et le bois de ces deux arbres est extrémement amer.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. ii. p. 389 and 392.I do not know what tree he means by thebois amer, which in another place he callsSimarouba. I well know that the red ant will not molest the leaves of the acaju tree; but the same occurs with regard to many other plants. The leaves of the acaju are certainly extremely bitter.[120]“Como a lua era forte.”[121]I have seen Piso’s account of the snakes of Brazil; and although the description which I have given of those which I saw, and of which I heard, differs somewhat from his, I have allowed mine to remain as it originally stood. Piso mentions the root of thejurepebaplant as being efficacious in curing the bites of snakes. Is this thejurubeba? If so, it is surprising that it should not now be used for this purpose. Thejurubebais to be found in almost all situations; a small shrub which yields a fruit resembling the potatoe apple. A decoction of the root is taken frequently at the present day for coughs and colds.Piso likewise speaks of thecaatia, orcaiatia, orcaacicaplant, which he says, has deservedly obtained the name of theherva de cobras; his description of it at p. 102, agrees in some respects with that of theherva cobreira, of which I have spoken at chapter 12; but it can scarcely be the same, for mine would have been more plentiful if it had been indigenous.[122]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 47.[123]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 485.[124]Labat in hisNouveau Voyage aux isles de l’Ameriquegives an elaborate account of the mangrove plants. He speaks of three species, and treats in the first place of themangle noir ou paletuvier. To this tree he applies precisely what I should say of themangue vermelhoor red mangrove, with respect to its manner of growing, and to the description of the plant altogether, excepting in regard of the bark which he states in themangle noir, to befort brune, whereas the red mangrove derives its name from the red colour of the inside of the bark. He says that it is used for tanning, and “on peut se servir du tronc de cet arbre pour les ouvrages où l’on a besoin d’un bois qui résiste à l’eau,” tom. ii. p. 195 and 197. I suppose he concluded that this would be so as the wood grew in the water. Now themangueswith which I am acquainted soon rot, even in salt water when used as stakes; for although the trees are propagated by means of shoots, if a part of the stem of one of them is put into the ground it does not take root, and indeed soon rots in any situation. The pens for catching fish are made of posts which are obtained from the forest, and these are scarce and dear. Would not the mangrove be used, if it was sufficiently durable?He speaks afterwards of themangle rouge, and this from his description appears to me to be what the Pernambucans call themangue bravo; this does not grow in salt water, but in the vicinity of it. It is a large tree of irregular make, the branches being much twisted and full of knots.Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary describes the red mangrove as I have seen it, but he says that the bark is grey. In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 8, I find that some notion was entertained in 1809, of introducing the mangrove bark into this country for tanning.[125]I once asked an African negro the name of this tree, and he answeredcoraçam de homemor man’s heart; thus he did not chuse to use the name of negro’s heart. The man knew the usual name perfectly well.[126]The iron wood is mentioned by Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary; and thebois de fer, by Labat, in theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais à Cayenne, &c. he says, “Le bois de fer se trouve par-tout en quantité,” tom. iii. p. 240.[127]Marcgraff also speaks of a species ofjacaranda, which is a white wood.[128]I shall give the names of those with which I am acquainted:parôba,jacaranduba,guabiraba,araroba,cicopira,embiriba,sapucaia,aroeira do Sertam. This last is only found in parts far removed from the coast, and is accounted of equal value with thepao ferro.Labat, in speaking of the kinds of wood which are fit for building, says, “Je ne croi pas devoir renvoyer à un autre endroit la remarque que j’ai faite sur tous les bois qu’on met en terre qui est, que pour peu qu’ils soient bons ce n’est pas la partie qui est en terre qui se pourrit ni celle qui est dehors, mais seulement ce qui est au ras de terre.” This I have found to be true to a certain extent; but there are some species of timber which rot very quickly under ground, though the part which he termsau ras de terreis certainly that which decays the most speedily. He continues “Pour éviter cet inconvenient, il faut brûler la partie qui doit être en terre et quelques pouces au dessus, c’est-à-dire la sécher au feu ou dans les cendres rouges, sans la réduire en charbon, afin que la seve ou l’humidité qui s’y pourroit encore trouver, soit entierement dessechée, que les pores se renfermant, les parties se raprochent les unes des autres, le bois devient plus compact et par consequent plus propre à résister à l’humidité.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom ii. p. 386.This is done in Pernambuco, and is found to be of great service; but it is only practised with those woods which are known not to be naturally durable under ground.[129]Labat says, “L’arbre que nous appellons acajou aux isles du Vent, est le même que celui que les Espagnols appellent cedre dans la Terre-ferme et dans les grandes isles. Je ne sai qui a plus de raison; car je n’ai jamais vû les cedres du Liban, que selon les rélations que j’en ai lû ne ressemblent point du tout au cedre Espagnol.” He says likewise, “Ce qu’il ne faut pas confondre avec l’acajou à fruit dont j’ai parlé dans un autre endroit.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. viii. p. 208 and 212.He speaks in vol. ii. p. 94, of two large Indian canoes made ofbois d’acajouorcedre. I am inclined to think that theacajouof the islands and thecedreof the Spaniards is thepao amarelloof Pernambuco.[130]Piso says, that its small clustering red fruit has the property of curing meat owing to its acidity and astringency.[131]The indefatigable and all-observant, although unfeeling and brutal Labat, has also mentioned thepinham, under the name ofmedicinier ou pignons d’Inde, and he gives a print of it. His account of the plant is elaborate, and he speaks of three kinds. Of that of which I have treated, he says, “Sa fleur n’a rien de beau. Elle ne vient jamais seule, mais en bouquets composez de plusieurs fleurons d’un blanc sale tirant sur le verd. Chaque fleuron est composé de cinq feuilles en maniere d’etoile, qui font comme un cul de lampe arrondi avec un col plus resserré et terminé par l’extrémité des feüilles qui se renversent en dehors. Le fond du fleuron est garni et comme renfermé entre cinq petites feuilles. C’est du centre de ces fleurs que l’on voit sortir le fruit; ordinairement il est de la grosseur d’une noix commune d’Europe.” He says again (after speaking of its purgative quality, which it likewise possesses with that of provoking vomiting) alluding to the separation of each seed into two parts, “Lorsqu’elle est recente, elle se partage naturellement en deux parties, entre lesquelles on trouve une petite pellicule à qui on attribüe une qualité de purger plus violemment qu’a tout le reste de la noix.” My old woman said, that thepinhamshould not be given, unless the person who prepared it was well acquainted with it, because a certain part of the seed was dangerous; but she would not shew me where the dangerous substance was to be found. Labat continues, saying that four or five of the seeds are a proper dose as a purge, “mais quand on en prend une plus grande quantité, on s’expose à des vomissemens cruels et à des évacuations trop grandes.” He mentions a fact which is curious. In speaking of Europeans having oftentimes eaten of this nut without being acquainted with its properties, he says, “une régle générale qu’il faut observer a l’egard des fruits qu’on ne connoît point est de n’y point toucher à moins qu’on ne voye q’ils out été bequetez par les oiseaux.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iii. p. 300, 301, and 302.In Piso, p. 83, an account will be found of theMunduy-guacu, Lusitanis Pinhoes do Brasil, ejusque usu in medicina.I have perhaps quoted too copiously in writing an account of those plants which Labat has described, but I must have followed so nearly what he has said, that my description might have been supposed to have had his for its basis. Perhaps these plants need not have been described at all, but to some readers a confirmation of what other travellers have said may afford satisfaction.[132]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 466.[133]The following story was current at Conception, and I knew all the persons of whom it was related. A young man was intimate in a family of a rank inferior to his own, and he frequently made presents to several individuals of it, which was generally thought strange, as it did not contain any young female. Therefore to account for this predilection, it was reported, that the good old woman to whom he was so kind, possessed a small image of St. Antonio, which was concealed in a bit of old cloth; and it had several scraps of ribbons and I know not what else, tied to its neck, legs and arms; and with this she was said to perform certain mysterious rites, which secured the continuance of the young man’s affection towards herself and family.[134]When I resided at Jaguaribe, I was once standing by and hearing the conversation of a man and woman, who were laughing and joking upon several subjects; but I was more particularly amused when the man answered to something that had been mentioned, saying, “I will ask Our Lady of the Conception.” The woman replied, “But she will not grant what you ask;” he then said, “Well, I will then apply to Our Lady of the O.”—Thus entirely forgetting that the same person is intended under another name.[135]“Em negocio de branco, negro nam se mete.”[136]“Morra e deixe de bobagems.”[137]“A sua gente he mais sabida que a nossa.”[138]“Dizem, que Vm. he muito santo.”[139]Labat, in theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais, a Cayenne, &c.vol. iii. p. 253, gives an account of the bees which corresponds in some respects with mine. He says, “Elles n’ont point d’aiguillon, ou il est si foible qu’il ne peut entamer l’épiderme aussi sans préparation et sans crainte on les prend a pleines mains sans en ressentir autre incommodité qu’un leger chatouillement.”—I do not think those of Pernambuco would be found to be quite so harmless.[140]I have seen a print in Barlæus representing this channel as still being open, and the fort situated upon an island which it almost entirely covers.[141]I have been much blamed by one of my friends for not having eaten of the flesh of thejacarè; and indeed I felt a little ashamed of my squeamishness, when I was shown by the same friend, a passage in a French writer, whose name I forget, in which he speaks favourably of this flesh. However, if the advocate for experimental eating had seen an alligator cut into slices, he would, I think, have turned from the sight as quickly as I did. The Indians eat these creatures, but the negroes will not, no not even thegabamnegroes who are said to be cannibals.[142]In making use of the word Brazil, it must be understood that I mean to denote that portion of the country which I have had opportunities of seeing. The agriculture of the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and Bahia is doubtless in a more forward state than that of Pernambuco and the line of coast to Maranham.[143]I insert here a description of a machine for rooting up the stumps of trees, by Cit. Saint Victor, member of the Society of Agriculture, for the department of the Seine.“It consists of a bar of forged iron, about two feet eight inches long, one inch thick towards the handle, and of two inches towards the breech or platform. The platform, which is circular, is fourteen inches in diameter. This platform serves as the base of the chamber or furnace of the mine, which is three inches in diameter, and three inches eight lines in the length of its bore. The stopper or tampion, which serves as a plug to the mine, is of the same diameter, to enter within after a slight paper or wadding. It is attached by a chain to the gun or mortar, which last is eight inches in diameter. About two inches above is added a small touch-hole and pan. The hole is directed in an angle of forty-five degrees, and is primed with powder to communicate with the charge with which the chamber is filled up to the stopper. This engine may be cast even with more facility in brass or bronze, and in this case it must be a little thicker in all its dimensions, in order to afford a resistance equal to that of the forged iron.”“USE OF THE MACHINE.”“When the machine is charged with powder, a small excavation is made with a pick-axe, in the centre of the stump. The machine is then placed in it, so that the plug immediately touches the wood. Care must be taken to fill all the vacancies, either with stones or pieces of iron or wood, more especially beneath the platform of the machine, in order that the explosion of the powder may have its full effect on the stump, of which, if necessary, the principal roots should first be cut if any appear on the surface of the ground near the stump that is to be eradicated.”“When the machine is firmly fixed in its place, the priming is put into the pan, a slow match applied, the length of which is sufficient to allow time to retire to a proper distance from the explosion.”—Journal of Natural Philosophy, &c. by W. Nicholson, vol. iv. p. 243 to 245.In Pernambuco the only means of rooting up the stumps which is known, is that of digging deep trenches round about them.[144]Labat says, that in clearing lands, it is not necessary to take up the stumps of the trees, unless they are thosedes bois mols dont les souches poussent des rejettons; now in Brazil, almost all the trees that have been cut down put forth shoots.[145]It has been discontinued of late years by some persons, and I have heard it said, that the ratoon canes do not grow so well; but that the land requires to be laid down for a much shorter period.[146]Labat says, “Les terres neuves grasses et fortes fournissent abondamment de la nourriture aux souches, et les entretiennent pendant quinze et vingt ans et plus, sans qu’on s’apperçoive d’aucune diminution, ni dans l’abondance, ni dans la bonté, ni dans la grandeur, ni dans la grosseur, des rejettons;” and he even says that the stumps “conduisent plutôt leurs rejettons à une parfaite maturité, pourvûs qu’on ait soin de rechausser les souches,” &c.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 368.I had previously read the following passage in another work, “Dans les plantations situées au bord du Demerari on fait trente recoltes successives de sucre sans transplanter les cannes, &c.—Voyage a la Guiane &c.” p. 222.As this work is of doubtful reputation, I should not have cited any statement which was made in it unless I was myself aware of its correctness, or unless the fact was mentioned by other writers; but when Labat speaks of the same thing, there must be some foundation for the statement.[147]Labat says, “Toutes les terres, en un mot qui sont neuves, c’est-à-dire qui n’ont jamais été planteés, ni semées, dans lesquelles on met des cannes aussi-tôt qu’on a abbatu les arbres qui les couvroient, portent des cannes trés grosses et en quantité, remplis de beaucoup de suc, mais gras, crud, peu sucré, trés difficile à cuire et à purifier. Je me suis trouvé quelquefois dans ces circonstances et particulierement à la Guadeloupe, ou ayant fait défricher une terre neuve, à plus d’une lieüe du bord de la mer, et l’ayant plantée en cannes c’etoit quelque chose de surprenant de voir le nombre, la grosseur et la hauteur de ces cannes, lorsqu’elles n’avoient encore que six mois; cependant je les fis couper a cet âge, et après que j’eus retiré ce dont j’avois besoin pour planter, je fis faire de l’eau-de-vie du reste, et je fis mettre le feu au terrain pour consumer les pailles, dont la pourriture n’auroit servi qu’à augmenter la graisse de la terre. Quatorze mois aprés cette coupe, je fis employer en sucre blanc les rejettons qui étoient crûs, dont la bonté repondit parfaitement à la beauté, qui ne pouvoit être plus grande.”—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 339.His account of this affair still continues, but I have transcribed the more important part of it.The master of the grammar school at Itamaraca, told me that he acted in the same manner with respect to a quantity of cane which he once planted upon a piece of land that was afterwards cultivated by me; he was satisfied that this was the better plan, when the land is in the state which Labat describes; but the people in general thought that he was mad, until crop time came, and then they changed their opinion.In another work Labat says, “le terrain nouvellement défriché, étant naturellement gras et humide, et sa situation le rendant encore aqueux, les cannes qu’il produit, sont à la vérité grosses, grandes, pleines de suc; mais ce suc est gras et aqueux; il est par conséquent plus long à cuire, plus difficile à purifier, de sorte qu’il faudra abbatre et mettre au moulin plus de cannes, purifier et cuire plus de jus ou de suc pour faire une barrique de sucre, qu’il n’en faut à la Martinique pour en faire quatre.”—Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. tom. iii. 204. In the little experience which I had, I was surprised to find an increase or decrease in the quantity of the product of the same number of cart loads of cane from different quarters of the plantation; but my mind was then too much occupied to allow me to look for the cause of this.At the time that Labat wrote his account of the French portion of the Columbian islands, (from 1693 to 1705) they were in a state which resembled much that of Brazil in the present day; that is, the colonists were forming establishments and clearing lands; agriculture was in a rude state, and as sugar colonies were then, comparatively speaking, new things, improvements were daily striking the thinking men who went out to those places; for it was a subject to which intellect was at that time turned. The system in the Columbian islands has now been much benefited, by the advanced state of the mother countries which possess them; and the communication between the islands belonging to the several powers which rule them, has led them to adopt and to profit by each other’s inventions and ideas. But Brazil has been left to its own resources; no interest has been taken in its concerns from without, nor has any regard been paid to the mental advancement of the people belonging to it, so that it cannot be wondered at that the country should have made very little progress. However the similarity of the state of the French islands in the time of Labat, to that of Brazil at the present day, and his powers of observation, induce me to think that some of his remarks may be useful in the latter country, although they may be out of date in the places of which he wrote. Thus much I say, as a reason for making frequent notes from him.[148]Labat speaks of seeing canes planted down to the water’s edge at Guadaloupe; he says that he tasted the juice of some of them, and found it to be rather brackish; “d’où il étoit aisé de conclure que le sucre brut qu’on en feroit, pourroit être beau, comme il l’etoit en effet en tout le quartier du grand cul-de-sac, mais qu’il seroit difficile de réussir en sucre blanc, comme il est arrivé.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p.71.[149]Besides the usual mode of holing, Mr. Edwards mentions the following method; “the planter instead of stocking up his ratoons, and holing and planting the land anew, suffers the stoles to continue in the ground and contents himself, as his cane fields become thin and impoverished, by supplying the vacant spaces with fresh plants.”—History of the West Indies, vol. ii. p. 207.[150]A plough drawn by two oxen, constructed after a model which was brought from Cayenne, has been introduced in one or two instances.[151]The passages in this chapter which are marked as being quotations, are taken from Edwards’ History of the West Indies. I mention this, once for all, to save room and trouble.[152]The author of theNouveau Voyage &c.tom.iii. p. 218. mentions having covered the claying house belonging to a mill, the property of his Order, with the tops of the sugar cane. I never saw this practised in Brazil, and indeed Labat says, that they were not commonly put to this purpose in the parts of which he writes. He says, that a species of reed was usually employed. In Brazil there is a kind of grass which answers the purpose, and is durable; and this quality, Labat says, that the cane tops possess; however in Brazil the leaves of the coco and of other palms are generally used.Although it was the general custom to employ the cane tops for planting, Labat objects to them from his own authority, upon the score of these not possessing sufficient strength to yield good canes. The same opinion is general in Pernambuco.[153]Labat lays great stress upon the ripeness of the canes. “Il faut donc observer avant que de couper les cannes quel est leur degré de perfection et de maturité plutôt que leur âge,”&c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 353.But when a plantation has a large crop, it is absolutely impossible to attend so particularly to the ripeness as he inculcates; some of the cane must be ground unripe, and other parts of the field cannot be cut until after the proper time.[154]The French friar complains of the rats, and says that there was in his time achasseur de ratsupon every estate. He says that he made hischasseurbring the rats that were caught to him; and he desired to have the whole rat, for if the heads or tails only came, the bodies were eaten by the negroes, which he wished to prevent, as he thought that this food brought on consumption. I know that the negroes in Brazil eat every rat which they can catch, and I do not see why they should not be well tasted and wholesome food, for they feed on sugar-cane and mandioc. I cannot refrain from transcribing the following statement: “Il y a des habitans qui se contentent que le preneur de rats leur en apporte les quëues ou les têtes. C’est une mauvaise methode, parce que les preneurs voisins s’accordent ensemble et portent les quëues d’un côté et les têtes d’autre, afin de profiter de la recompense que les maîtres donnent, sans se mettre beaucoup en peine de tendre les attrapes.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c., tom. iii. p. 358.[155]“Dorminhoco como negro de Engenho,”—as sleepy as the negro of a sugar-mill, is a common proverb.[156]In a few instances the “upright iron plated rollers” used in the Columbian islands have been erected. These have been sent from England, and are much approved of, particularly for mills that have the advantage of being turned by water.[157]Labat says, speaking of the same dreadful kind of accident, “Ce qui pourroit arriver si la largeur des établis ni les en empêchoit;” he also mentions the necessity of having “sur le bout de la table une serpe sans bec bien affilée, pour s’en servir au besoin.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 406 and 407.[158]The author of theNoveau Voyage, &c.says, the Portugueze, when they first established themselves in Brazil, and indeed even at the present time, (1696) in some places make use of mills for grinding the sugar cane similar to those of Normandy, “pour briser les pommes à faire le cidre, et dont on se sert aux päis ou il y a des oliviers, pour écraser les olives.”—tom iii. p. 428.I never heard of any description of mill being employed at the present day, excepting that which is in general use.[159]In the French islands the liquor was passed through a cloth when conveyed from the first cauldron into the second: of the trough I find no mention.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 24.[160]In theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c.I find that “le sucre séché au soleil est toujours plus susceptible d’humidité, que celui qui a été bien séché dans une bonne étuve.” tom. iii. p. 205.In the fourth volume of theNouveau Voyage, p. 106 to 110, is a description of an oven for drying clayed sugars; this would be interesting to Brazilian readers, but it is too long to excuse insertion before a British public.[161]The long improved ovens, such as are used in the Columbians islands, are beginning to be introduced.[162]The following method of preparing thetemperwill be useful in the country of which I am treating, and therefore I think I may be permitted to insert it, although it is long.“Le barril à lessive étant posé sur la sellette ou sur un trépied, on en bouche le trou avec une quantité de paille longue et entiere, aprés quoi on y met une couche composée des herbes suivantes, aprés les avoir broyées entre ses mains, et aprés les avoir hachées.“Herbes à blé; c’est une herbe qui croît par touffes comme le blé qui est levé depuis deux ou trois mois, et à qui elle ressemble beaucoup. On arrache la touffe entiere avec sa racine qui est fort petite.“La seconde se nomme herbe à pique. Cette plante a une tige droite de la grosseur d’un tuyau de plume d’oye et de la hauteur de quinze à dix-huit pouces. Son extrémité porte une feüille comme celle de l’ozeille pour la couleur et pour la consistance, mais qui ressemble entiérement au fer d’une pique.“La troisiéme est la mal-nommée. C’est une petite herbe déliée, fine et frizée à peu près comme les cheveux des négres.“On met ces trois sortes d’herbes par portion égale, avec quelques feüilles et quelques morceaux de lianne brûlante. Cette lianne est une espéce de lierre, dont la feüille est plus tendre, plus mince et les bois plus spongieux que le lierre d’Europe. On écrase un peu le bois et les feüilles, avant que de les mettre dans le barril. C’est avec ces quatre sortes d’herbes qu’on garnit le fond du barril jusqu’ à trois pouces de hauteur; on les couvre d’un lit de cendre de pareille épaisseur, et l’on choisit la cendre faite du meilleur bois qu’on ait brûlé, comme sont le chataignier, le bois rouge, le bois caraibe, le raisinier, l’oranger ou autres bois durs, dont les cendres et les charbons sont remplis de beaucoup de sel. On met sur cette couche de cendre une couche de chaux vive de même épaisseur, et sur celle-ci une autre couche des mêmes herbes, ausquelles on ajoûte une ou deux cannes d’inde ou de seguine bâtarde, amorties au feu, et coupées par ruelles de l’épaisseur d’un ecu. Cette plante vient sur le bord des eaux marécageuses, sa tige est ronde d’un pouce ou environ de diamétre; sa peau est fort mince et fort verte; le dedans est blanc, assez compacte, et rempli d’une liqueur extrémement mordicante, qui fait une vilaine tache, et ineffaçable sur le linge et sur les étoffes où elle tombe. Sa feüille est tout-a-fait semblable pour la figure à celle de la porée ou bette, mais elle est plus verte et plus lisse, et ses fibres ne se distinguent presque pas; on ne les met point dans la lessive. Toutes ces herbes sont extrémement corrosives et mordicantes. On remplit ainsi le barril de cendre, de chaux, et d’herbes, par lits jusqu’à ce qu’il soit plein, et on le termine par une couche des mêmes herbes bien broyées et hachées. Quand on se sert des cendres qui viennent de sortir des fourneaux, et qui sont encore toutes brûlantes, on remplit le barril avec de l’eau froide; mais lorsque les cendres sont froides, on fait boüiller l’eau avant que de la mettre dans le barril. On met un pot ou un autre vaisseau sous le trou qui est bouché de paille, pour recevoir l’eau qui en dégoûte, que l’on remet dans le barril, et que l’on fait passer sur le marc qu’il contient, jusqu’à ce que cette lessive devienne si forte que la mettant sur la langue avec le bout du doigt, on ne puisse pas l’y souffrir, et qu’elle jaunisse le doigt, comme si c’étoit de l’eau forte.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iv. p. 33 to 35.[163]A few of the more wealthy planters have sent for large stills from England, and have, of course, found their infinite superiority over those in common use.Even in the time of Labat, his countrymen were much before the Pernambucan planters respecting the arrangement of the still-houses. They had copper stills.[164]Thealvaràwas passed the 21st January, 1809. One to the same effect had been passed on the 22d September, 1758, for the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro; this was extended to other captaincies, at first as a temporary law, but it was afterwards several times renewed; and it was at last allowed to be in force in all the ultra-marine dominions of Portugal, by thealvaràof the 6th July, 1807. However as there were some restrictions attached to this law, that of 1809 was passed. By this last, in the first place, executions cannot be made upon sugar estates which are in a working state and do work regularly, and that have under cultivation that quantity of ground which is requisite for the carrying on of the work of the mill, and for the support of the slaves; executions can only be carried into effect upon one third of the net produce of such plantations; the other two thirds being left for the expences of cultivation, and for the administration, that is, for the support of the owner.Secondly. Executions can however be made if the debt is equal to or above the value of the estate; but the whole of the slaves, the cattle, the lands, and the implements belonging to theengenhomust form one valuation, nor can they be separated; but they must all be taken as parts of theengenho.Thirdly. If there are more debts than one, and these together make up the sum which may cause the plantation to be subject to execution, still some law proceedings must be entered into, by which these several debts may be placed in such a form as to be considered as one debt. Thus the government does those things which ought not to be done, and leaves undone those things which ought to be done.[165]“Qu’ils (les cabrouettiers) ayent soin, quand il est nécessaire de leur faire ôter les barbes, qui sont certaines excrescences de chair, qui leur viennent sous la langue, qui les empêchent de paître. Car les bœfs ne coupent pas l’herbe avec les dents comme les chevaux, ils ne font que l’entortiller avec la langue et l’arracher; mais quand ils ont ces excrescences, qui leur causent de la douleur, ils ne peuvent appliquer leur langue autour de l’herbe et deviennent maigres et sans force.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iv. p. 179.Of this disorder I never heard, but there is one to which horses as well as horned cattle are subject; it is produced by the animals feeding upon fields of which the grass is very short. The flesh grows from the roots of the teeth towards their edges, and at last renders it impossible for the beasts to eat.[166]The following is a statement of the number of cases of sugar exported from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813.1808.42711809.128011810.98401811.77491812.85771813.9022I obtained it from my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable portion of the time.[167]I have seen some fine cotton shrubs at the distance of one or two leagues, and even less, from the sea coast; but the attempts that have been made to cultivate it to any extent in such situations, have not, from what I have seen and heard, met with the desired success. Might not the Sea-Island seed be sent for, and a trial of it made? The Pernambuco cotton is superior to that of every other part, excepting the small quantity which is obtained from those islands.Bolingbroke, in his “Voyage to the Demerary,” says that “On the sea coast the British settlers also commenced the culture of cotton, and found that land to answer much better than the soil up the river.”—In Phillips’ Collection, &c. p. 81.The cotton of the settlements upon the part of South America of which he writes, is very inferior to that of Pernambuco.In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 23, I find it stated, that “the saline air of the sea-shore, which generally destroys coffee, is favourable to cotton;” at p. 27, it is said that cotton never fails to degenerate “when it has been propagated in the same ground for many years without a change of seed.”[168]I have heard that the seeds would form a very good food for cattle, if they could be completely freed from all particles of wool; here lies the difficulty.[169]In Labat’s time these machines were likewise worked by the feet of the person who was employed in thrusting the cotton against the rollers.[170]Mr. Edwards calls the species of the cotton plant which is cultivated in the Columbian islands, thecommon Jamaica, of which “the staple is coarse but strong.” It is difficult to clean, owing to the brittleness of the seeds. It is strange, as Mr. Edwards remarks, that the British cotton planters should be acquainted with species of the shrub which produce finer wool, and yet continue to rear this inferior quality.[171]The following is a statement of the export of cotton from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813. It was furnished to me by my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable part of the time.1808.26,8771809.47,5121810.50,1031811.28,2451812.58,8241813.65,327From this it would appear that in saying, at chapter 1st, that the export from thence at the present time is between 80,000 and 90,000 bags annually, I have over-rated the real number. But it will be seen that the increase has been considerable from 1812 to 1813, and I know that it still continues to increase as rapidly, if not more so.[172]Edwards’ History of the West-Indies.[173]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 233.[174]Mr. Southey says, “When the mandioc failed, what was called stick flour (in Portuguezefarinha de pao) was made from the wood of the Urucuri-iba, which they cut in pieces and bruised; and this being less liable to corrupt than the mandioc, is now generally used in the Brazilian ships.” vol. i. p. 233. Thefarinha de paowhich is at present used in these ships, is made from the mandioc, and the name of stick-flour is by no means inapposite; for it always requires to be picked before it is used, to take out the bits of the husk and of the hardened fibres of the root which may chance to remain. But the name may have, and most probably did, commence with the stick-flour of the Urucuri-iba; and when the substance from which it was made was changed, the name still continued. I refer the reader to the History of Brazil for a farther account of the mandioc.[175]Du Tertre gives three remedies for those who have drank of the juice. “Le premier que j’ay veu pratiquer heureusement c’est de boire de l’huile d’olive avec de l’eau tiede, ce qui fait vomir tout ce qu’on a pris; le second qui est tres-assuré est de boire quantité de suc d’ananas, avec quelques goutes de jus de citron; mais sur tous les remedes, le suc de l’herbe aux couleuvres, dont tous les arbres de ces isles sont revêtus, est le souverain antidote, non seulement contre ce mal, mais encore contre toute sorte de venin.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118.Labat does not believe in the virtue of theherbe de couleuvresin this case.[176]Du Tertre speaks of the savages making use in their dishes ofl’eau de manyoc.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 389.“Nos sauvages qui en mettent(the juice of the mandioc)dans toutes leurs sauces n’en sont jamais incommodez parce qu’ils ne s’en servent jamais que quand il a boüilli.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i, p. 400.Likewise in the “Voyage a la Guiane,” p. 101, “Le suc de manioc cet instrument de mort devient, travaillé par les creoles de Cayenne, une sauce appétissante et salutaire.”“The juice is boiled with meat and seasoned, and makes excellent soup, which is termed casserepo, and used in pepper-pot and sauces.”—Voyage to the Demerary, &c. by H. Bolingbroke, p. 149.Dr. Pinckard mentions having tasted in the colony of Demerary of the juice of the cassada prepared as sauce.—Notes on the West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 257.During the famine of 1793, the people of Pernambuco made use of the juice as food; but in times of plenty it is regarded as being unfit for any purpose. It is by evaporation that it loses its poisonous qualities.[177]Du Tertre speaks of a species of harmless mandioc, which is calledKamanioc, and he adds, that it isassez rare.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.Labat likewise speaks of theCamanioc, “comme qui diroit le chef des maniocs. En effet son bois, ses feüilles et ses racines sont plus grandes et plus grosses que les autres maniocs. Mais comme il est beaucoup plus long tems à crôitre et à mûrir, et que ses racines rendent beaucoup moins de farine parce qu’elles sont plus legéres et plus spongieuses que les autres, on le neglige et peu de gens en plantent.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 411.It is not only the root of themacaxeirawhich is smaller, but the plant is, I think, altogether smaller than the other species.Barrere, in theNouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, p. 61, speaks of the harmless species under the name ofmaniok sauvage.[178]Barrere says, speaking of Cayenne, “Les Creoles préferent encore au meilleur pain du monde la cassave qu’elles mange rarement séche; car elles la font toujours tremper dans l’eau ou dans quelque sauce: c’est sans doute cette nourriture qui leur donne cette couleur pâle, et qui fait qu’elles n’ont point de coloris.” I am afraid he does not look quite far enough for the want of colour in the ladies of Cayenne.Then again, he says, “On ne mange que trés rarement a Cayenne, ou pour mieux dire, presque jamais de la Coaque, qui est la nourriture ordinaire des Portugais de Parà, du Maragnan, et des peuples, qui sont sur les rivages du fleuve des Amazones.” He describes thecoaque; and it is clearly thefarinha, but he does not explain how thecassavewas made, of which the creole ladies were so fond, and which did them so much mischief.He says afterwards, “Les Indiens Portugais, quand ils veulent prendre leurs repas, ils mettent une poignée de coaque dans le creux de la main, qui leur sert d’assiette; et de là ils la font sauter adroitement dans la bouche; l’on boit par dessus une bonne coüye d’eau et de boisson; et voila leur repas pris.”—Nouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, p. 55, and 56.This mode of eating and the abstemiousness of the repast are both common in Brazil to all casts of people. With respect to thecassave, I cannot comprehend what he means. But, contrary to his notion, to eatfarinhain the manner that he mentions quite dry, although it is done by most people, is not reckoned wholesome. In fact, it is one of the duties of afeitoror manager to see that the negroes do not make their meals with dryfarinha, but he should see that they makepiram; this is done by mixing the flour with boiling water or gravy. The negroes do not dislikepiram, but they are sometimes too idle or too much fatigued to take the trouble of cooking their victuals; and therefore they eat thefarinhadry, and their salt meat with it, after having smoke-dried the latter upon a wooden skewer. The disorder which is said to proceed from constantly eating dryfarinhais the dropsy. The flour of the mandioc swells considerably when it is moistened: if the expansion takes place in the stomach it may be injurious, and this may perhaps afford some reason for the opinion of the Brazilians upon the subject.[179]Du Tertre mentions the same practice,—of steeping the mandioc, and says that the savages were in the habit “de la sécher au soleil et l’ecorce s’ostant d’elle-mesme, ils pillent le manyoc dans un mortier, pour le reduire en farine, qu’ils mangent sans autre cuisson.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.Labat says, that the maroon negroes used to prepare it in the two following ways. “C’est de la couper par morceaux, et de le mettre tremper dans l’eau courante des rivieres ou des ravines pendant sept ou huit heures. Le movement de l’eau ouvre les pores de la racine et entraîne ce trop de substance. La seconde maniere est de le mettre cuire tout entier sous la braise. L’action du feu met ses parties en mouvement et on le mange comme on fait des chataignes ou des patates sans aucune crainte.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 410.I think the said negroes must have been accustomed by degrees to eating the mandioc in this manner. I should not be willing to recommend either of these ways of cooking it.[180]“Les Espanhols en font des tasses pour prendre le chocolat. J’en ai vû de très belles bien travaillées, cizelées, enrichies d’argent sur un pied d’argent, et d’ autres sur un pied fait d’un autre morceau de cocos bien cizelé.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 273.[181]“On prétend que l’arbre est autant d’années à rapporter du fruit, qu’il a été de mois en terre, avant de pousser son germe.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 267.Labat does not however vouch for the truth of the statement. He speaks of the cabbage of the coco-tree being very good; and I agree with him. A coco-tree was cut down at Itamaraca, and the vicar sent me the cabbage of which several dishes were made, and they were excellent.[182]Vide Appendix for a further account of the coco-tree.[183]Labat was a most determined experimental eater, and therefore I was not surprised at meeting with the following expression of regret, “Je suis faché de n’avoir pas expérimenté pendant que j’étois aux isles, si cette huile ne seroit pas bonne à manger.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 283. I wish he had.[184]Mr. Clarkson, in his work on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade, p. 13 and 14, mentions that a small billet was brought to England from the coast of Africa among a parcel of bar-wool; that “it was found to produce a colour that emulated the carmine, and was deemed to be so valuable in the dying trade, that an offer was immediately made of sixty guineasperton for any quantity that could be procured.”[185]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 19.[186]Labat is much enraged, in his work of theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. at the idea of the Portugueze monopolizing the trade in Brazil wood, by persuading all the world that the only true wood came from Pernambuco, orFernambourg, as he calls it. He imagines that the Brazil is the same as the logwood.[187]The long banana or plantain appears to be of much more importance in Demarary and the adjoining colonies, for Mr. Bolingbroke says, “This coast (between the Essequibo and Pomaroon rivers) possesses a considerable advantage over the other sea-coasts, from its being able to rear any quantity of plantains.”—Voyage to the Demarary, &c. p. 115; and at p. 87, he speaks of the same fruit being the “negroes’ chief food.”Labat mentions a means of rendering the banana serviceable in travelling; and as the ingredients of his receipt are all of them good, the mixture must, I should imagine, be likewise good, and therefore I insert it for the benefit of those who may, as I have been, be much in want of something palatable, when crossing the Seará-Meirim. “Ceux qui veulent faire cette pâte avec plus de soin, font d’abord sécher les bananes au four ou au soleil, puis ils les gragent, ils y mêlent ensuite du sucre pilé, avec un peu de poudre de canelle, de géroffle et de gingembre, tant soit peu de farine et un blanc d’œuf pour lier toutes ces choses ensemble, après qu’elles ont été paitries avec un peu d’eau de fleur d’orange.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 314. Fewer ingredients might be made use of.Du Tertre says of the banana, “Quand on le coupe on voit une belle croix imprimeé sur chaque tronçon; c’est qui a fait croire à plusieurs que ce fruit est le même qu’Adam mangea dans le Paradis terrestre,”&c.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 140.Labat speaks of the same story, but adds, “Adam pouvoit avoir meilleure vûë que nous, ou la croix de ces bananes étoit mieux formée.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iii. p. 307. I was once desired by a Brazilian woman of colour to cut the banana lengthways, and not across, for by the latter manner of dividing the fruit, I should cut theCruz de Nosso Senhor, Our Saviour’s Cross.[188]Labat says, that “la patate est une espece de pomme de terre que approche assez de ce qu’on appelle en France les Taupinambours.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. ii. p. 400.Du Tertre says, “Lorsque les ouragans ont tant de fois ravagé les manyocs de nos isles, on a toujours eu recours aux patates, sans lesquelles bien du monde auroit pery de faim.” And again, “Tous les matins, c’est une coustume generale par toutes les isles de faire cuyre plein une chaudiere de patates pour dejeûner.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118 and 119.[189]Labat says, in speaking of cacao, “On ne manque jamais de planter du manioc en même tems qu’on met les amandes en terre.” This is done for the purpose of defending the plant from the sun. “On arrache le manioc au bout de douze ou quinze mois”—“et sur le champ on en plante d’autres, mais en moindre quantité, c’est a dire, qu’on ne met qu’un rang de fosses au milieu des allées;” and he recommends that the water-melon, the common melon, and such like plants should be sown between the mandioc and the cacao-trees.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 397 and 398.[190]Labat is angry at a notion which was entertained in his time by some people, that the black Ipecacuanha was only to be found near to the gold mines in the interior of Rio de Janeiro. He speaks of a third species of Ipecacuanha, which he distinguishes by the epithet ofgris, and he likewise mentions the white kind; both of these, he says, answer the same purpose as the black, but a larger dose is required.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 29.[191]“Vieyra, in his letters, mentions a received tradition that Emanuel ordered all the spice plants to be rooted up, lest the Indian trade should be injured, and that ginger was the only spice which escaped, because it was under-ground. He does not appear to have recollected the impossibility of carrying such an order into effect upon a continent.”—History of Brazil, vol. i, note to p. 32. Dr. Arruda alludes to this order in hisDiscurso sobre a utilidade da instituiçam de jardims, &c. And he adds that a few cinnamon trees at Pernambuco escaped as well as the ginger, p. 8.[192]“On one article, guinea-grains or malagueta-pepper, the duty has been doubled; not with a view of increasing the revenue, but of operating as a prohibition of the use of it, as it is supposed to have been extensively employed in the brewing of malt-liquor. The Directors however have great reason to doubt the existence of the deleterious qualities ascribed to this drug; as they find it to be universally esteemed in Africa one of the most wholesome of spices, and generally used by the natives to season their food.”—Fourth Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 16.If this article and themalaguetaof Brazil are the same, I should be strongly inclined to agree with the Report; and indeed I conceive that it is not only harmless but extremely wholesome. A decoction of the pods is used among the peasantry as an injection in aguish disorders.[193]Noticias MSS.quoted by Mr. Southey, History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 320.[194]Labat says, “a l’égard du thé, il croît naturellement aux isles. Toutes les terres lui sont propres, j’en ai vû en quantité à la Basseterre.” &c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 225.He mentions it again, and seems to be quite confident that the plant of which he speaks is the tea shrub.[195]“Il faut que les graines se naturalisent au pays, et quand cela est fait elles produisent a merveille. J’ai experimenté qu’ayant sémé des pois qui venoient de France, ils rapportoient trés peu, les seconds rapportoient davantage, mais le troisiémes produisoient d’une maniere extraordinaire pour le nombre, la grosseur et la bonte.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 367.[196]Du Tertre speaks of the same occurring in the Columbian Islands.[197]Again Labat, “On employe le suc des oranges aigres avec un succès merveilleux et infaillible à guerir les ulcéres quelque vieux et opiniátres qu’ils puissent être.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 254.The orange is cut into two pieces, and is rubbed violently upon the sore.[198]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 216.[199]This was not the case at one time in the French islands. “Quand quelque commandeur abuse d’une negre, l’enfant mulastre qui en vient est libre, et le pere est obligé de le nourrir et de l’entretenir jusqu’a l’age de douze ans, sans l’amende à laquelle il est encore condamné.”—Histoire des Antilles &c. tom. ii. p. 460.Labat tells us that “Le roi a fait revivre par sa Declaration la loi Romaine, qui veut que les enfans suivens le sort du ventre qui les a portez,” and this revival took place in 1674, when the king took the islands from the Companies which had held them during his pleasure.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. ii. p. 192.[200]The majority of the clergy of Pernambuco, both regular and secular, are of Brazilian parentage. The governor is an European, and so are the major part of the chief officers, civil, military, and ecclesiastical; but the bishop is a Brazilian, and so is theouvidor.[201]Our wicked stage coach and post chaise system.[202]The term ofSenhororSenhorais made use of to all free persons, whites, mulattos, and blacks, and in speaking to a freeman of whatever class or colour the manner of address is the same. Dr. Pinckard says, in his “Notes on the West Indies,” “the title of Mrs. seems to be reserved solely for the ladies from Europe, and the white Creoles, and to form a distinction between them and the women of colour of all classes and descriptions.”[203]I refer the reader to Edwards’ History of the West Indies, vol. ii.[204]“Era, porem ja nam he.”[205]“Pois Senhor Capitam-mor pode ser mulatto?”[206]To this statement some explanation is necessary, owing to the regulations of the Portugueze military service. Privates are sometimes raised to commissions by the intermediate steps of corporals, quarter-masters, and sergeants; these men gain their ensigncies without any relation to their birth; and though a decidedly dark coloured mulatto might not be so raised, a European of low birth would. It is to enable a man to become a cadet and then an officer without serving in the ranks, that requires nobility of birth.[207]The son of this man is a priest.[208]“Negro sim, porem direito.”
[117]It has obtained the name offormiga de roça. The wordroçameans literally a piece of land that has been planted, of which the native wood has been cut down and cleared away. But at the present day, in Pernambuco, the wordroçais applied to the mandioc plant exclusively; thus a peasant will say “hum bom roçado de roça,” a good field of mandioc. The wordroçadois used in speaking of any kind of field; as for instance, a fineroçadofor cotton,—a fineroçadofor cane, &c.[118]In theNouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, byPierre Barrere, I find that the great red ant is as troublesome in the neighbourhood of Cayenne as in the part of South America which I visited. p. 60.[119]Labat says, “Cet insecte engraisse les volailles.” I know that fowls are fond of the insect; but the peasants of Pernambuco prevent the poultry from eating it, because they say that such food gives a bad taste to the flesh; this is, I think, by no means improbable, for thecopimhas a most disagreeable smell. This author afterwards continues the same subject, saying, “Il y a deux sortes de bois qui ne sont pas de leur goût; l’acajou et le bois amer. Cela vient de ce que le suc et le bois de ces deux arbres est extrémement amer.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. ii. p. 389 and 392.I do not know what tree he means by thebois amer, which in another place he callsSimarouba. I well know that the red ant will not molest the leaves of the acaju tree; but the same occurs with regard to many other plants. The leaves of the acaju are certainly extremely bitter.[120]“Como a lua era forte.”[121]I have seen Piso’s account of the snakes of Brazil; and although the description which I have given of those which I saw, and of which I heard, differs somewhat from his, I have allowed mine to remain as it originally stood. Piso mentions the root of thejurepebaplant as being efficacious in curing the bites of snakes. Is this thejurubeba? If so, it is surprising that it should not now be used for this purpose. Thejurubebais to be found in almost all situations; a small shrub which yields a fruit resembling the potatoe apple. A decoction of the root is taken frequently at the present day for coughs and colds.Piso likewise speaks of thecaatia, orcaiatia, orcaacicaplant, which he says, has deservedly obtained the name of theherva de cobras; his description of it at p. 102, agrees in some respects with that of theherva cobreira, of which I have spoken at chapter 12; but it can scarcely be the same, for mine would have been more plentiful if it had been indigenous.[122]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 47.[123]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 485.[124]Labat in hisNouveau Voyage aux isles de l’Ameriquegives an elaborate account of the mangrove plants. He speaks of three species, and treats in the first place of themangle noir ou paletuvier. To this tree he applies precisely what I should say of themangue vermelhoor red mangrove, with respect to its manner of growing, and to the description of the plant altogether, excepting in regard of the bark which he states in themangle noir, to befort brune, whereas the red mangrove derives its name from the red colour of the inside of the bark. He says that it is used for tanning, and “on peut se servir du tronc de cet arbre pour les ouvrages où l’on a besoin d’un bois qui résiste à l’eau,” tom. ii. p. 195 and 197. I suppose he concluded that this would be so as the wood grew in the water. Now themangueswith which I am acquainted soon rot, even in salt water when used as stakes; for although the trees are propagated by means of shoots, if a part of the stem of one of them is put into the ground it does not take root, and indeed soon rots in any situation. The pens for catching fish are made of posts which are obtained from the forest, and these are scarce and dear. Would not the mangrove be used, if it was sufficiently durable?He speaks afterwards of themangle rouge, and this from his description appears to me to be what the Pernambucans call themangue bravo; this does not grow in salt water, but in the vicinity of it. It is a large tree of irregular make, the branches being much twisted and full of knots.Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary describes the red mangrove as I have seen it, but he says that the bark is grey. In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 8, I find that some notion was entertained in 1809, of introducing the mangrove bark into this country for tanning.[125]I once asked an African negro the name of this tree, and he answeredcoraçam de homemor man’s heart; thus he did not chuse to use the name of negro’s heart. The man knew the usual name perfectly well.[126]The iron wood is mentioned by Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary; and thebois de fer, by Labat, in theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais à Cayenne, &c. he says, “Le bois de fer se trouve par-tout en quantité,” tom. iii. p. 240.[127]Marcgraff also speaks of a species ofjacaranda, which is a white wood.[128]I shall give the names of those with which I am acquainted:parôba,jacaranduba,guabiraba,araroba,cicopira,embiriba,sapucaia,aroeira do Sertam. This last is only found in parts far removed from the coast, and is accounted of equal value with thepao ferro.Labat, in speaking of the kinds of wood which are fit for building, says, “Je ne croi pas devoir renvoyer à un autre endroit la remarque que j’ai faite sur tous les bois qu’on met en terre qui est, que pour peu qu’ils soient bons ce n’est pas la partie qui est en terre qui se pourrit ni celle qui est dehors, mais seulement ce qui est au ras de terre.” This I have found to be true to a certain extent; but there are some species of timber which rot very quickly under ground, though the part which he termsau ras de terreis certainly that which decays the most speedily. He continues “Pour éviter cet inconvenient, il faut brûler la partie qui doit être en terre et quelques pouces au dessus, c’est-à-dire la sécher au feu ou dans les cendres rouges, sans la réduire en charbon, afin que la seve ou l’humidité qui s’y pourroit encore trouver, soit entierement dessechée, que les pores se renfermant, les parties se raprochent les unes des autres, le bois devient plus compact et par consequent plus propre à résister à l’humidité.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom ii. p. 386.This is done in Pernambuco, and is found to be of great service; but it is only practised with those woods which are known not to be naturally durable under ground.[129]Labat says, “L’arbre que nous appellons acajou aux isles du Vent, est le même que celui que les Espagnols appellent cedre dans la Terre-ferme et dans les grandes isles. Je ne sai qui a plus de raison; car je n’ai jamais vû les cedres du Liban, que selon les rélations que j’en ai lû ne ressemblent point du tout au cedre Espagnol.” He says likewise, “Ce qu’il ne faut pas confondre avec l’acajou à fruit dont j’ai parlé dans un autre endroit.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. viii. p. 208 and 212.He speaks in vol. ii. p. 94, of two large Indian canoes made ofbois d’acajouorcedre. I am inclined to think that theacajouof the islands and thecedreof the Spaniards is thepao amarelloof Pernambuco.[130]Piso says, that its small clustering red fruit has the property of curing meat owing to its acidity and astringency.[131]The indefatigable and all-observant, although unfeeling and brutal Labat, has also mentioned thepinham, under the name ofmedicinier ou pignons d’Inde, and he gives a print of it. His account of the plant is elaborate, and he speaks of three kinds. Of that of which I have treated, he says, “Sa fleur n’a rien de beau. Elle ne vient jamais seule, mais en bouquets composez de plusieurs fleurons d’un blanc sale tirant sur le verd. Chaque fleuron est composé de cinq feuilles en maniere d’etoile, qui font comme un cul de lampe arrondi avec un col plus resserré et terminé par l’extrémité des feüilles qui se renversent en dehors. Le fond du fleuron est garni et comme renfermé entre cinq petites feuilles. C’est du centre de ces fleurs que l’on voit sortir le fruit; ordinairement il est de la grosseur d’une noix commune d’Europe.” He says again (after speaking of its purgative quality, which it likewise possesses with that of provoking vomiting) alluding to the separation of each seed into two parts, “Lorsqu’elle est recente, elle se partage naturellement en deux parties, entre lesquelles on trouve une petite pellicule à qui on attribüe une qualité de purger plus violemment qu’a tout le reste de la noix.” My old woman said, that thepinhamshould not be given, unless the person who prepared it was well acquainted with it, because a certain part of the seed was dangerous; but she would not shew me where the dangerous substance was to be found. Labat continues, saying that four or five of the seeds are a proper dose as a purge, “mais quand on en prend une plus grande quantité, on s’expose à des vomissemens cruels et à des évacuations trop grandes.” He mentions a fact which is curious. In speaking of Europeans having oftentimes eaten of this nut without being acquainted with its properties, he says, “une régle générale qu’il faut observer a l’egard des fruits qu’on ne connoît point est de n’y point toucher à moins qu’on ne voye q’ils out été bequetez par les oiseaux.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iii. p. 300, 301, and 302.In Piso, p. 83, an account will be found of theMunduy-guacu, Lusitanis Pinhoes do Brasil, ejusque usu in medicina.I have perhaps quoted too copiously in writing an account of those plants which Labat has described, but I must have followed so nearly what he has said, that my description might have been supposed to have had his for its basis. Perhaps these plants need not have been described at all, but to some readers a confirmation of what other travellers have said may afford satisfaction.[132]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 466.[133]The following story was current at Conception, and I knew all the persons of whom it was related. A young man was intimate in a family of a rank inferior to his own, and he frequently made presents to several individuals of it, which was generally thought strange, as it did not contain any young female. Therefore to account for this predilection, it was reported, that the good old woman to whom he was so kind, possessed a small image of St. Antonio, which was concealed in a bit of old cloth; and it had several scraps of ribbons and I know not what else, tied to its neck, legs and arms; and with this she was said to perform certain mysterious rites, which secured the continuance of the young man’s affection towards herself and family.[134]When I resided at Jaguaribe, I was once standing by and hearing the conversation of a man and woman, who were laughing and joking upon several subjects; but I was more particularly amused when the man answered to something that had been mentioned, saying, “I will ask Our Lady of the Conception.” The woman replied, “But she will not grant what you ask;” he then said, “Well, I will then apply to Our Lady of the O.”—Thus entirely forgetting that the same person is intended under another name.[135]“Em negocio de branco, negro nam se mete.”[136]“Morra e deixe de bobagems.”[137]“A sua gente he mais sabida que a nossa.”[138]“Dizem, que Vm. he muito santo.”[139]Labat, in theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais, a Cayenne, &c.vol. iii. p. 253, gives an account of the bees which corresponds in some respects with mine. He says, “Elles n’ont point d’aiguillon, ou il est si foible qu’il ne peut entamer l’épiderme aussi sans préparation et sans crainte on les prend a pleines mains sans en ressentir autre incommodité qu’un leger chatouillement.”—I do not think those of Pernambuco would be found to be quite so harmless.[140]I have seen a print in Barlæus representing this channel as still being open, and the fort situated upon an island which it almost entirely covers.[141]I have been much blamed by one of my friends for not having eaten of the flesh of thejacarè; and indeed I felt a little ashamed of my squeamishness, when I was shown by the same friend, a passage in a French writer, whose name I forget, in which he speaks favourably of this flesh. However, if the advocate for experimental eating had seen an alligator cut into slices, he would, I think, have turned from the sight as quickly as I did. The Indians eat these creatures, but the negroes will not, no not even thegabamnegroes who are said to be cannibals.[142]In making use of the word Brazil, it must be understood that I mean to denote that portion of the country which I have had opportunities of seeing. The agriculture of the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and Bahia is doubtless in a more forward state than that of Pernambuco and the line of coast to Maranham.[143]I insert here a description of a machine for rooting up the stumps of trees, by Cit. Saint Victor, member of the Society of Agriculture, for the department of the Seine.“It consists of a bar of forged iron, about two feet eight inches long, one inch thick towards the handle, and of two inches towards the breech or platform. The platform, which is circular, is fourteen inches in diameter. This platform serves as the base of the chamber or furnace of the mine, which is three inches in diameter, and three inches eight lines in the length of its bore. The stopper or tampion, which serves as a plug to the mine, is of the same diameter, to enter within after a slight paper or wadding. It is attached by a chain to the gun or mortar, which last is eight inches in diameter. About two inches above is added a small touch-hole and pan. The hole is directed in an angle of forty-five degrees, and is primed with powder to communicate with the charge with which the chamber is filled up to the stopper. This engine may be cast even with more facility in brass or bronze, and in this case it must be a little thicker in all its dimensions, in order to afford a resistance equal to that of the forged iron.”“USE OF THE MACHINE.”“When the machine is charged with powder, a small excavation is made with a pick-axe, in the centre of the stump. The machine is then placed in it, so that the plug immediately touches the wood. Care must be taken to fill all the vacancies, either with stones or pieces of iron or wood, more especially beneath the platform of the machine, in order that the explosion of the powder may have its full effect on the stump, of which, if necessary, the principal roots should first be cut if any appear on the surface of the ground near the stump that is to be eradicated.”“When the machine is firmly fixed in its place, the priming is put into the pan, a slow match applied, the length of which is sufficient to allow time to retire to a proper distance from the explosion.”—Journal of Natural Philosophy, &c. by W. Nicholson, vol. iv. p. 243 to 245.In Pernambuco the only means of rooting up the stumps which is known, is that of digging deep trenches round about them.[144]Labat says, that in clearing lands, it is not necessary to take up the stumps of the trees, unless they are thosedes bois mols dont les souches poussent des rejettons; now in Brazil, almost all the trees that have been cut down put forth shoots.[145]It has been discontinued of late years by some persons, and I have heard it said, that the ratoon canes do not grow so well; but that the land requires to be laid down for a much shorter period.[146]Labat says, “Les terres neuves grasses et fortes fournissent abondamment de la nourriture aux souches, et les entretiennent pendant quinze et vingt ans et plus, sans qu’on s’apperçoive d’aucune diminution, ni dans l’abondance, ni dans la bonté, ni dans la grandeur, ni dans la grosseur, des rejettons;” and he even says that the stumps “conduisent plutôt leurs rejettons à une parfaite maturité, pourvûs qu’on ait soin de rechausser les souches,” &c.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 368.I had previously read the following passage in another work, “Dans les plantations situées au bord du Demerari on fait trente recoltes successives de sucre sans transplanter les cannes, &c.—Voyage a la Guiane &c.” p. 222.As this work is of doubtful reputation, I should not have cited any statement which was made in it unless I was myself aware of its correctness, or unless the fact was mentioned by other writers; but when Labat speaks of the same thing, there must be some foundation for the statement.[147]Labat says, “Toutes les terres, en un mot qui sont neuves, c’est-à-dire qui n’ont jamais été planteés, ni semées, dans lesquelles on met des cannes aussi-tôt qu’on a abbatu les arbres qui les couvroient, portent des cannes trés grosses et en quantité, remplis de beaucoup de suc, mais gras, crud, peu sucré, trés difficile à cuire et à purifier. Je me suis trouvé quelquefois dans ces circonstances et particulierement à la Guadeloupe, ou ayant fait défricher une terre neuve, à plus d’une lieüe du bord de la mer, et l’ayant plantée en cannes c’etoit quelque chose de surprenant de voir le nombre, la grosseur et la hauteur de ces cannes, lorsqu’elles n’avoient encore que six mois; cependant je les fis couper a cet âge, et après que j’eus retiré ce dont j’avois besoin pour planter, je fis faire de l’eau-de-vie du reste, et je fis mettre le feu au terrain pour consumer les pailles, dont la pourriture n’auroit servi qu’à augmenter la graisse de la terre. Quatorze mois aprés cette coupe, je fis employer en sucre blanc les rejettons qui étoient crûs, dont la bonté repondit parfaitement à la beauté, qui ne pouvoit être plus grande.”—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 339.His account of this affair still continues, but I have transcribed the more important part of it.The master of the grammar school at Itamaraca, told me that he acted in the same manner with respect to a quantity of cane which he once planted upon a piece of land that was afterwards cultivated by me; he was satisfied that this was the better plan, when the land is in the state which Labat describes; but the people in general thought that he was mad, until crop time came, and then they changed their opinion.In another work Labat says, “le terrain nouvellement défriché, étant naturellement gras et humide, et sa situation le rendant encore aqueux, les cannes qu’il produit, sont à la vérité grosses, grandes, pleines de suc; mais ce suc est gras et aqueux; il est par conséquent plus long à cuire, plus difficile à purifier, de sorte qu’il faudra abbatre et mettre au moulin plus de cannes, purifier et cuire plus de jus ou de suc pour faire une barrique de sucre, qu’il n’en faut à la Martinique pour en faire quatre.”—Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. tom. iii. 204. In the little experience which I had, I was surprised to find an increase or decrease in the quantity of the product of the same number of cart loads of cane from different quarters of the plantation; but my mind was then too much occupied to allow me to look for the cause of this.At the time that Labat wrote his account of the French portion of the Columbian islands, (from 1693 to 1705) they were in a state which resembled much that of Brazil in the present day; that is, the colonists were forming establishments and clearing lands; agriculture was in a rude state, and as sugar colonies were then, comparatively speaking, new things, improvements were daily striking the thinking men who went out to those places; for it was a subject to which intellect was at that time turned. The system in the Columbian islands has now been much benefited, by the advanced state of the mother countries which possess them; and the communication between the islands belonging to the several powers which rule them, has led them to adopt and to profit by each other’s inventions and ideas. But Brazil has been left to its own resources; no interest has been taken in its concerns from without, nor has any regard been paid to the mental advancement of the people belonging to it, so that it cannot be wondered at that the country should have made very little progress. However the similarity of the state of the French islands in the time of Labat, to that of Brazil at the present day, and his powers of observation, induce me to think that some of his remarks may be useful in the latter country, although they may be out of date in the places of which he wrote. Thus much I say, as a reason for making frequent notes from him.[148]Labat speaks of seeing canes planted down to the water’s edge at Guadaloupe; he says that he tasted the juice of some of them, and found it to be rather brackish; “d’où il étoit aisé de conclure que le sucre brut qu’on en feroit, pourroit être beau, comme il l’etoit en effet en tout le quartier du grand cul-de-sac, mais qu’il seroit difficile de réussir en sucre blanc, comme il est arrivé.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p.71.[149]Besides the usual mode of holing, Mr. Edwards mentions the following method; “the planter instead of stocking up his ratoons, and holing and planting the land anew, suffers the stoles to continue in the ground and contents himself, as his cane fields become thin and impoverished, by supplying the vacant spaces with fresh plants.”—History of the West Indies, vol. ii. p. 207.[150]A plough drawn by two oxen, constructed after a model which was brought from Cayenne, has been introduced in one or two instances.[151]The passages in this chapter which are marked as being quotations, are taken from Edwards’ History of the West Indies. I mention this, once for all, to save room and trouble.[152]The author of theNouveau Voyage &c.tom.iii. p. 218. mentions having covered the claying house belonging to a mill, the property of his Order, with the tops of the sugar cane. I never saw this practised in Brazil, and indeed Labat says, that they were not commonly put to this purpose in the parts of which he writes. He says, that a species of reed was usually employed. In Brazil there is a kind of grass which answers the purpose, and is durable; and this quality, Labat says, that the cane tops possess; however in Brazil the leaves of the coco and of other palms are generally used.Although it was the general custom to employ the cane tops for planting, Labat objects to them from his own authority, upon the score of these not possessing sufficient strength to yield good canes. The same opinion is general in Pernambuco.[153]Labat lays great stress upon the ripeness of the canes. “Il faut donc observer avant que de couper les cannes quel est leur degré de perfection et de maturité plutôt que leur âge,”&c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 353.But when a plantation has a large crop, it is absolutely impossible to attend so particularly to the ripeness as he inculcates; some of the cane must be ground unripe, and other parts of the field cannot be cut until after the proper time.[154]The French friar complains of the rats, and says that there was in his time achasseur de ratsupon every estate. He says that he made hischasseurbring the rats that were caught to him; and he desired to have the whole rat, for if the heads or tails only came, the bodies were eaten by the negroes, which he wished to prevent, as he thought that this food brought on consumption. I know that the negroes in Brazil eat every rat which they can catch, and I do not see why they should not be well tasted and wholesome food, for they feed on sugar-cane and mandioc. I cannot refrain from transcribing the following statement: “Il y a des habitans qui se contentent que le preneur de rats leur en apporte les quëues ou les têtes. C’est une mauvaise methode, parce que les preneurs voisins s’accordent ensemble et portent les quëues d’un côté et les têtes d’autre, afin de profiter de la recompense que les maîtres donnent, sans se mettre beaucoup en peine de tendre les attrapes.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c., tom. iii. p. 358.[155]“Dorminhoco como negro de Engenho,”—as sleepy as the negro of a sugar-mill, is a common proverb.[156]In a few instances the “upright iron plated rollers” used in the Columbian islands have been erected. These have been sent from England, and are much approved of, particularly for mills that have the advantage of being turned by water.[157]Labat says, speaking of the same dreadful kind of accident, “Ce qui pourroit arriver si la largeur des établis ni les en empêchoit;” he also mentions the necessity of having “sur le bout de la table une serpe sans bec bien affilée, pour s’en servir au besoin.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 406 and 407.[158]The author of theNoveau Voyage, &c.says, the Portugueze, when they first established themselves in Brazil, and indeed even at the present time, (1696) in some places make use of mills for grinding the sugar cane similar to those of Normandy, “pour briser les pommes à faire le cidre, et dont on se sert aux päis ou il y a des oliviers, pour écraser les olives.”—tom iii. p. 428.I never heard of any description of mill being employed at the present day, excepting that which is in general use.[159]In the French islands the liquor was passed through a cloth when conveyed from the first cauldron into the second: of the trough I find no mention.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 24.[160]In theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c.I find that “le sucre séché au soleil est toujours plus susceptible d’humidité, que celui qui a été bien séché dans une bonne étuve.” tom. iii. p. 205.In the fourth volume of theNouveau Voyage, p. 106 to 110, is a description of an oven for drying clayed sugars; this would be interesting to Brazilian readers, but it is too long to excuse insertion before a British public.[161]The long improved ovens, such as are used in the Columbians islands, are beginning to be introduced.[162]The following method of preparing thetemperwill be useful in the country of which I am treating, and therefore I think I may be permitted to insert it, although it is long.“Le barril à lessive étant posé sur la sellette ou sur un trépied, on en bouche le trou avec une quantité de paille longue et entiere, aprés quoi on y met une couche composée des herbes suivantes, aprés les avoir broyées entre ses mains, et aprés les avoir hachées.“Herbes à blé; c’est une herbe qui croît par touffes comme le blé qui est levé depuis deux ou trois mois, et à qui elle ressemble beaucoup. On arrache la touffe entiere avec sa racine qui est fort petite.“La seconde se nomme herbe à pique. Cette plante a une tige droite de la grosseur d’un tuyau de plume d’oye et de la hauteur de quinze à dix-huit pouces. Son extrémité porte une feüille comme celle de l’ozeille pour la couleur et pour la consistance, mais qui ressemble entiérement au fer d’une pique.“La troisiéme est la mal-nommée. C’est une petite herbe déliée, fine et frizée à peu près comme les cheveux des négres.“On met ces trois sortes d’herbes par portion égale, avec quelques feüilles et quelques morceaux de lianne brûlante. Cette lianne est une espéce de lierre, dont la feüille est plus tendre, plus mince et les bois plus spongieux que le lierre d’Europe. On écrase un peu le bois et les feüilles, avant que de les mettre dans le barril. C’est avec ces quatre sortes d’herbes qu’on garnit le fond du barril jusqu’ à trois pouces de hauteur; on les couvre d’un lit de cendre de pareille épaisseur, et l’on choisit la cendre faite du meilleur bois qu’on ait brûlé, comme sont le chataignier, le bois rouge, le bois caraibe, le raisinier, l’oranger ou autres bois durs, dont les cendres et les charbons sont remplis de beaucoup de sel. On met sur cette couche de cendre une couche de chaux vive de même épaisseur, et sur celle-ci une autre couche des mêmes herbes, ausquelles on ajoûte une ou deux cannes d’inde ou de seguine bâtarde, amorties au feu, et coupées par ruelles de l’épaisseur d’un ecu. Cette plante vient sur le bord des eaux marécageuses, sa tige est ronde d’un pouce ou environ de diamétre; sa peau est fort mince et fort verte; le dedans est blanc, assez compacte, et rempli d’une liqueur extrémement mordicante, qui fait une vilaine tache, et ineffaçable sur le linge et sur les étoffes où elle tombe. Sa feüille est tout-a-fait semblable pour la figure à celle de la porée ou bette, mais elle est plus verte et plus lisse, et ses fibres ne se distinguent presque pas; on ne les met point dans la lessive. Toutes ces herbes sont extrémement corrosives et mordicantes. On remplit ainsi le barril de cendre, de chaux, et d’herbes, par lits jusqu’à ce qu’il soit plein, et on le termine par une couche des mêmes herbes bien broyées et hachées. Quand on se sert des cendres qui viennent de sortir des fourneaux, et qui sont encore toutes brûlantes, on remplit le barril avec de l’eau froide; mais lorsque les cendres sont froides, on fait boüiller l’eau avant que de la mettre dans le barril. On met un pot ou un autre vaisseau sous le trou qui est bouché de paille, pour recevoir l’eau qui en dégoûte, que l’on remet dans le barril, et que l’on fait passer sur le marc qu’il contient, jusqu’à ce que cette lessive devienne si forte que la mettant sur la langue avec le bout du doigt, on ne puisse pas l’y souffrir, et qu’elle jaunisse le doigt, comme si c’étoit de l’eau forte.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iv. p. 33 to 35.[163]A few of the more wealthy planters have sent for large stills from England, and have, of course, found their infinite superiority over those in common use.Even in the time of Labat, his countrymen were much before the Pernambucan planters respecting the arrangement of the still-houses. They had copper stills.[164]Thealvaràwas passed the 21st January, 1809. One to the same effect had been passed on the 22d September, 1758, for the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro; this was extended to other captaincies, at first as a temporary law, but it was afterwards several times renewed; and it was at last allowed to be in force in all the ultra-marine dominions of Portugal, by thealvaràof the 6th July, 1807. However as there were some restrictions attached to this law, that of 1809 was passed. By this last, in the first place, executions cannot be made upon sugar estates which are in a working state and do work regularly, and that have under cultivation that quantity of ground which is requisite for the carrying on of the work of the mill, and for the support of the slaves; executions can only be carried into effect upon one third of the net produce of such plantations; the other two thirds being left for the expences of cultivation, and for the administration, that is, for the support of the owner.Secondly. Executions can however be made if the debt is equal to or above the value of the estate; but the whole of the slaves, the cattle, the lands, and the implements belonging to theengenhomust form one valuation, nor can they be separated; but they must all be taken as parts of theengenho.Thirdly. If there are more debts than one, and these together make up the sum which may cause the plantation to be subject to execution, still some law proceedings must be entered into, by which these several debts may be placed in such a form as to be considered as one debt. Thus the government does those things which ought not to be done, and leaves undone those things which ought to be done.[165]“Qu’ils (les cabrouettiers) ayent soin, quand il est nécessaire de leur faire ôter les barbes, qui sont certaines excrescences de chair, qui leur viennent sous la langue, qui les empêchent de paître. Car les bœfs ne coupent pas l’herbe avec les dents comme les chevaux, ils ne font que l’entortiller avec la langue et l’arracher; mais quand ils ont ces excrescences, qui leur causent de la douleur, ils ne peuvent appliquer leur langue autour de l’herbe et deviennent maigres et sans force.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iv. p. 179.Of this disorder I never heard, but there is one to which horses as well as horned cattle are subject; it is produced by the animals feeding upon fields of which the grass is very short. The flesh grows from the roots of the teeth towards their edges, and at last renders it impossible for the beasts to eat.[166]The following is a statement of the number of cases of sugar exported from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813.1808.42711809.128011810.98401811.77491812.85771813.9022I obtained it from my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable portion of the time.[167]I have seen some fine cotton shrubs at the distance of one or two leagues, and even less, from the sea coast; but the attempts that have been made to cultivate it to any extent in such situations, have not, from what I have seen and heard, met with the desired success. Might not the Sea-Island seed be sent for, and a trial of it made? The Pernambuco cotton is superior to that of every other part, excepting the small quantity which is obtained from those islands.Bolingbroke, in his “Voyage to the Demerary,” says that “On the sea coast the British settlers also commenced the culture of cotton, and found that land to answer much better than the soil up the river.”—In Phillips’ Collection, &c. p. 81.The cotton of the settlements upon the part of South America of which he writes, is very inferior to that of Pernambuco.In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 23, I find it stated, that “the saline air of the sea-shore, which generally destroys coffee, is favourable to cotton;” at p. 27, it is said that cotton never fails to degenerate “when it has been propagated in the same ground for many years without a change of seed.”[168]I have heard that the seeds would form a very good food for cattle, if they could be completely freed from all particles of wool; here lies the difficulty.[169]In Labat’s time these machines were likewise worked by the feet of the person who was employed in thrusting the cotton against the rollers.[170]Mr. Edwards calls the species of the cotton plant which is cultivated in the Columbian islands, thecommon Jamaica, of which “the staple is coarse but strong.” It is difficult to clean, owing to the brittleness of the seeds. It is strange, as Mr. Edwards remarks, that the British cotton planters should be acquainted with species of the shrub which produce finer wool, and yet continue to rear this inferior quality.[171]The following is a statement of the export of cotton from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813. It was furnished to me by my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable part of the time.1808.26,8771809.47,5121810.50,1031811.28,2451812.58,8241813.65,327From this it would appear that in saying, at chapter 1st, that the export from thence at the present time is between 80,000 and 90,000 bags annually, I have over-rated the real number. But it will be seen that the increase has been considerable from 1812 to 1813, and I know that it still continues to increase as rapidly, if not more so.[172]Edwards’ History of the West-Indies.[173]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 233.[174]Mr. Southey says, “When the mandioc failed, what was called stick flour (in Portuguezefarinha de pao) was made from the wood of the Urucuri-iba, which they cut in pieces and bruised; and this being less liable to corrupt than the mandioc, is now generally used in the Brazilian ships.” vol. i. p. 233. Thefarinha de paowhich is at present used in these ships, is made from the mandioc, and the name of stick-flour is by no means inapposite; for it always requires to be picked before it is used, to take out the bits of the husk and of the hardened fibres of the root which may chance to remain. But the name may have, and most probably did, commence with the stick-flour of the Urucuri-iba; and when the substance from which it was made was changed, the name still continued. I refer the reader to the History of Brazil for a farther account of the mandioc.[175]Du Tertre gives three remedies for those who have drank of the juice. “Le premier que j’ay veu pratiquer heureusement c’est de boire de l’huile d’olive avec de l’eau tiede, ce qui fait vomir tout ce qu’on a pris; le second qui est tres-assuré est de boire quantité de suc d’ananas, avec quelques goutes de jus de citron; mais sur tous les remedes, le suc de l’herbe aux couleuvres, dont tous les arbres de ces isles sont revêtus, est le souverain antidote, non seulement contre ce mal, mais encore contre toute sorte de venin.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118.Labat does not believe in the virtue of theherbe de couleuvresin this case.[176]Du Tertre speaks of the savages making use in their dishes ofl’eau de manyoc.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 389.“Nos sauvages qui en mettent(the juice of the mandioc)dans toutes leurs sauces n’en sont jamais incommodez parce qu’ils ne s’en servent jamais que quand il a boüilli.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i, p. 400.Likewise in the “Voyage a la Guiane,” p. 101, “Le suc de manioc cet instrument de mort devient, travaillé par les creoles de Cayenne, une sauce appétissante et salutaire.”“The juice is boiled with meat and seasoned, and makes excellent soup, which is termed casserepo, and used in pepper-pot and sauces.”—Voyage to the Demerary, &c. by H. Bolingbroke, p. 149.Dr. Pinckard mentions having tasted in the colony of Demerary of the juice of the cassada prepared as sauce.—Notes on the West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 257.During the famine of 1793, the people of Pernambuco made use of the juice as food; but in times of plenty it is regarded as being unfit for any purpose. It is by evaporation that it loses its poisonous qualities.[177]Du Tertre speaks of a species of harmless mandioc, which is calledKamanioc, and he adds, that it isassez rare.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.Labat likewise speaks of theCamanioc, “comme qui diroit le chef des maniocs. En effet son bois, ses feüilles et ses racines sont plus grandes et plus grosses que les autres maniocs. Mais comme il est beaucoup plus long tems à crôitre et à mûrir, et que ses racines rendent beaucoup moins de farine parce qu’elles sont plus legéres et plus spongieuses que les autres, on le neglige et peu de gens en plantent.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 411.It is not only the root of themacaxeirawhich is smaller, but the plant is, I think, altogether smaller than the other species.Barrere, in theNouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, p. 61, speaks of the harmless species under the name ofmaniok sauvage.[178]Barrere says, speaking of Cayenne, “Les Creoles préferent encore au meilleur pain du monde la cassave qu’elles mange rarement séche; car elles la font toujours tremper dans l’eau ou dans quelque sauce: c’est sans doute cette nourriture qui leur donne cette couleur pâle, et qui fait qu’elles n’ont point de coloris.” I am afraid he does not look quite far enough for the want of colour in the ladies of Cayenne.Then again, he says, “On ne mange que trés rarement a Cayenne, ou pour mieux dire, presque jamais de la Coaque, qui est la nourriture ordinaire des Portugais de Parà, du Maragnan, et des peuples, qui sont sur les rivages du fleuve des Amazones.” He describes thecoaque; and it is clearly thefarinha, but he does not explain how thecassavewas made, of which the creole ladies were so fond, and which did them so much mischief.He says afterwards, “Les Indiens Portugais, quand ils veulent prendre leurs repas, ils mettent une poignée de coaque dans le creux de la main, qui leur sert d’assiette; et de là ils la font sauter adroitement dans la bouche; l’on boit par dessus une bonne coüye d’eau et de boisson; et voila leur repas pris.”—Nouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, p. 55, and 56.This mode of eating and the abstemiousness of the repast are both common in Brazil to all casts of people. With respect to thecassave, I cannot comprehend what he means. But, contrary to his notion, to eatfarinhain the manner that he mentions quite dry, although it is done by most people, is not reckoned wholesome. In fact, it is one of the duties of afeitoror manager to see that the negroes do not make their meals with dryfarinha, but he should see that they makepiram; this is done by mixing the flour with boiling water or gravy. The negroes do not dislikepiram, but they are sometimes too idle or too much fatigued to take the trouble of cooking their victuals; and therefore they eat thefarinhadry, and their salt meat with it, after having smoke-dried the latter upon a wooden skewer. The disorder which is said to proceed from constantly eating dryfarinhais the dropsy. The flour of the mandioc swells considerably when it is moistened: if the expansion takes place in the stomach it may be injurious, and this may perhaps afford some reason for the opinion of the Brazilians upon the subject.[179]Du Tertre mentions the same practice,—of steeping the mandioc, and says that the savages were in the habit “de la sécher au soleil et l’ecorce s’ostant d’elle-mesme, ils pillent le manyoc dans un mortier, pour le reduire en farine, qu’ils mangent sans autre cuisson.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.Labat says, that the maroon negroes used to prepare it in the two following ways. “C’est de la couper par morceaux, et de le mettre tremper dans l’eau courante des rivieres ou des ravines pendant sept ou huit heures. Le movement de l’eau ouvre les pores de la racine et entraîne ce trop de substance. La seconde maniere est de le mettre cuire tout entier sous la braise. L’action du feu met ses parties en mouvement et on le mange comme on fait des chataignes ou des patates sans aucune crainte.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 410.I think the said negroes must have been accustomed by degrees to eating the mandioc in this manner. I should not be willing to recommend either of these ways of cooking it.[180]“Les Espanhols en font des tasses pour prendre le chocolat. J’en ai vû de très belles bien travaillées, cizelées, enrichies d’argent sur un pied d’argent, et d’ autres sur un pied fait d’un autre morceau de cocos bien cizelé.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 273.[181]“On prétend que l’arbre est autant d’années à rapporter du fruit, qu’il a été de mois en terre, avant de pousser son germe.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 267.Labat does not however vouch for the truth of the statement. He speaks of the cabbage of the coco-tree being very good; and I agree with him. A coco-tree was cut down at Itamaraca, and the vicar sent me the cabbage of which several dishes were made, and they were excellent.[182]Vide Appendix for a further account of the coco-tree.[183]Labat was a most determined experimental eater, and therefore I was not surprised at meeting with the following expression of regret, “Je suis faché de n’avoir pas expérimenté pendant que j’étois aux isles, si cette huile ne seroit pas bonne à manger.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 283. I wish he had.[184]Mr. Clarkson, in his work on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade, p. 13 and 14, mentions that a small billet was brought to England from the coast of Africa among a parcel of bar-wool; that “it was found to produce a colour that emulated the carmine, and was deemed to be so valuable in the dying trade, that an offer was immediately made of sixty guineasperton for any quantity that could be procured.”[185]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 19.[186]Labat is much enraged, in his work of theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. at the idea of the Portugueze monopolizing the trade in Brazil wood, by persuading all the world that the only true wood came from Pernambuco, orFernambourg, as he calls it. He imagines that the Brazil is the same as the logwood.[187]The long banana or plantain appears to be of much more importance in Demarary and the adjoining colonies, for Mr. Bolingbroke says, “This coast (between the Essequibo and Pomaroon rivers) possesses a considerable advantage over the other sea-coasts, from its being able to rear any quantity of plantains.”—Voyage to the Demarary, &c. p. 115; and at p. 87, he speaks of the same fruit being the “negroes’ chief food.”Labat mentions a means of rendering the banana serviceable in travelling; and as the ingredients of his receipt are all of them good, the mixture must, I should imagine, be likewise good, and therefore I insert it for the benefit of those who may, as I have been, be much in want of something palatable, when crossing the Seará-Meirim. “Ceux qui veulent faire cette pâte avec plus de soin, font d’abord sécher les bananes au four ou au soleil, puis ils les gragent, ils y mêlent ensuite du sucre pilé, avec un peu de poudre de canelle, de géroffle et de gingembre, tant soit peu de farine et un blanc d’œuf pour lier toutes ces choses ensemble, après qu’elles ont été paitries avec un peu d’eau de fleur d’orange.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 314. Fewer ingredients might be made use of.Du Tertre says of the banana, “Quand on le coupe on voit une belle croix imprimeé sur chaque tronçon; c’est qui a fait croire à plusieurs que ce fruit est le même qu’Adam mangea dans le Paradis terrestre,”&c.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 140.Labat speaks of the same story, but adds, “Adam pouvoit avoir meilleure vûë que nous, ou la croix de ces bananes étoit mieux formée.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iii. p. 307. I was once desired by a Brazilian woman of colour to cut the banana lengthways, and not across, for by the latter manner of dividing the fruit, I should cut theCruz de Nosso Senhor, Our Saviour’s Cross.[188]Labat says, that “la patate est une espece de pomme de terre que approche assez de ce qu’on appelle en France les Taupinambours.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. ii. p. 400.Du Tertre says, “Lorsque les ouragans ont tant de fois ravagé les manyocs de nos isles, on a toujours eu recours aux patates, sans lesquelles bien du monde auroit pery de faim.” And again, “Tous les matins, c’est une coustume generale par toutes les isles de faire cuyre plein une chaudiere de patates pour dejeûner.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118 and 119.[189]Labat says, in speaking of cacao, “On ne manque jamais de planter du manioc en même tems qu’on met les amandes en terre.” This is done for the purpose of defending the plant from the sun. “On arrache le manioc au bout de douze ou quinze mois”—“et sur le champ on en plante d’autres, mais en moindre quantité, c’est a dire, qu’on ne met qu’un rang de fosses au milieu des allées;” and he recommends that the water-melon, the common melon, and such like plants should be sown between the mandioc and the cacao-trees.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 397 and 398.[190]Labat is angry at a notion which was entertained in his time by some people, that the black Ipecacuanha was only to be found near to the gold mines in the interior of Rio de Janeiro. He speaks of a third species of Ipecacuanha, which he distinguishes by the epithet ofgris, and he likewise mentions the white kind; both of these, he says, answer the same purpose as the black, but a larger dose is required.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 29.[191]“Vieyra, in his letters, mentions a received tradition that Emanuel ordered all the spice plants to be rooted up, lest the Indian trade should be injured, and that ginger was the only spice which escaped, because it was under-ground. He does not appear to have recollected the impossibility of carrying such an order into effect upon a continent.”—History of Brazil, vol. i, note to p. 32. Dr. Arruda alludes to this order in hisDiscurso sobre a utilidade da instituiçam de jardims, &c. And he adds that a few cinnamon trees at Pernambuco escaped as well as the ginger, p. 8.[192]“On one article, guinea-grains or malagueta-pepper, the duty has been doubled; not with a view of increasing the revenue, but of operating as a prohibition of the use of it, as it is supposed to have been extensively employed in the brewing of malt-liquor. The Directors however have great reason to doubt the existence of the deleterious qualities ascribed to this drug; as they find it to be universally esteemed in Africa one of the most wholesome of spices, and generally used by the natives to season their food.”—Fourth Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 16.If this article and themalaguetaof Brazil are the same, I should be strongly inclined to agree with the Report; and indeed I conceive that it is not only harmless but extremely wholesome. A decoction of the pods is used among the peasantry as an injection in aguish disorders.[193]Noticias MSS.quoted by Mr. Southey, History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 320.[194]Labat says, “a l’égard du thé, il croît naturellement aux isles. Toutes les terres lui sont propres, j’en ai vû en quantité à la Basseterre.” &c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 225.He mentions it again, and seems to be quite confident that the plant of which he speaks is the tea shrub.[195]“Il faut que les graines se naturalisent au pays, et quand cela est fait elles produisent a merveille. J’ai experimenté qu’ayant sémé des pois qui venoient de France, ils rapportoient trés peu, les seconds rapportoient davantage, mais le troisiémes produisoient d’une maniere extraordinaire pour le nombre, la grosseur et la bonte.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 367.[196]Du Tertre speaks of the same occurring in the Columbian Islands.[197]Again Labat, “On employe le suc des oranges aigres avec un succès merveilleux et infaillible à guerir les ulcéres quelque vieux et opiniátres qu’ils puissent être.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 254.The orange is cut into two pieces, and is rubbed violently upon the sore.[198]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 216.[199]This was not the case at one time in the French islands. “Quand quelque commandeur abuse d’une negre, l’enfant mulastre qui en vient est libre, et le pere est obligé de le nourrir et de l’entretenir jusqu’a l’age de douze ans, sans l’amende à laquelle il est encore condamné.”—Histoire des Antilles &c. tom. ii. p. 460.Labat tells us that “Le roi a fait revivre par sa Declaration la loi Romaine, qui veut que les enfans suivens le sort du ventre qui les a portez,” and this revival took place in 1674, when the king took the islands from the Companies which had held them during his pleasure.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. ii. p. 192.[200]The majority of the clergy of Pernambuco, both regular and secular, are of Brazilian parentage. The governor is an European, and so are the major part of the chief officers, civil, military, and ecclesiastical; but the bishop is a Brazilian, and so is theouvidor.[201]Our wicked stage coach and post chaise system.[202]The term ofSenhororSenhorais made use of to all free persons, whites, mulattos, and blacks, and in speaking to a freeman of whatever class or colour the manner of address is the same. Dr. Pinckard says, in his “Notes on the West Indies,” “the title of Mrs. seems to be reserved solely for the ladies from Europe, and the white Creoles, and to form a distinction between them and the women of colour of all classes and descriptions.”[203]I refer the reader to Edwards’ History of the West Indies, vol. ii.[204]“Era, porem ja nam he.”[205]“Pois Senhor Capitam-mor pode ser mulatto?”[206]To this statement some explanation is necessary, owing to the regulations of the Portugueze military service. Privates are sometimes raised to commissions by the intermediate steps of corporals, quarter-masters, and sergeants; these men gain their ensigncies without any relation to their birth; and though a decidedly dark coloured mulatto might not be so raised, a European of low birth would. It is to enable a man to become a cadet and then an officer without serving in the ranks, that requires nobility of birth.[207]The son of this man is a priest.[208]“Negro sim, porem direito.”
[117]It has obtained the name offormiga de roça. The wordroçameans literally a piece of land that has been planted, of which the native wood has been cut down and cleared away. But at the present day, in Pernambuco, the wordroçais applied to the mandioc plant exclusively; thus a peasant will say “hum bom roçado de roça,” a good field of mandioc. The wordroçadois used in speaking of any kind of field; as for instance, a fineroçadofor cotton,—a fineroçadofor cane, &c.[118]In theNouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, byPierre Barrere, I find that the great red ant is as troublesome in the neighbourhood of Cayenne as in the part of South America which I visited. p. 60.[119]Labat says, “Cet insecte engraisse les volailles.” I know that fowls are fond of the insect; but the peasants of Pernambuco prevent the poultry from eating it, because they say that such food gives a bad taste to the flesh; this is, I think, by no means improbable, for thecopimhas a most disagreeable smell. This author afterwards continues the same subject, saying, “Il y a deux sortes de bois qui ne sont pas de leur goût; l’acajou et le bois amer. Cela vient de ce que le suc et le bois de ces deux arbres est extrémement amer.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. ii. p. 389 and 392.I do not know what tree he means by thebois amer, which in another place he callsSimarouba. I well know that the red ant will not molest the leaves of the acaju tree; but the same occurs with regard to many other plants. The leaves of the acaju are certainly extremely bitter.[120]“Como a lua era forte.”[121]I have seen Piso’s account of the snakes of Brazil; and although the description which I have given of those which I saw, and of which I heard, differs somewhat from his, I have allowed mine to remain as it originally stood. Piso mentions the root of thejurepebaplant as being efficacious in curing the bites of snakes. Is this thejurubeba? If so, it is surprising that it should not now be used for this purpose. Thejurubebais to be found in almost all situations; a small shrub which yields a fruit resembling the potatoe apple. A decoction of the root is taken frequently at the present day for coughs and colds.Piso likewise speaks of thecaatia, orcaiatia, orcaacicaplant, which he says, has deservedly obtained the name of theherva de cobras; his description of it at p. 102, agrees in some respects with that of theherva cobreira, of which I have spoken at chapter 12; but it can scarcely be the same, for mine would have been more plentiful if it had been indigenous.[122]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 47.[123]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 485.[124]Labat in hisNouveau Voyage aux isles de l’Ameriquegives an elaborate account of the mangrove plants. He speaks of three species, and treats in the first place of themangle noir ou paletuvier. To this tree he applies precisely what I should say of themangue vermelhoor red mangrove, with respect to its manner of growing, and to the description of the plant altogether, excepting in regard of the bark which he states in themangle noir, to befort brune, whereas the red mangrove derives its name from the red colour of the inside of the bark. He says that it is used for tanning, and “on peut se servir du tronc de cet arbre pour les ouvrages où l’on a besoin d’un bois qui résiste à l’eau,” tom. ii. p. 195 and 197. I suppose he concluded that this would be so as the wood grew in the water. Now themangueswith which I am acquainted soon rot, even in salt water when used as stakes; for although the trees are propagated by means of shoots, if a part of the stem of one of them is put into the ground it does not take root, and indeed soon rots in any situation. The pens for catching fish are made of posts which are obtained from the forest, and these are scarce and dear. Would not the mangrove be used, if it was sufficiently durable?He speaks afterwards of themangle rouge, and this from his description appears to me to be what the Pernambucans call themangue bravo; this does not grow in salt water, but in the vicinity of it. It is a large tree of irregular make, the branches being much twisted and full of knots.Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary describes the red mangrove as I have seen it, but he says that the bark is grey. In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 8, I find that some notion was entertained in 1809, of introducing the mangrove bark into this country for tanning.[125]I once asked an African negro the name of this tree, and he answeredcoraçam de homemor man’s heart; thus he did not chuse to use the name of negro’s heart. The man knew the usual name perfectly well.[126]The iron wood is mentioned by Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary; and thebois de fer, by Labat, in theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais à Cayenne, &c. he says, “Le bois de fer se trouve par-tout en quantité,” tom. iii. p. 240.[127]Marcgraff also speaks of a species ofjacaranda, which is a white wood.[128]I shall give the names of those with which I am acquainted:parôba,jacaranduba,guabiraba,araroba,cicopira,embiriba,sapucaia,aroeira do Sertam. This last is only found in parts far removed from the coast, and is accounted of equal value with thepao ferro.Labat, in speaking of the kinds of wood which are fit for building, says, “Je ne croi pas devoir renvoyer à un autre endroit la remarque que j’ai faite sur tous les bois qu’on met en terre qui est, que pour peu qu’ils soient bons ce n’est pas la partie qui est en terre qui se pourrit ni celle qui est dehors, mais seulement ce qui est au ras de terre.” This I have found to be true to a certain extent; but there are some species of timber which rot very quickly under ground, though the part which he termsau ras de terreis certainly that which decays the most speedily. He continues “Pour éviter cet inconvenient, il faut brûler la partie qui doit être en terre et quelques pouces au dessus, c’est-à-dire la sécher au feu ou dans les cendres rouges, sans la réduire en charbon, afin que la seve ou l’humidité qui s’y pourroit encore trouver, soit entierement dessechée, que les pores se renfermant, les parties se raprochent les unes des autres, le bois devient plus compact et par consequent plus propre à résister à l’humidité.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom ii. p. 386.This is done in Pernambuco, and is found to be of great service; but it is only practised with those woods which are known not to be naturally durable under ground.[129]Labat says, “L’arbre que nous appellons acajou aux isles du Vent, est le même que celui que les Espagnols appellent cedre dans la Terre-ferme et dans les grandes isles. Je ne sai qui a plus de raison; car je n’ai jamais vû les cedres du Liban, que selon les rélations que j’en ai lû ne ressemblent point du tout au cedre Espagnol.” He says likewise, “Ce qu’il ne faut pas confondre avec l’acajou à fruit dont j’ai parlé dans un autre endroit.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. viii. p. 208 and 212.He speaks in vol. ii. p. 94, of two large Indian canoes made ofbois d’acajouorcedre. I am inclined to think that theacajouof the islands and thecedreof the Spaniards is thepao amarelloof Pernambuco.[130]Piso says, that its small clustering red fruit has the property of curing meat owing to its acidity and astringency.[131]The indefatigable and all-observant, although unfeeling and brutal Labat, has also mentioned thepinham, under the name ofmedicinier ou pignons d’Inde, and he gives a print of it. His account of the plant is elaborate, and he speaks of three kinds. Of that of which I have treated, he says, “Sa fleur n’a rien de beau. Elle ne vient jamais seule, mais en bouquets composez de plusieurs fleurons d’un blanc sale tirant sur le verd. Chaque fleuron est composé de cinq feuilles en maniere d’etoile, qui font comme un cul de lampe arrondi avec un col plus resserré et terminé par l’extrémité des feüilles qui se renversent en dehors. Le fond du fleuron est garni et comme renfermé entre cinq petites feuilles. C’est du centre de ces fleurs que l’on voit sortir le fruit; ordinairement il est de la grosseur d’une noix commune d’Europe.” He says again (after speaking of its purgative quality, which it likewise possesses with that of provoking vomiting) alluding to the separation of each seed into two parts, “Lorsqu’elle est recente, elle se partage naturellement en deux parties, entre lesquelles on trouve une petite pellicule à qui on attribüe une qualité de purger plus violemment qu’a tout le reste de la noix.” My old woman said, that thepinhamshould not be given, unless the person who prepared it was well acquainted with it, because a certain part of the seed was dangerous; but she would not shew me where the dangerous substance was to be found. Labat continues, saying that four or five of the seeds are a proper dose as a purge, “mais quand on en prend une plus grande quantité, on s’expose à des vomissemens cruels et à des évacuations trop grandes.” He mentions a fact which is curious. In speaking of Europeans having oftentimes eaten of this nut without being acquainted with its properties, he says, “une régle générale qu’il faut observer a l’egard des fruits qu’on ne connoît point est de n’y point toucher à moins qu’on ne voye q’ils out été bequetez par les oiseaux.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iii. p. 300, 301, and 302.In Piso, p. 83, an account will be found of theMunduy-guacu, Lusitanis Pinhoes do Brasil, ejusque usu in medicina.I have perhaps quoted too copiously in writing an account of those plants which Labat has described, but I must have followed so nearly what he has said, that my description might have been supposed to have had his for its basis. Perhaps these plants need not have been described at all, but to some readers a confirmation of what other travellers have said may afford satisfaction.[132]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 466.[133]The following story was current at Conception, and I knew all the persons of whom it was related. A young man was intimate in a family of a rank inferior to his own, and he frequently made presents to several individuals of it, which was generally thought strange, as it did not contain any young female. Therefore to account for this predilection, it was reported, that the good old woman to whom he was so kind, possessed a small image of St. Antonio, which was concealed in a bit of old cloth; and it had several scraps of ribbons and I know not what else, tied to its neck, legs and arms; and with this she was said to perform certain mysterious rites, which secured the continuance of the young man’s affection towards herself and family.[134]When I resided at Jaguaribe, I was once standing by and hearing the conversation of a man and woman, who were laughing and joking upon several subjects; but I was more particularly amused when the man answered to something that had been mentioned, saying, “I will ask Our Lady of the Conception.” The woman replied, “But she will not grant what you ask;” he then said, “Well, I will then apply to Our Lady of the O.”—Thus entirely forgetting that the same person is intended under another name.[135]“Em negocio de branco, negro nam se mete.”[136]“Morra e deixe de bobagems.”[137]“A sua gente he mais sabida que a nossa.”[138]“Dizem, que Vm. he muito santo.”[139]Labat, in theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais, a Cayenne, &c.vol. iii. p. 253, gives an account of the bees which corresponds in some respects with mine. He says, “Elles n’ont point d’aiguillon, ou il est si foible qu’il ne peut entamer l’épiderme aussi sans préparation et sans crainte on les prend a pleines mains sans en ressentir autre incommodité qu’un leger chatouillement.”—I do not think those of Pernambuco would be found to be quite so harmless.[140]I have seen a print in Barlæus representing this channel as still being open, and the fort situated upon an island which it almost entirely covers.[141]I have been much blamed by one of my friends for not having eaten of the flesh of thejacarè; and indeed I felt a little ashamed of my squeamishness, when I was shown by the same friend, a passage in a French writer, whose name I forget, in which he speaks favourably of this flesh. However, if the advocate for experimental eating had seen an alligator cut into slices, he would, I think, have turned from the sight as quickly as I did. The Indians eat these creatures, but the negroes will not, no not even thegabamnegroes who are said to be cannibals.[142]In making use of the word Brazil, it must be understood that I mean to denote that portion of the country which I have had opportunities of seeing. The agriculture of the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and Bahia is doubtless in a more forward state than that of Pernambuco and the line of coast to Maranham.[143]I insert here a description of a machine for rooting up the stumps of trees, by Cit. Saint Victor, member of the Society of Agriculture, for the department of the Seine.“It consists of a bar of forged iron, about two feet eight inches long, one inch thick towards the handle, and of two inches towards the breech or platform. The platform, which is circular, is fourteen inches in diameter. This platform serves as the base of the chamber or furnace of the mine, which is three inches in diameter, and three inches eight lines in the length of its bore. The stopper or tampion, which serves as a plug to the mine, is of the same diameter, to enter within after a slight paper or wadding. It is attached by a chain to the gun or mortar, which last is eight inches in diameter. About two inches above is added a small touch-hole and pan. The hole is directed in an angle of forty-five degrees, and is primed with powder to communicate with the charge with which the chamber is filled up to the stopper. This engine may be cast even with more facility in brass or bronze, and in this case it must be a little thicker in all its dimensions, in order to afford a resistance equal to that of the forged iron.”“USE OF THE MACHINE.”“When the machine is charged with powder, a small excavation is made with a pick-axe, in the centre of the stump. The machine is then placed in it, so that the plug immediately touches the wood. Care must be taken to fill all the vacancies, either with stones or pieces of iron or wood, more especially beneath the platform of the machine, in order that the explosion of the powder may have its full effect on the stump, of which, if necessary, the principal roots should first be cut if any appear on the surface of the ground near the stump that is to be eradicated.”“When the machine is firmly fixed in its place, the priming is put into the pan, a slow match applied, the length of which is sufficient to allow time to retire to a proper distance from the explosion.”—Journal of Natural Philosophy, &c. by W. Nicholson, vol. iv. p. 243 to 245.In Pernambuco the only means of rooting up the stumps which is known, is that of digging deep trenches round about them.[144]Labat says, that in clearing lands, it is not necessary to take up the stumps of the trees, unless they are thosedes bois mols dont les souches poussent des rejettons; now in Brazil, almost all the trees that have been cut down put forth shoots.[145]It has been discontinued of late years by some persons, and I have heard it said, that the ratoon canes do not grow so well; but that the land requires to be laid down for a much shorter period.[146]Labat says, “Les terres neuves grasses et fortes fournissent abondamment de la nourriture aux souches, et les entretiennent pendant quinze et vingt ans et plus, sans qu’on s’apperçoive d’aucune diminution, ni dans l’abondance, ni dans la bonté, ni dans la grandeur, ni dans la grosseur, des rejettons;” and he even says that the stumps “conduisent plutôt leurs rejettons à une parfaite maturité, pourvûs qu’on ait soin de rechausser les souches,” &c.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 368.I had previously read the following passage in another work, “Dans les plantations situées au bord du Demerari on fait trente recoltes successives de sucre sans transplanter les cannes, &c.—Voyage a la Guiane &c.” p. 222.As this work is of doubtful reputation, I should not have cited any statement which was made in it unless I was myself aware of its correctness, or unless the fact was mentioned by other writers; but when Labat speaks of the same thing, there must be some foundation for the statement.[147]Labat says, “Toutes les terres, en un mot qui sont neuves, c’est-à-dire qui n’ont jamais été planteés, ni semées, dans lesquelles on met des cannes aussi-tôt qu’on a abbatu les arbres qui les couvroient, portent des cannes trés grosses et en quantité, remplis de beaucoup de suc, mais gras, crud, peu sucré, trés difficile à cuire et à purifier. Je me suis trouvé quelquefois dans ces circonstances et particulierement à la Guadeloupe, ou ayant fait défricher une terre neuve, à plus d’une lieüe du bord de la mer, et l’ayant plantée en cannes c’etoit quelque chose de surprenant de voir le nombre, la grosseur et la hauteur de ces cannes, lorsqu’elles n’avoient encore que six mois; cependant je les fis couper a cet âge, et après que j’eus retiré ce dont j’avois besoin pour planter, je fis faire de l’eau-de-vie du reste, et je fis mettre le feu au terrain pour consumer les pailles, dont la pourriture n’auroit servi qu’à augmenter la graisse de la terre. Quatorze mois aprés cette coupe, je fis employer en sucre blanc les rejettons qui étoient crûs, dont la bonté repondit parfaitement à la beauté, qui ne pouvoit être plus grande.”—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 339.His account of this affair still continues, but I have transcribed the more important part of it.The master of the grammar school at Itamaraca, told me that he acted in the same manner with respect to a quantity of cane which he once planted upon a piece of land that was afterwards cultivated by me; he was satisfied that this was the better plan, when the land is in the state which Labat describes; but the people in general thought that he was mad, until crop time came, and then they changed their opinion.In another work Labat says, “le terrain nouvellement défriché, étant naturellement gras et humide, et sa situation le rendant encore aqueux, les cannes qu’il produit, sont à la vérité grosses, grandes, pleines de suc; mais ce suc est gras et aqueux; il est par conséquent plus long à cuire, plus difficile à purifier, de sorte qu’il faudra abbatre et mettre au moulin plus de cannes, purifier et cuire plus de jus ou de suc pour faire une barrique de sucre, qu’il n’en faut à la Martinique pour en faire quatre.”—Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. tom. iii. 204. In the little experience which I had, I was surprised to find an increase or decrease in the quantity of the product of the same number of cart loads of cane from different quarters of the plantation; but my mind was then too much occupied to allow me to look for the cause of this.At the time that Labat wrote his account of the French portion of the Columbian islands, (from 1693 to 1705) they were in a state which resembled much that of Brazil in the present day; that is, the colonists were forming establishments and clearing lands; agriculture was in a rude state, and as sugar colonies were then, comparatively speaking, new things, improvements were daily striking the thinking men who went out to those places; for it was a subject to which intellect was at that time turned. The system in the Columbian islands has now been much benefited, by the advanced state of the mother countries which possess them; and the communication between the islands belonging to the several powers which rule them, has led them to adopt and to profit by each other’s inventions and ideas. But Brazil has been left to its own resources; no interest has been taken in its concerns from without, nor has any regard been paid to the mental advancement of the people belonging to it, so that it cannot be wondered at that the country should have made very little progress. However the similarity of the state of the French islands in the time of Labat, to that of Brazil at the present day, and his powers of observation, induce me to think that some of his remarks may be useful in the latter country, although they may be out of date in the places of which he wrote. Thus much I say, as a reason for making frequent notes from him.[148]Labat speaks of seeing canes planted down to the water’s edge at Guadaloupe; he says that he tasted the juice of some of them, and found it to be rather brackish; “d’où il étoit aisé de conclure que le sucre brut qu’on en feroit, pourroit être beau, comme il l’etoit en effet en tout le quartier du grand cul-de-sac, mais qu’il seroit difficile de réussir en sucre blanc, comme il est arrivé.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p.71.[149]Besides the usual mode of holing, Mr. Edwards mentions the following method; “the planter instead of stocking up his ratoons, and holing and planting the land anew, suffers the stoles to continue in the ground and contents himself, as his cane fields become thin and impoverished, by supplying the vacant spaces with fresh plants.”—History of the West Indies, vol. ii. p. 207.[150]A plough drawn by two oxen, constructed after a model which was brought from Cayenne, has been introduced in one or two instances.[151]The passages in this chapter which are marked as being quotations, are taken from Edwards’ History of the West Indies. I mention this, once for all, to save room and trouble.[152]The author of theNouveau Voyage &c.tom.iii. p. 218. mentions having covered the claying house belonging to a mill, the property of his Order, with the tops of the sugar cane. I never saw this practised in Brazil, and indeed Labat says, that they were not commonly put to this purpose in the parts of which he writes. He says, that a species of reed was usually employed. In Brazil there is a kind of grass which answers the purpose, and is durable; and this quality, Labat says, that the cane tops possess; however in Brazil the leaves of the coco and of other palms are generally used.Although it was the general custom to employ the cane tops for planting, Labat objects to them from his own authority, upon the score of these not possessing sufficient strength to yield good canes. The same opinion is general in Pernambuco.[153]Labat lays great stress upon the ripeness of the canes. “Il faut donc observer avant que de couper les cannes quel est leur degré de perfection et de maturité plutôt que leur âge,”&c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 353.But when a plantation has a large crop, it is absolutely impossible to attend so particularly to the ripeness as he inculcates; some of the cane must be ground unripe, and other parts of the field cannot be cut until after the proper time.[154]The French friar complains of the rats, and says that there was in his time achasseur de ratsupon every estate. He says that he made hischasseurbring the rats that were caught to him; and he desired to have the whole rat, for if the heads or tails only came, the bodies were eaten by the negroes, which he wished to prevent, as he thought that this food brought on consumption. I know that the negroes in Brazil eat every rat which they can catch, and I do not see why they should not be well tasted and wholesome food, for they feed on sugar-cane and mandioc. I cannot refrain from transcribing the following statement: “Il y a des habitans qui se contentent que le preneur de rats leur en apporte les quëues ou les têtes. C’est une mauvaise methode, parce que les preneurs voisins s’accordent ensemble et portent les quëues d’un côté et les têtes d’autre, afin de profiter de la recompense que les maîtres donnent, sans se mettre beaucoup en peine de tendre les attrapes.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c., tom. iii. p. 358.[155]“Dorminhoco como negro de Engenho,”—as sleepy as the negro of a sugar-mill, is a common proverb.[156]In a few instances the “upright iron plated rollers” used in the Columbian islands have been erected. These have been sent from England, and are much approved of, particularly for mills that have the advantage of being turned by water.[157]Labat says, speaking of the same dreadful kind of accident, “Ce qui pourroit arriver si la largeur des établis ni les en empêchoit;” he also mentions the necessity of having “sur le bout de la table une serpe sans bec bien affilée, pour s’en servir au besoin.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 406 and 407.[158]The author of theNoveau Voyage, &c.says, the Portugueze, when they first established themselves in Brazil, and indeed even at the present time, (1696) in some places make use of mills for grinding the sugar cane similar to those of Normandy, “pour briser les pommes à faire le cidre, et dont on se sert aux päis ou il y a des oliviers, pour écraser les olives.”—tom iii. p. 428.I never heard of any description of mill being employed at the present day, excepting that which is in general use.[159]In the French islands the liquor was passed through a cloth when conveyed from the first cauldron into the second: of the trough I find no mention.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 24.[160]In theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c.I find that “le sucre séché au soleil est toujours plus susceptible d’humidité, que celui qui a été bien séché dans une bonne étuve.” tom. iii. p. 205.In the fourth volume of theNouveau Voyage, p. 106 to 110, is a description of an oven for drying clayed sugars; this would be interesting to Brazilian readers, but it is too long to excuse insertion before a British public.[161]The long improved ovens, such as are used in the Columbians islands, are beginning to be introduced.[162]The following method of preparing thetemperwill be useful in the country of which I am treating, and therefore I think I may be permitted to insert it, although it is long.“Le barril à lessive étant posé sur la sellette ou sur un trépied, on en bouche le trou avec une quantité de paille longue et entiere, aprés quoi on y met une couche composée des herbes suivantes, aprés les avoir broyées entre ses mains, et aprés les avoir hachées.“Herbes à blé; c’est une herbe qui croît par touffes comme le blé qui est levé depuis deux ou trois mois, et à qui elle ressemble beaucoup. On arrache la touffe entiere avec sa racine qui est fort petite.“La seconde se nomme herbe à pique. Cette plante a une tige droite de la grosseur d’un tuyau de plume d’oye et de la hauteur de quinze à dix-huit pouces. Son extrémité porte une feüille comme celle de l’ozeille pour la couleur et pour la consistance, mais qui ressemble entiérement au fer d’une pique.“La troisiéme est la mal-nommée. C’est une petite herbe déliée, fine et frizée à peu près comme les cheveux des négres.“On met ces trois sortes d’herbes par portion égale, avec quelques feüilles et quelques morceaux de lianne brûlante. Cette lianne est une espéce de lierre, dont la feüille est plus tendre, plus mince et les bois plus spongieux que le lierre d’Europe. On écrase un peu le bois et les feüilles, avant que de les mettre dans le barril. C’est avec ces quatre sortes d’herbes qu’on garnit le fond du barril jusqu’ à trois pouces de hauteur; on les couvre d’un lit de cendre de pareille épaisseur, et l’on choisit la cendre faite du meilleur bois qu’on ait brûlé, comme sont le chataignier, le bois rouge, le bois caraibe, le raisinier, l’oranger ou autres bois durs, dont les cendres et les charbons sont remplis de beaucoup de sel. On met sur cette couche de cendre une couche de chaux vive de même épaisseur, et sur celle-ci une autre couche des mêmes herbes, ausquelles on ajoûte une ou deux cannes d’inde ou de seguine bâtarde, amorties au feu, et coupées par ruelles de l’épaisseur d’un ecu. Cette plante vient sur le bord des eaux marécageuses, sa tige est ronde d’un pouce ou environ de diamétre; sa peau est fort mince et fort verte; le dedans est blanc, assez compacte, et rempli d’une liqueur extrémement mordicante, qui fait une vilaine tache, et ineffaçable sur le linge et sur les étoffes où elle tombe. Sa feüille est tout-a-fait semblable pour la figure à celle de la porée ou bette, mais elle est plus verte et plus lisse, et ses fibres ne se distinguent presque pas; on ne les met point dans la lessive. Toutes ces herbes sont extrémement corrosives et mordicantes. On remplit ainsi le barril de cendre, de chaux, et d’herbes, par lits jusqu’à ce qu’il soit plein, et on le termine par une couche des mêmes herbes bien broyées et hachées. Quand on se sert des cendres qui viennent de sortir des fourneaux, et qui sont encore toutes brûlantes, on remplit le barril avec de l’eau froide; mais lorsque les cendres sont froides, on fait boüiller l’eau avant que de la mettre dans le barril. On met un pot ou un autre vaisseau sous le trou qui est bouché de paille, pour recevoir l’eau qui en dégoûte, que l’on remet dans le barril, et que l’on fait passer sur le marc qu’il contient, jusqu’à ce que cette lessive devienne si forte que la mettant sur la langue avec le bout du doigt, on ne puisse pas l’y souffrir, et qu’elle jaunisse le doigt, comme si c’étoit de l’eau forte.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iv. p. 33 to 35.[163]A few of the more wealthy planters have sent for large stills from England, and have, of course, found their infinite superiority over those in common use.Even in the time of Labat, his countrymen were much before the Pernambucan planters respecting the arrangement of the still-houses. They had copper stills.[164]Thealvaràwas passed the 21st January, 1809. One to the same effect had been passed on the 22d September, 1758, for the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro; this was extended to other captaincies, at first as a temporary law, but it was afterwards several times renewed; and it was at last allowed to be in force in all the ultra-marine dominions of Portugal, by thealvaràof the 6th July, 1807. However as there were some restrictions attached to this law, that of 1809 was passed. By this last, in the first place, executions cannot be made upon sugar estates which are in a working state and do work regularly, and that have under cultivation that quantity of ground which is requisite for the carrying on of the work of the mill, and for the support of the slaves; executions can only be carried into effect upon one third of the net produce of such plantations; the other two thirds being left for the expences of cultivation, and for the administration, that is, for the support of the owner.Secondly. Executions can however be made if the debt is equal to or above the value of the estate; but the whole of the slaves, the cattle, the lands, and the implements belonging to theengenhomust form one valuation, nor can they be separated; but they must all be taken as parts of theengenho.Thirdly. If there are more debts than one, and these together make up the sum which may cause the plantation to be subject to execution, still some law proceedings must be entered into, by which these several debts may be placed in such a form as to be considered as one debt. Thus the government does those things which ought not to be done, and leaves undone those things which ought to be done.[165]“Qu’ils (les cabrouettiers) ayent soin, quand il est nécessaire de leur faire ôter les barbes, qui sont certaines excrescences de chair, qui leur viennent sous la langue, qui les empêchent de paître. Car les bœfs ne coupent pas l’herbe avec les dents comme les chevaux, ils ne font que l’entortiller avec la langue et l’arracher; mais quand ils ont ces excrescences, qui leur causent de la douleur, ils ne peuvent appliquer leur langue autour de l’herbe et deviennent maigres et sans force.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iv. p. 179.Of this disorder I never heard, but there is one to which horses as well as horned cattle are subject; it is produced by the animals feeding upon fields of which the grass is very short. The flesh grows from the roots of the teeth towards their edges, and at last renders it impossible for the beasts to eat.[166]The following is a statement of the number of cases of sugar exported from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813.1808.42711809.128011810.98401811.77491812.85771813.9022I obtained it from my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable portion of the time.[167]I have seen some fine cotton shrubs at the distance of one or two leagues, and even less, from the sea coast; but the attempts that have been made to cultivate it to any extent in such situations, have not, from what I have seen and heard, met with the desired success. Might not the Sea-Island seed be sent for, and a trial of it made? The Pernambuco cotton is superior to that of every other part, excepting the small quantity which is obtained from those islands.Bolingbroke, in his “Voyage to the Demerary,” says that “On the sea coast the British settlers also commenced the culture of cotton, and found that land to answer much better than the soil up the river.”—In Phillips’ Collection, &c. p. 81.The cotton of the settlements upon the part of South America of which he writes, is very inferior to that of Pernambuco.In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 23, I find it stated, that “the saline air of the sea-shore, which generally destroys coffee, is favourable to cotton;” at p. 27, it is said that cotton never fails to degenerate “when it has been propagated in the same ground for many years without a change of seed.”[168]I have heard that the seeds would form a very good food for cattle, if they could be completely freed from all particles of wool; here lies the difficulty.[169]In Labat’s time these machines were likewise worked by the feet of the person who was employed in thrusting the cotton against the rollers.[170]Mr. Edwards calls the species of the cotton plant which is cultivated in the Columbian islands, thecommon Jamaica, of which “the staple is coarse but strong.” It is difficult to clean, owing to the brittleness of the seeds. It is strange, as Mr. Edwards remarks, that the British cotton planters should be acquainted with species of the shrub which produce finer wool, and yet continue to rear this inferior quality.[171]The following is a statement of the export of cotton from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813. It was furnished to me by my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable part of the time.1808.26,8771809.47,5121810.50,1031811.28,2451812.58,8241813.65,327From this it would appear that in saying, at chapter 1st, that the export from thence at the present time is between 80,000 and 90,000 bags annually, I have over-rated the real number. But it will be seen that the increase has been considerable from 1812 to 1813, and I know that it still continues to increase as rapidly, if not more so.[172]Edwards’ History of the West-Indies.[173]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 233.[174]Mr. Southey says, “When the mandioc failed, what was called stick flour (in Portuguezefarinha de pao) was made from the wood of the Urucuri-iba, which they cut in pieces and bruised; and this being less liable to corrupt than the mandioc, is now generally used in the Brazilian ships.” vol. i. p. 233. Thefarinha de paowhich is at present used in these ships, is made from the mandioc, and the name of stick-flour is by no means inapposite; for it always requires to be picked before it is used, to take out the bits of the husk and of the hardened fibres of the root which may chance to remain. But the name may have, and most probably did, commence with the stick-flour of the Urucuri-iba; and when the substance from which it was made was changed, the name still continued. I refer the reader to the History of Brazil for a farther account of the mandioc.[175]Du Tertre gives three remedies for those who have drank of the juice. “Le premier que j’ay veu pratiquer heureusement c’est de boire de l’huile d’olive avec de l’eau tiede, ce qui fait vomir tout ce qu’on a pris; le second qui est tres-assuré est de boire quantité de suc d’ananas, avec quelques goutes de jus de citron; mais sur tous les remedes, le suc de l’herbe aux couleuvres, dont tous les arbres de ces isles sont revêtus, est le souverain antidote, non seulement contre ce mal, mais encore contre toute sorte de venin.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118.Labat does not believe in the virtue of theherbe de couleuvresin this case.[176]Du Tertre speaks of the savages making use in their dishes ofl’eau de manyoc.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 389.“Nos sauvages qui en mettent(the juice of the mandioc)dans toutes leurs sauces n’en sont jamais incommodez parce qu’ils ne s’en servent jamais que quand il a boüilli.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i, p. 400.Likewise in the “Voyage a la Guiane,” p. 101, “Le suc de manioc cet instrument de mort devient, travaillé par les creoles de Cayenne, une sauce appétissante et salutaire.”“The juice is boiled with meat and seasoned, and makes excellent soup, which is termed casserepo, and used in pepper-pot and sauces.”—Voyage to the Demerary, &c. by H. Bolingbroke, p. 149.Dr. Pinckard mentions having tasted in the colony of Demerary of the juice of the cassada prepared as sauce.—Notes on the West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 257.During the famine of 1793, the people of Pernambuco made use of the juice as food; but in times of plenty it is regarded as being unfit for any purpose. It is by evaporation that it loses its poisonous qualities.[177]Du Tertre speaks of a species of harmless mandioc, which is calledKamanioc, and he adds, that it isassez rare.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.Labat likewise speaks of theCamanioc, “comme qui diroit le chef des maniocs. En effet son bois, ses feüilles et ses racines sont plus grandes et plus grosses que les autres maniocs. Mais comme il est beaucoup plus long tems à crôitre et à mûrir, et que ses racines rendent beaucoup moins de farine parce qu’elles sont plus legéres et plus spongieuses que les autres, on le neglige et peu de gens en plantent.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 411.It is not only the root of themacaxeirawhich is smaller, but the plant is, I think, altogether smaller than the other species.Barrere, in theNouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, p. 61, speaks of the harmless species under the name ofmaniok sauvage.[178]Barrere says, speaking of Cayenne, “Les Creoles préferent encore au meilleur pain du monde la cassave qu’elles mange rarement séche; car elles la font toujours tremper dans l’eau ou dans quelque sauce: c’est sans doute cette nourriture qui leur donne cette couleur pâle, et qui fait qu’elles n’ont point de coloris.” I am afraid he does not look quite far enough for the want of colour in the ladies of Cayenne.Then again, he says, “On ne mange que trés rarement a Cayenne, ou pour mieux dire, presque jamais de la Coaque, qui est la nourriture ordinaire des Portugais de Parà, du Maragnan, et des peuples, qui sont sur les rivages du fleuve des Amazones.” He describes thecoaque; and it is clearly thefarinha, but he does not explain how thecassavewas made, of which the creole ladies were so fond, and which did them so much mischief.He says afterwards, “Les Indiens Portugais, quand ils veulent prendre leurs repas, ils mettent une poignée de coaque dans le creux de la main, qui leur sert d’assiette; et de là ils la font sauter adroitement dans la bouche; l’on boit par dessus une bonne coüye d’eau et de boisson; et voila leur repas pris.”—Nouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, p. 55, and 56.This mode of eating and the abstemiousness of the repast are both common in Brazil to all casts of people. With respect to thecassave, I cannot comprehend what he means. But, contrary to his notion, to eatfarinhain the manner that he mentions quite dry, although it is done by most people, is not reckoned wholesome. In fact, it is one of the duties of afeitoror manager to see that the negroes do not make their meals with dryfarinha, but he should see that they makepiram; this is done by mixing the flour with boiling water or gravy. The negroes do not dislikepiram, but they are sometimes too idle or too much fatigued to take the trouble of cooking their victuals; and therefore they eat thefarinhadry, and their salt meat with it, after having smoke-dried the latter upon a wooden skewer. The disorder which is said to proceed from constantly eating dryfarinhais the dropsy. The flour of the mandioc swells considerably when it is moistened: if the expansion takes place in the stomach it may be injurious, and this may perhaps afford some reason for the opinion of the Brazilians upon the subject.[179]Du Tertre mentions the same practice,—of steeping the mandioc, and says that the savages were in the habit “de la sécher au soleil et l’ecorce s’ostant d’elle-mesme, ils pillent le manyoc dans un mortier, pour le reduire en farine, qu’ils mangent sans autre cuisson.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.Labat says, that the maroon negroes used to prepare it in the two following ways. “C’est de la couper par morceaux, et de le mettre tremper dans l’eau courante des rivieres ou des ravines pendant sept ou huit heures. Le movement de l’eau ouvre les pores de la racine et entraîne ce trop de substance. La seconde maniere est de le mettre cuire tout entier sous la braise. L’action du feu met ses parties en mouvement et on le mange comme on fait des chataignes ou des patates sans aucune crainte.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 410.I think the said negroes must have been accustomed by degrees to eating the mandioc in this manner. I should not be willing to recommend either of these ways of cooking it.[180]“Les Espanhols en font des tasses pour prendre le chocolat. J’en ai vû de très belles bien travaillées, cizelées, enrichies d’argent sur un pied d’argent, et d’ autres sur un pied fait d’un autre morceau de cocos bien cizelé.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 273.[181]“On prétend que l’arbre est autant d’années à rapporter du fruit, qu’il a été de mois en terre, avant de pousser son germe.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 267.Labat does not however vouch for the truth of the statement. He speaks of the cabbage of the coco-tree being very good; and I agree with him. A coco-tree was cut down at Itamaraca, and the vicar sent me the cabbage of which several dishes were made, and they were excellent.[182]Vide Appendix for a further account of the coco-tree.[183]Labat was a most determined experimental eater, and therefore I was not surprised at meeting with the following expression of regret, “Je suis faché de n’avoir pas expérimenté pendant que j’étois aux isles, si cette huile ne seroit pas bonne à manger.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 283. I wish he had.[184]Mr. Clarkson, in his work on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade, p. 13 and 14, mentions that a small billet was brought to England from the coast of Africa among a parcel of bar-wool; that “it was found to produce a colour that emulated the carmine, and was deemed to be so valuable in the dying trade, that an offer was immediately made of sixty guineasperton for any quantity that could be procured.”[185]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 19.[186]Labat is much enraged, in his work of theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. at the idea of the Portugueze monopolizing the trade in Brazil wood, by persuading all the world that the only true wood came from Pernambuco, orFernambourg, as he calls it. He imagines that the Brazil is the same as the logwood.[187]The long banana or plantain appears to be of much more importance in Demarary and the adjoining colonies, for Mr. Bolingbroke says, “This coast (between the Essequibo and Pomaroon rivers) possesses a considerable advantage over the other sea-coasts, from its being able to rear any quantity of plantains.”—Voyage to the Demarary, &c. p. 115; and at p. 87, he speaks of the same fruit being the “negroes’ chief food.”Labat mentions a means of rendering the banana serviceable in travelling; and as the ingredients of his receipt are all of them good, the mixture must, I should imagine, be likewise good, and therefore I insert it for the benefit of those who may, as I have been, be much in want of something palatable, when crossing the Seará-Meirim. “Ceux qui veulent faire cette pâte avec plus de soin, font d’abord sécher les bananes au four ou au soleil, puis ils les gragent, ils y mêlent ensuite du sucre pilé, avec un peu de poudre de canelle, de géroffle et de gingembre, tant soit peu de farine et un blanc d’œuf pour lier toutes ces choses ensemble, après qu’elles ont été paitries avec un peu d’eau de fleur d’orange.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 314. Fewer ingredients might be made use of.Du Tertre says of the banana, “Quand on le coupe on voit une belle croix imprimeé sur chaque tronçon; c’est qui a fait croire à plusieurs que ce fruit est le même qu’Adam mangea dans le Paradis terrestre,”&c.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 140.Labat speaks of the same story, but adds, “Adam pouvoit avoir meilleure vûë que nous, ou la croix de ces bananes étoit mieux formée.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iii. p. 307. I was once desired by a Brazilian woman of colour to cut the banana lengthways, and not across, for by the latter manner of dividing the fruit, I should cut theCruz de Nosso Senhor, Our Saviour’s Cross.[188]Labat says, that “la patate est une espece de pomme de terre que approche assez de ce qu’on appelle en France les Taupinambours.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. ii. p. 400.Du Tertre says, “Lorsque les ouragans ont tant de fois ravagé les manyocs de nos isles, on a toujours eu recours aux patates, sans lesquelles bien du monde auroit pery de faim.” And again, “Tous les matins, c’est une coustume generale par toutes les isles de faire cuyre plein une chaudiere de patates pour dejeûner.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118 and 119.[189]Labat says, in speaking of cacao, “On ne manque jamais de planter du manioc en même tems qu’on met les amandes en terre.” This is done for the purpose of defending the plant from the sun. “On arrache le manioc au bout de douze ou quinze mois”—“et sur le champ on en plante d’autres, mais en moindre quantité, c’est a dire, qu’on ne met qu’un rang de fosses au milieu des allées;” and he recommends that the water-melon, the common melon, and such like plants should be sown between the mandioc and the cacao-trees.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 397 and 398.[190]Labat is angry at a notion which was entertained in his time by some people, that the black Ipecacuanha was only to be found near to the gold mines in the interior of Rio de Janeiro. He speaks of a third species of Ipecacuanha, which he distinguishes by the epithet ofgris, and he likewise mentions the white kind; both of these, he says, answer the same purpose as the black, but a larger dose is required.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 29.[191]“Vieyra, in his letters, mentions a received tradition that Emanuel ordered all the spice plants to be rooted up, lest the Indian trade should be injured, and that ginger was the only spice which escaped, because it was under-ground. He does not appear to have recollected the impossibility of carrying such an order into effect upon a continent.”—History of Brazil, vol. i, note to p. 32. Dr. Arruda alludes to this order in hisDiscurso sobre a utilidade da instituiçam de jardims, &c. And he adds that a few cinnamon trees at Pernambuco escaped as well as the ginger, p. 8.[192]“On one article, guinea-grains or malagueta-pepper, the duty has been doubled; not with a view of increasing the revenue, but of operating as a prohibition of the use of it, as it is supposed to have been extensively employed in the brewing of malt-liquor. The Directors however have great reason to doubt the existence of the deleterious qualities ascribed to this drug; as they find it to be universally esteemed in Africa one of the most wholesome of spices, and generally used by the natives to season their food.”—Fourth Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 16.If this article and themalaguetaof Brazil are the same, I should be strongly inclined to agree with the Report; and indeed I conceive that it is not only harmless but extremely wholesome. A decoction of the pods is used among the peasantry as an injection in aguish disorders.[193]Noticias MSS.quoted by Mr. Southey, History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 320.[194]Labat says, “a l’égard du thé, il croît naturellement aux isles. Toutes les terres lui sont propres, j’en ai vû en quantité à la Basseterre.” &c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 225.He mentions it again, and seems to be quite confident that the plant of which he speaks is the tea shrub.[195]“Il faut que les graines se naturalisent au pays, et quand cela est fait elles produisent a merveille. J’ai experimenté qu’ayant sémé des pois qui venoient de France, ils rapportoient trés peu, les seconds rapportoient davantage, mais le troisiémes produisoient d’une maniere extraordinaire pour le nombre, la grosseur et la bonte.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 367.[196]Du Tertre speaks of the same occurring in the Columbian Islands.[197]Again Labat, “On employe le suc des oranges aigres avec un succès merveilleux et infaillible à guerir les ulcéres quelque vieux et opiniátres qu’ils puissent être.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 254.The orange is cut into two pieces, and is rubbed violently upon the sore.[198]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 216.[199]This was not the case at one time in the French islands. “Quand quelque commandeur abuse d’une negre, l’enfant mulastre qui en vient est libre, et le pere est obligé de le nourrir et de l’entretenir jusqu’a l’age de douze ans, sans l’amende à laquelle il est encore condamné.”—Histoire des Antilles &c. tom. ii. p. 460.Labat tells us that “Le roi a fait revivre par sa Declaration la loi Romaine, qui veut que les enfans suivens le sort du ventre qui les a portez,” and this revival took place in 1674, when the king took the islands from the Companies which had held them during his pleasure.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. ii. p. 192.[200]The majority of the clergy of Pernambuco, both regular and secular, are of Brazilian parentage. The governor is an European, and so are the major part of the chief officers, civil, military, and ecclesiastical; but the bishop is a Brazilian, and so is theouvidor.[201]Our wicked stage coach and post chaise system.[202]The term ofSenhororSenhorais made use of to all free persons, whites, mulattos, and blacks, and in speaking to a freeman of whatever class or colour the manner of address is the same. Dr. Pinckard says, in his “Notes on the West Indies,” “the title of Mrs. seems to be reserved solely for the ladies from Europe, and the white Creoles, and to form a distinction between them and the women of colour of all classes and descriptions.”[203]I refer the reader to Edwards’ History of the West Indies, vol. ii.[204]“Era, porem ja nam he.”[205]“Pois Senhor Capitam-mor pode ser mulatto?”[206]To this statement some explanation is necessary, owing to the regulations of the Portugueze military service. Privates are sometimes raised to commissions by the intermediate steps of corporals, quarter-masters, and sergeants; these men gain their ensigncies without any relation to their birth; and though a decidedly dark coloured mulatto might not be so raised, a European of low birth would. It is to enable a man to become a cadet and then an officer without serving in the ranks, that requires nobility of birth.[207]The son of this man is a priest.[208]“Negro sim, porem direito.”
[117]It has obtained the name offormiga de roça. The wordroçameans literally a piece of land that has been planted, of which the native wood has been cut down and cleared away. But at the present day, in Pernambuco, the wordroçais applied to the mandioc plant exclusively; thus a peasant will say “hum bom roçado de roça,” a good field of mandioc. The wordroçadois used in speaking of any kind of field; as for instance, a fineroçadofor cotton,—a fineroçadofor cane, &c.
[118]In theNouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, byPierre Barrere, I find that the great red ant is as troublesome in the neighbourhood of Cayenne as in the part of South America which I visited. p. 60.
[119]Labat says, “Cet insecte engraisse les volailles.” I know that fowls are fond of the insect; but the peasants of Pernambuco prevent the poultry from eating it, because they say that such food gives a bad taste to the flesh; this is, I think, by no means improbable, for thecopimhas a most disagreeable smell. This author afterwards continues the same subject, saying, “Il y a deux sortes de bois qui ne sont pas de leur goût; l’acajou et le bois amer. Cela vient de ce que le suc et le bois de ces deux arbres est extrémement amer.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. ii. p. 389 and 392.
I do not know what tree he means by thebois amer, which in another place he callsSimarouba. I well know that the red ant will not molest the leaves of the acaju tree; but the same occurs with regard to many other plants. The leaves of the acaju are certainly extremely bitter.
[120]“Como a lua era forte.”
[121]I have seen Piso’s account of the snakes of Brazil; and although the description which I have given of those which I saw, and of which I heard, differs somewhat from his, I have allowed mine to remain as it originally stood. Piso mentions the root of thejurepebaplant as being efficacious in curing the bites of snakes. Is this thejurubeba? If so, it is surprising that it should not now be used for this purpose. Thejurubebais to be found in almost all situations; a small shrub which yields a fruit resembling the potatoe apple. A decoction of the root is taken frequently at the present day for coughs and colds.
Piso likewise speaks of thecaatia, orcaiatia, orcaacicaplant, which he says, has deservedly obtained the name of theherva de cobras; his description of it at p. 102, agrees in some respects with that of theherva cobreira, of which I have spoken at chapter 12; but it can scarcely be the same, for mine would have been more plentiful if it had been indigenous.
[122]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 47.
[123]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 485.
[124]Labat in hisNouveau Voyage aux isles de l’Ameriquegives an elaborate account of the mangrove plants. He speaks of three species, and treats in the first place of themangle noir ou paletuvier. To this tree he applies precisely what I should say of themangue vermelhoor red mangrove, with respect to its manner of growing, and to the description of the plant altogether, excepting in regard of the bark which he states in themangle noir, to befort brune, whereas the red mangrove derives its name from the red colour of the inside of the bark. He says that it is used for tanning, and “on peut se servir du tronc de cet arbre pour les ouvrages où l’on a besoin d’un bois qui résiste à l’eau,” tom. ii. p. 195 and 197. I suppose he concluded that this would be so as the wood grew in the water. Now themangueswith which I am acquainted soon rot, even in salt water when used as stakes; for although the trees are propagated by means of shoots, if a part of the stem of one of them is put into the ground it does not take root, and indeed soon rots in any situation. The pens for catching fish are made of posts which are obtained from the forest, and these are scarce and dear. Would not the mangrove be used, if it was sufficiently durable?
He speaks afterwards of themangle rouge, and this from his description appears to me to be what the Pernambucans call themangue bravo; this does not grow in salt water, but in the vicinity of it. It is a large tree of irregular make, the branches being much twisted and full of knots.
Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary describes the red mangrove as I have seen it, but he says that the bark is grey. In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 8, I find that some notion was entertained in 1809, of introducing the mangrove bark into this country for tanning.
[125]I once asked an African negro the name of this tree, and he answeredcoraçam de homemor man’s heart; thus he did not chuse to use the name of negro’s heart. The man knew the usual name perfectly well.
[126]The iron wood is mentioned by Bolingbroke in his voyage to the Demerary; and thebois de fer, by Labat, in theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais à Cayenne, &c. he says, “Le bois de fer se trouve par-tout en quantité,” tom. iii. p. 240.
[127]Marcgraff also speaks of a species ofjacaranda, which is a white wood.
[128]I shall give the names of those with which I am acquainted:parôba,jacaranduba,guabiraba,araroba,cicopira,embiriba,sapucaia,aroeira do Sertam. This last is only found in parts far removed from the coast, and is accounted of equal value with thepao ferro.
Labat, in speaking of the kinds of wood which are fit for building, says, “Je ne croi pas devoir renvoyer à un autre endroit la remarque que j’ai faite sur tous les bois qu’on met en terre qui est, que pour peu qu’ils soient bons ce n’est pas la partie qui est en terre qui se pourrit ni celle qui est dehors, mais seulement ce qui est au ras de terre.” This I have found to be true to a certain extent; but there are some species of timber which rot very quickly under ground, though the part which he termsau ras de terreis certainly that which decays the most speedily. He continues “Pour éviter cet inconvenient, il faut brûler la partie qui doit être en terre et quelques pouces au dessus, c’est-à-dire la sécher au feu ou dans les cendres rouges, sans la réduire en charbon, afin que la seve ou l’humidité qui s’y pourroit encore trouver, soit entierement dessechée, que les pores se renfermant, les parties se raprochent les unes des autres, le bois devient plus compact et par consequent plus propre à résister à l’humidité.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom ii. p. 386.
This is done in Pernambuco, and is found to be of great service; but it is only practised with those woods which are known not to be naturally durable under ground.
[129]Labat says, “L’arbre que nous appellons acajou aux isles du Vent, est le même que celui que les Espagnols appellent cedre dans la Terre-ferme et dans les grandes isles. Je ne sai qui a plus de raison; car je n’ai jamais vû les cedres du Liban, que selon les rélations que j’en ai lû ne ressemblent point du tout au cedre Espagnol.” He says likewise, “Ce qu’il ne faut pas confondre avec l’acajou à fruit dont j’ai parlé dans un autre endroit.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. viii. p. 208 and 212.
He speaks in vol. ii. p. 94, of two large Indian canoes made ofbois d’acajouorcedre. I am inclined to think that theacajouof the islands and thecedreof the Spaniards is thepao amarelloof Pernambuco.
[130]Piso says, that its small clustering red fruit has the property of curing meat owing to its acidity and astringency.
[131]The indefatigable and all-observant, although unfeeling and brutal Labat, has also mentioned thepinham, under the name ofmedicinier ou pignons d’Inde, and he gives a print of it. His account of the plant is elaborate, and he speaks of three kinds. Of that of which I have treated, he says, “Sa fleur n’a rien de beau. Elle ne vient jamais seule, mais en bouquets composez de plusieurs fleurons d’un blanc sale tirant sur le verd. Chaque fleuron est composé de cinq feuilles en maniere d’etoile, qui font comme un cul de lampe arrondi avec un col plus resserré et terminé par l’extrémité des feüilles qui se renversent en dehors. Le fond du fleuron est garni et comme renfermé entre cinq petites feuilles. C’est du centre de ces fleurs que l’on voit sortir le fruit; ordinairement il est de la grosseur d’une noix commune d’Europe.” He says again (after speaking of its purgative quality, which it likewise possesses with that of provoking vomiting) alluding to the separation of each seed into two parts, “Lorsqu’elle est recente, elle se partage naturellement en deux parties, entre lesquelles on trouve une petite pellicule à qui on attribüe une qualité de purger plus violemment qu’a tout le reste de la noix.” My old woman said, that thepinhamshould not be given, unless the person who prepared it was well acquainted with it, because a certain part of the seed was dangerous; but she would not shew me where the dangerous substance was to be found. Labat continues, saying that four or five of the seeds are a proper dose as a purge, “mais quand on en prend une plus grande quantité, on s’expose à des vomissemens cruels et à des évacuations trop grandes.” He mentions a fact which is curious. In speaking of Europeans having oftentimes eaten of this nut without being acquainted with its properties, he says, “une régle générale qu’il faut observer a l’egard des fruits qu’on ne connoît point est de n’y point toucher à moins qu’on ne voye q’ils out été bequetez par les oiseaux.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iii. p. 300, 301, and 302.
In Piso, p. 83, an account will be found of theMunduy-guacu, Lusitanis Pinhoes do Brasil, ejusque usu in medicina.
I have perhaps quoted too copiously in writing an account of those plants which Labat has described, but I must have followed so nearly what he has said, that my description might have been supposed to have had his for its basis. Perhaps these plants need not have been described at all, but to some readers a confirmation of what other travellers have said may afford satisfaction.
[132]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 466.
[133]The following story was current at Conception, and I knew all the persons of whom it was related. A young man was intimate in a family of a rank inferior to his own, and he frequently made presents to several individuals of it, which was generally thought strange, as it did not contain any young female. Therefore to account for this predilection, it was reported, that the good old woman to whom he was so kind, possessed a small image of St. Antonio, which was concealed in a bit of old cloth; and it had several scraps of ribbons and I know not what else, tied to its neck, legs and arms; and with this she was said to perform certain mysterious rites, which secured the continuance of the young man’s affection towards herself and family.
[134]When I resided at Jaguaribe, I was once standing by and hearing the conversation of a man and woman, who were laughing and joking upon several subjects; but I was more particularly amused when the man answered to something that had been mentioned, saying, “I will ask Our Lady of the Conception.” The woman replied, “But she will not grant what you ask;” he then said, “Well, I will then apply to Our Lady of the O.”—Thus entirely forgetting that the same person is intended under another name.
[135]“Em negocio de branco, negro nam se mete.”
[136]“Morra e deixe de bobagems.”
[137]“A sua gente he mais sabida que a nossa.”
[138]“Dizem, que Vm. he muito santo.”
[139]Labat, in theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais, a Cayenne, &c.vol. iii. p. 253, gives an account of the bees which corresponds in some respects with mine. He says, “Elles n’ont point d’aiguillon, ou il est si foible qu’il ne peut entamer l’épiderme aussi sans préparation et sans crainte on les prend a pleines mains sans en ressentir autre incommodité qu’un leger chatouillement.”—I do not think those of Pernambuco would be found to be quite so harmless.
[140]I have seen a print in Barlæus representing this channel as still being open, and the fort situated upon an island which it almost entirely covers.
[141]I have been much blamed by one of my friends for not having eaten of the flesh of thejacarè; and indeed I felt a little ashamed of my squeamishness, when I was shown by the same friend, a passage in a French writer, whose name I forget, in which he speaks favourably of this flesh. However, if the advocate for experimental eating had seen an alligator cut into slices, he would, I think, have turned from the sight as quickly as I did. The Indians eat these creatures, but the negroes will not, no not even thegabamnegroes who are said to be cannibals.
[142]In making use of the word Brazil, it must be understood that I mean to denote that portion of the country which I have had opportunities of seeing. The agriculture of the provinces of Rio de Janeiro and Bahia is doubtless in a more forward state than that of Pernambuco and the line of coast to Maranham.
[143]I insert here a description of a machine for rooting up the stumps of trees, by Cit. Saint Victor, member of the Society of Agriculture, for the department of the Seine.
“It consists of a bar of forged iron, about two feet eight inches long, one inch thick towards the handle, and of two inches towards the breech or platform. The platform, which is circular, is fourteen inches in diameter. This platform serves as the base of the chamber or furnace of the mine, which is three inches in diameter, and three inches eight lines in the length of its bore. The stopper or tampion, which serves as a plug to the mine, is of the same diameter, to enter within after a slight paper or wadding. It is attached by a chain to the gun or mortar, which last is eight inches in diameter. About two inches above is added a small touch-hole and pan. The hole is directed in an angle of forty-five degrees, and is primed with powder to communicate with the charge with which the chamber is filled up to the stopper. This engine may be cast even with more facility in brass or bronze, and in this case it must be a little thicker in all its dimensions, in order to afford a resistance equal to that of the forged iron.”
“USE OF THE MACHINE.”
“When the machine is charged with powder, a small excavation is made with a pick-axe, in the centre of the stump. The machine is then placed in it, so that the plug immediately touches the wood. Care must be taken to fill all the vacancies, either with stones or pieces of iron or wood, more especially beneath the platform of the machine, in order that the explosion of the powder may have its full effect on the stump, of which, if necessary, the principal roots should first be cut if any appear on the surface of the ground near the stump that is to be eradicated.”
“When the machine is firmly fixed in its place, the priming is put into the pan, a slow match applied, the length of which is sufficient to allow time to retire to a proper distance from the explosion.”—Journal of Natural Philosophy, &c. by W. Nicholson, vol. iv. p. 243 to 245.
In Pernambuco the only means of rooting up the stumps which is known, is that of digging deep trenches round about them.
[144]Labat says, that in clearing lands, it is not necessary to take up the stumps of the trees, unless they are thosedes bois mols dont les souches poussent des rejettons; now in Brazil, almost all the trees that have been cut down put forth shoots.
[145]It has been discontinued of late years by some persons, and I have heard it said, that the ratoon canes do not grow so well; but that the land requires to be laid down for a much shorter period.
[146]Labat says, “Les terres neuves grasses et fortes fournissent abondamment de la nourriture aux souches, et les entretiennent pendant quinze et vingt ans et plus, sans qu’on s’apperçoive d’aucune diminution, ni dans l’abondance, ni dans la bonté, ni dans la grandeur, ni dans la grosseur, des rejettons;” and he even says that the stumps “conduisent plutôt leurs rejettons à une parfaite maturité, pourvûs qu’on ait soin de rechausser les souches,” &c.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 368.
I had previously read the following passage in another work, “Dans les plantations situées au bord du Demerari on fait trente recoltes successives de sucre sans transplanter les cannes, &c.—Voyage a la Guiane &c.” p. 222.
As this work is of doubtful reputation, I should not have cited any statement which was made in it unless I was myself aware of its correctness, or unless the fact was mentioned by other writers; but when Labat speaks of the same thing, there must be some foundation for the statement.
[147]Labat says, “Toutes les terres, en un mot qui sont neuves, c’est-à-dire qui n’ont jamais été planteés, ni semées, dans lesquelles on met des cannes aussi-tôt qu’on a abbatu les arbres qui les couvroient, portent des cannes trés grosses et en quantité, remplis de beaucoup de suc, mais gras, crud, peu sucré, trés difficile à cuire et à purifier. Je me suis trouvé quelquefois dans ces circonstances et particulierement à la Guadeloupe, ou ayant fait défricher une terre neuve, à plus d’une lieüe du bord de la mer, et l’ayant plantée en cannes c’etoit quelque chose de surprenant de voir le nombre, la grosseur et la hauteur de ces cannes, lorsqu’elles n’avoient encore que six mois; cependant je les fis couper a cet âge, et après que j’eus retiré ce dont j’avois besoin pour planter, je fis faire de l’eau-de-vie du reste, et je fis mettre le feu au terrain pour consumer les pailles, dont la pourriture n’auroit servi qu’à augmenter la graisse de la terre. Quatorze mois aprés cette coupe, je fis employer en sucre blanc les rejettons qui étoient crûs, dont la bonté repondit parfaitement à la beauté, qui ne pouvoit être plus grande.”—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. iii. p. 339.
His account of this affair still continues, but I have transcribed the more important part of it.
The master of the grammar school at Itamaraca, told me that he acted in the same manner with respect to a quantity of cane which he once planted upon a piece of land that was afterwards cultivated by me; he was satisfied that this was the better plan, when the land is in the state which Labat describes; but the people in general thought that he was mad, until crop time came, and then they changed their opinion.
In another work Labat says, “le terrain nouvellement défriché, étant naturellement gras et humide, et sa situation le rendant encore aqueux, les cannes qu’il produit, sont à la vérité grosses, grandes, pleines de suc; mais ce suc est gras et aqueux; il est par conséquent plus long à cuire, plus difficile à purifier, de sorte qu’il faudra abbatre et mettre au moulin plus de cannes, purifier et cuire plus de jus ou de suc pour faire une barrique de sucre, qu’il n’en faut à la Martinique pour en faire quatre.”—Voyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. tom. iii. 204. In the little experience which I had, I was surprised to find an increase or decrease in the quantity of the product of the same number of cart loads of cane from different quarters of the plantation; but my mind was then too much occupied to allow me to look for the cause of this.
At the time that Labat wrote his account of the French portion of the Columbian islands, (from 1693 to 1705) they were in a state which resembled much that of Brazil in the present day; that is, the colonists were forming establishments and clearing lands; agriculture was in a rude state, and as sugar colonies were then, comparatively speaking, new things, improvements were daily striking the thinking men who went out to those places; for it was a subject to which intellect was at that time turned. The system in the Columbian islands has now been much benefited, by the advanced state of the mother countries which possess them; and the communication between the islands belonging to the several powers which rule them, has led them to adopt and to profit by each other’s inventions and ideas. But Brazil has been left to its own resources; no interest has been taken in its concerns from without, nor has any regard been paid to the mental advancement of the people belonging to it, so that it cannot be wondered at that the country should have made very little progress. However the similarity of the state of the French islands in the time of Labat, to that of Brazil at the present day, and his powers of observation, induce me to think that some of his remarks may be useful in the latter country, although they may be out of date in the places of which he wrote. Thus much I say, as a reason for making frequent notes from him.
[148]Labat speaks of seeing canes planted down to the water’s edge at Guadaloupe; he says that he tasted the juice of some of them, and found it to be rather brackish; “d’où il étoit aisé de conclure que le sucre brut qu’on en feroit, pourroit être beau, comme il l’etoit en effet en tout le quartier du grand cul-de-sac, mais qu’il seroit difficile de réussir en sucre blanc, comme il est arrivé.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p.71.
[149]Besides the usual mode of holing, Mr. Edwards mentions the following method; “the planter instead of stocking up his ratoons, and holing and planting the land anew, suffers the stoles to continue in the ground and contents himself, as his cane fields become thin and impoverished, by supplying the vacant spaces with fresh plants.”—History of the West Indies, vol. ii. p. 207.
[150]A plough drawn by two oxen, constructed after a model which was brought from Cayenne, has been introduced in one or two instances.
[151]The passages in this chapter which are marked as being quotations, are taken from Edwards’ History of the West Indies. I mention this, once for all, to save room and trouble.
[152]The author of theNouveau Voyage &c.tom.iii. p. 218. mentions having covered the claying house belonging to a mill, the property of his Order, with the tops of the sugar cane. I never saw this practised in Brazil, and indeed Labat says, that they were not commonly put to this purpose in the parts of which he writes. He says, that a species of reed was usually employed. In Brazil there is a kind of grass which answers the purpose, and is durable; and this quality, Labat says, that the cane tops possess; however in Brazil the leaves of the coco and of other palms are generally used.
Although it was the general custom to employ the cane tops for planting, Labat objects to them from his own authority, upon the score of these not possessing sufficient strength to yield good canes. The same opinion is general in Pernambuco.
[153]Labat lays great stress upon the ripeness of the canes. “Il faut donc observer avant que de couper les cannes quel est leur degré de perfection et de maturité plutôt que leur âge,”&c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 353.
But when a plantation has a large crop, it is absolutely impossible to attend so particularly to the ripeness as he inculcates; some of the cane must be ground unripe, and other parts of the field cannot be cut until after the proper time.
[154]The French friar complains of the rats, and says that there was in his time achasseur de ratsupon every estate. He says that he made hischasseurbring the rats that were caught to him; and he desired to have the whole rat, for if the heads or tails only came, the bodies were eaten by the negroes, which he wished to prevent, as he thought that this food brought on consumption. I know that the negroes in Brazil eat every rat which they can catch, and I do not see why they should not be well tasted and wholesome food, for they feed on sugar-cane and mandioc. I cannot refrain from transcribing the following statement: “Il y a des habitans qui se contentent que le preneur de rats leur en apporte les quëues ou les têtes. C’est une mauvaise methode, parce que les preneurs voisins s’accordent ensemble et portent les quëues d’un côté et les têtes d’autre, afin de profiter de la recompense que les maîtres donnent, sans se mettre beaucoup en peine de tendre les attrapes.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c., tom. iii. p. 358.
[155]“Dorminhoco como negro de Engenho,”—as sleepy as the negro of a sugar-mill, is a common proverb.
[156]In a few instances the “upright iron plated rollers” used in the Columbian islands have been erected. These have been sent from England, and are much approved of, particularly for mills that have the advantage of being turned by water.
[157]Labat says, speaking of the same dreadful kind of accident, “Ce qui pourroit arriver si la largeur des établis ni les en empêchoit;” he also mentions the necessity of having “sur le bout de la table une serpe sans bec bien affilée, pour s’en servir au besoin.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 406 and 407.
[158]The author of theNoveau Voyage, &c.says, the Portugueze, when they first established themselves in Brazil, and indeed even at the present time, (1696) in some places make use of mills for grinding the sugar cane similar to those of Normandy, “pour briser les pommes à faire le cidre, et dont on se sert aux päis ou il y a des oliviers, pour écraser les olives.”—tom iii. p. 428.
I never heard of any description of mill being employed at the present day, excepting that which is in general use.
[159]In the French islands the liquor was passed through a cloth when conveyed from the first cauldron into the second: of the trough I find no mention.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 24.
[160]In theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c.I find that “le sucre séché au soleil est toujours plus susceptible d’humidité, que celui qui a été bien séché dans une bonne étuve.” tom. iii. p. 205.
In the fourth volume of theNouveau Voyage, p. 106 to 110, is a description of an oven for drying clayed sugars; this would be interesting to Brazilian readers, but it is too long to excuse insertion before a British public.
[161]The long improved ovens, such as are used in the Columbians islands, are beginning to be introduced.
[162]The following method of preparing thetemperwill be useful in the country of which I am treating, and therefore I think I may be permitted to insert it, although it is long.
“Le barril à lessive étant posé sur la sellette ou sur un trépied, on en bouche le trou avec une quantité de paille longue et entiere, aprés quoi on y met une couche composée des herbes suivantes, aprés les avoir broyées entre ses mains, et aprés les avoir hachées.
“Herbes à blé; c’est une herbe qui croît par touffes comme le blé qui est levé depuis deux ou trois mois, et à qui elle ressemble beaucoup. On arrache la touffe entiere avec sa racine qui est fort petite.
“La seconde se nomme herbe à pique. Cette plante a une tige droite de la grosseur d’un tuyau de plume d’oye et de la hauteur de quinze à dix-huit pouces. Son extrémité porte une feüille comme celle de l’ozeille pour la couleur et pour la consistance, mais qui ressemble entiérement au fer d’une pique.
“La troisiéme est la mal-nommée. C’est une petite herbe déliée, fine et frizée à peu près comme les cheveux des négres.
“On met ces trois sortes d’herbes par portion égale, avec quelques feüilles et quelques morceaux de lianne brûlante. Cette lianne est une espéce de lierre, dont la feüille est plus tendre, plus mince et les bois plus spongieux que le lierre d’Europe. On écrase un peu le bois et les feüilles, avant que de les mettre dans le barril. C’est avec ces quatre sortes d’herbes qu’on garnit le fond du barril jusqu’ à trois pouces de hauteur; on les couvre d’un lit de cendre de pareille épaisseur, et l’on choisit la cendre faite du meilleur bois qu’on ait brûlé, comme sont le chataignier, le bois rouge, le bois caraibe, le raisinier, l’oranger ou autres bois durs, dont les cendres et les charbons sont remplis de beaucoup de sel. On met sur cette couche de cendre une couche de chaux vive de même épaisseur, et sur celle-ci une autre couche des mêmes herbes, ausquelles on ajoûte une ou deux cannes d’inde ou de seguine bâtarde, amorties au feu, et coupées par ruelles de l’épaisseur d’un ecu. Cette plante vient sur le bord des eaux marécageuses, sa tige est ronde d’un pouce ou environ de diamétre; sa peau est fort mince et fort verte; le dedans est blanc, assez compacte, et rempli d’une liqueur extrémement mordicante, qui fait une vilaine tache, et ineffaçable sur le linge et sur les étoffes où elle tombe. Sa feüille est tout-a-fait semblable pour la figure à celle de la porée ou bette, mais elle est plus verte et plus lisse, et ses fibres ne se distinguent presque pas; on ne les met point dans la lessive. Toutes ces herbes sont extrémement corrosives et mordicantes. On remplit ainsi le barril de cendre, de chaux, et d’herbes, par lits jusqu’à ce qu’il soit plein, et on le termine par une couche des mêmes herbes bien broyées et hachées. Quand on se sert des cendres qui viennent de sortir des fourneaux, et qui sont encore toutes brûlantes, on remplit le barril avec de l’eau froide; mais lorsque les cendres sont froides, on fait boüiller l’eau avant que de la mettre dans le barril. On met un pot ou un autre vaisseau sous le trou qui est bouché de paille, pour recevoir l’eau qui en dégoûte, que l’on remet dans le barril, et que l’on fait passer sur le marc qu’il contient, jusqu’à ce que cette lessive devienne si forte que la mettant sur la langue avec le bout du doigt, on ne puisse pas l’y souffrir, et qu’elle jaunisse le doigt, comme si c’étoit de l’eau forte.”—Nouveau Voyage, tom. iv. p. 33 to 35.
[163]A few of the more wealthy planters have sent for large stills from England, and have, of course, found their infinite superiority over those in common use.
Even in the time of Labat, his countrymen were much before the Pernambucan planters respecting the arrangement of the still-houses. They had copper stills.
[164]Thealvaràwas passed the 21st January, 1809. One to the same effect had been passed on the 22d September, 1758, for the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro; this was extended to other captaincies, at first as a temporary law, but it was afterwards several times renewed; and it was at last allowed to be in force in all the ultra-marine dominions of Portugal, by thealvaràof the 6th July, 1807. However as there were some restrictions attached to this law, that of 1809 was passed. By this last, in the first place, executions cannot be made upon sugar estates which are in a working state and do work regularly, and that have under cultivation that quantity of ground which is requisite for the carrying on of the work of the mill, and for the support of the slaves; executions can only be carried into effect upon one third of the net produce of such plantations; the other two thirds being left for the expences of cultivation, and for the administration, that is, for the support of the owner.
Secondly. Executions can however be made if the debt is equal to or above the value of the estate; but the whole of the slaves, the cattle, the lands, and the implements belonging to theengenhomust form one valuation, nor can they be separated; but they must all be taken as parts of theengenho.
Thirdly. If there are more debts than one, and these together make up the sum which may cause the plantation to be subject to execution, still some law proceedings must be entered into, by which these several debts may be placed in such a form as to be considered as one debt. Thus the government does those things which ought not to be done, and leaves undone those things which ought to be done.
[165]“Qu’ils (les cabrouettiers) ayent soin, quand il est nécessaire de leur faire ôter les barbes, qui sont certaines excrescences de chair, qui leur viennent sous la langue, qui les empêchent de paître. Car les bœfs ne coupent pas l’herbe avec les dents comme les chevaux, ils ne font que l’entortiller avec la langue et l’arracher; mais quand ils ont ces excrescences, qui leur causent de la douleur, ils ne peuvent appliquer leur langue autour de l’herbe et deviennent maigres et sans force.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iv. p. 179.
Of this disorder I never heard, but there is one to which horses as well as horned cattle are subject; it is produced by the animals feeding upon fields of which the grass is very short. The flesh grows from the roots of the teeth towards their edges, and at last renders it impossible for the beasts to eat.
[166]The following is a statement of the number of cases of sugar exported from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813.
I obtained it from my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable portion of the time.
[167]I have seen some fine cotton shrubs at the distance of one or two leagues, and even less, from the sea coast; but the attempts that have been made to cultivate it to any extent in such situations, have not, from what I have seen and heard, met with the desired success. Might not the Sea-Island seed be sent for, and a trial of it made? The Pernambuco cotton is superior to that of every other part, excepting the small quantity which is obtained from those islands.
Bolingbroke, in his “Voyage to the Demerary,” says that “On the sea coast the British settlers also commenced the culture of cotton, and found that land to answer much better than the soil up the river.”—In Phillips’ Collection, &c. p. 81.
The cotton of the settlements upon the part of South America of which he writes, is very inferior to that of Pernambuco.
In the Third Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 23, I find it stated, that “the saline air of the sea-shore, which generally destroys coffee, is favourable to cotton;” at p. 27, it is said that cotton never fails to degenerate “when it has been propagated in the same ground for many years without a change of seed.”
[168]I have heard that the seeds would form a very good food for cattle, if they could be completely freed from all particles of wool; here lies the difficulty.
[169]In Labat’s time these machines were likewise worked by the feet of the person who was employed in thrusting the cotton against the rollers.
[170]Mr. Edwards calls the species of the cotton plant which is cultivated in the Columbian islands, thecommon Jamaica, of which “the staple is coarse but strong.” It is difficult to clean, owing to the brittleness of the seeds. It is strange, as Mr. Edwards remarks, that the British cotton planters should be acquainted with species of the shrub which produce finer wool, and yet continue to rear this inferior quality.
[171]The following is a statement of the export of cotton from Pernambuco, from the year 1808 to 1813. It was furnished to me by my friend Mr. I. C. Pagen, who resided at Recife during a considerable part of the time.
From this it would appear that in saying, at chapter 1st, that the export from thence at the present time is between 80,000 and 90,000 bags annually, I have over-rated the real number. But it will be seen that the increase has been considerable from 1812 to 1813, and I know that it still continues to increase as rapidly, if not more so.
[172]Edwards’ History of the West-Indies.
[173]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 233.
[174]Mr. Southey says, “When the mandioc failed, what was called stick flour (in Portuguezefarinha de pao) was made from the wood of the Urucuri-iba, which they cut in pieces and bruised; and this being less liable to corrupt than the mandioc, is now generally used in the Brazilian ships.” vol. i. p. 233. Thefarinha de paowhich is at present used in these ships, is made from the mandioc, and the name of stick-flour is by no means inapposite; for it always requires to be picked before it is used, to take out the bits of the husk and of the hardened fibres of the root which may chance to remain. But the name may have, and most probably did, commence with the stick-flour of the Urucuri-iba; and when the substance from which it was made was changed, the name still continued. I refer the reader to the History of Brazil for a farther account of the mandioc.
[175]Du Tertre gives three remedies for those who have drank of the juice. “Le premier que j’ay veu pratiquer heureusement c’est de boire de l’huile d’olive avec de l’eau tiede, ce qui fait vomir tout ce qu’on a pris; le second qui est tres-assuré est de boire quantité de suc d’ananas, avec quelques goutes de jus de citron; mais sur tous les remedes, le suc de l’herbe aux couleuvres, dont tous les arbres de ces isles sont revêtus, est le souverain antidote, non seulement contre ce mal, mais encore contre toute sorte de venin.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118.
Labat does not believe in the virtue of theherbe de couleuvresin this case.
[176]Du Tertre speaks of the savages making use in their dishes ofl’eau de manyoc.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 389.
“Nos sauvages qui en mettent(the juice of the mandioc)dans toutes leurs sauces n’en sont jamais incommodez parce qu’ils ne s’en servent jamais que quand il a boüilli.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i, p. 400.
Likewise in the “Voyage a la Guiane,” p. 101, “Le suc de manioc cet instrument de mort devient, travaillé par les creoles de Cayenne, une sauce appétissante et salutaire.”
“The juice is boiled with meat and seasoned, and makes excellent soup, which is termed casserepo, and used in pepper-pot and sauces.”—Voyage to the Demerary, &c. by H. Bolingbroke, p. 149.
Dr. Pinckard mentions having tasted in the colony of Demerary of the juice of the cassada prepared as sauce.—Notes on the West-Indies, vol. ii. p. 257.
During the famine of 1793, the people of Pernambuco made use of the juice as food; but in times of plenty it is regarded as being unfit for any purpose. It is by evaporation that it loses its poisonous qualities.
[177]Du Tertre speaks of a species of harmless mandioc, which is calledKamanioc, and he adds, that it isassez rare.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.
Labat likewise speaks of theCamanioc, “comme qui diroit le chef des maniocs. En effet son bois, ses feüilles et ses racines sont plus grandes et plus grosses que les autres maniocs. Mais comme il est beaucoup plus long tems à crôitre et à mûrir, et que ses racines rendent beaucoup moins de farine parce qu’elles sont plus legéres et plus spongieuses que les autres, on le neglige et peu de gens en plantent.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 411.
It is not only the root of themacaxeirawhich is smaller, but the plant is, I think, altogether smaller than the other species.
Barrere, in theNouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, p. 61, speaks of the harmless species under the name ofmaniok sauvage.
[178]Barrere says, speaking of Cayenne, “Les Creoles préferent encore au meilleur pain du monde la cassave qu’elles mange rarement séche; car elles la font toujours tremper dans l’eau ou dans quelque sauce: c’est sans doute cette nourriture qui leur donne cette couleur pâle, et qui fait qu’elles n’ont point de coloris.” I am afraid he does not look quite far enough for the want of colour in the ladies of Cayenne.
Then again, he says, “On ne mange que trés rarement a Cayenne, ou pour mieux dire, presque jamais de la Coaque, qui est la nourriture ordinaire des Portugais de Parà, du Maragnan, et des peuples, qui sont sur les rivages du fleuve des Amazones.” He describes thecoaque; and it is clearly thefarinha, but he does not explain how thecassavewas made, of which the creole ladies were so fond, and which did them so much mischief.
He says afterwards, “Les Indiens Portugais, quand ils veulent prendre leurs repas, ils mettent une poignée de coaque dans le creux de la main, qui leur sert d’assiette; et de là ils la font sauter adroitement dans la bouche; l’on boit par dessus une bonne coüye d’eau et de boisson; et voila leur repas pris.”—Nouvelle Relation de la France Equinoxiale, p. 55, and 56.
This mode of eating and the abstemiousness of the repast are both common in Brazil to all casts of people. With respect to thecassave, I cannot comprehend what he means. But, contrary to his notion, to eatfarinhain the manner that he mentions quite dry, although it is done by most people, is not reckoned wholesome. In fact, it is one of the duties of afeitoror manager to see that the negroes do not make their meals with dryfarinha, but he should see that they makepiram; this is done by mixing the flour with boiling water or gravy. The negroes do not dislikepiram, but they are sometimes too idle or too much fatigued to take the trouble of cooking their victuals; and therefore they eat thefarinhadry, and their salt meat with it, after having smoke-dried the latter upon a wooden skewer. The disorder which is said to proceed from constantly eating dryfarinhais the dropsy. The flour of the mandioc swells considerably when it is moistened: if the expansion takes place in the stomach it may be injurious, and this may perhaps afford some reason for the opinion of the Brazilians upon the subject.
[179]Du Tertre mentions the same practice,—of steeping the mandioc, and says that the savages were in the habit “de la sécher au soleil et l’ecorce s’ostant d’elle-mesme, ils pillent le manyoc dans un mortier, pour le reduire en farine, qu’ils mangent sans autre cuisson.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 114.
Labat says, that the maroon negroes used to prepare it in the two following ways. “C’est de la couper par morceaux, et de le mettre tremper dans l’eau courante des rivieres ou des ravines pendant sept ou huit heures. Le movement de l’eau ouvre les pores de la racine et entraîne ce trop de substance. La seconde maniere est de le mettre cuire tout entier sous la braise. L’action du feu met ses parties en mouvement et on le mange comme on fait des chataignes ou des patates sans aucune crainte.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 410.
I think the said negroes must have been accustomed by degrees to eating the mandioc in this manner. I should not be willing to recommend either of these ways of cooking it.
[180]“Les Espanhols en font des tasses pour prendre le chocolat. J’en ai vû de très belles bien travaillées, cizelées, enrichies d’argent sur un pied d’argent, et d’ autres sur un pied fait d’un autre morceau de cocos bien cizelé.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 273.
[181]“On prétend que l’arbre est autant d’années à rapporter du fruit, qu’il a été de mois en terre, avant de pousser son germe.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 267.
Labat does not however vouch for the truth of the statement. He speaks of the cabbage of the coco-tree being very good; and I agree with him. A coco-tree was cut down at Itamaraca, and the vicar sent me the cabbage of which several dishes were made, and they were excellent.
[182]Vide Appendix for a further account of the coco-tree.
[183]Labat was a most determined experimental eater, and therefore I was not surprised at meeting with the following expression of regret, “Je suis faché de n’avoir pas expérimenté pendant que j’étois aux isles, si cette huile ne seroit pas bonne à manger.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 283. I wish he had.
[184]Mr. Clarkson, in his work on the Impolicy of the Slave Trade, p. 13 and 14, mentions that a small billet was brought to England from the coast of Africa among a parcel of bar-wool; that “it was found to produce a colour that emulated the carmine, and was deemed to be so valuable in the dying trade, that an offer was immediately made of sixty guineasperton for any quantity that could be procured.”
[185]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 19.
[186]Labat is much enraged, in his work of theVoyage du Chevalier des Marchais a Cayenne, &c. at the idea of the Portugueze monopolizing the trade in Brazil wood, by persuading all the world that the only true wood came from Pernambuco, orFernambourg, as he calls it. He imagines that the Brazil is the same as the logwood.
[187]The long banana or plantain appears to be of much more importance in Demarary and the adjoining colonies, for Mr. Bolingbroke says, “This coast (between the Essequibo and Pomaroon rivers) possesses a considerable advantage over the other sea-coasts, from its being able to rear any quantity of plantains.”—Voyage to the Demarary, &c. p. 115; and at p. 87, he speaks of the same fruit being the “negroes’ chief food.”
Labat mentions a means of rendering the banana serviceable in travelling; and as the ingredients of his receipt are all of them good, the mixture must, I should imagine, be likewise good, and therefore I insert it for the benefit of those who may, as I have been, be much in want of something palatable, when crossing the Seará-Meirim. “Ceux qui veulent faire cette pâte avec plus de soin, font d’abord sécher les bananes au four ou au soleil, puis ils les gragent, ils y mêlent ensuite du sucre pilé, avec un peu de poudre de canelle, de géroffle et de gingembre, tant soit peu de farine et un blanc d’œuf pour lier toutes ces choses ensemble, après qu’elles ont été paitries avec un peu d’eau de fleur d’orange.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 314. Fewer ingredients might be made use of.
Du Tertre says of the banana, “Quand on le coupe on voit une belle croix imprimeé sur chaque tronçon; c’est qui a fait croire à plusieurs que ce fruit est le même qu’Adam mangea dans le Paradis terrestre,”&c.—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 140.
Labat speaks of the same story, but adds, “Adam pouvoit avoir meilleure vûë que nous, ou la croix de ces bananes étoit mieux formée.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom iii. p. 307. I was once desired by a Brazilian woman of colour to cut the banana lengthways, and not across, for by the latter manner of dividing the fruit, I should cut theCruz de Nosso Senhor, Our Saviour’s Cross.
[188]Labat says, that “la patate est une espece de pomme de terre que approche assez de ce qu’on appelle en France les Taupinambours.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. ii. p. 400.
Du Tertre says, “Lorsque les ouragans ont tant de fois ravagé les manyocs de nos isles, on a toujours eu recours aux patates, sans lesquelles bien du monde auroit pery de faim.” And again, “Tous les matins, c’est une coustume generale par toutes les isles de faire cuyre plein une chaudiere de patates pour dejeûner.”—Histoire des Antilles, &c. tom. ii. p. 118 and 119.
[189]Labat says, in speaking of cacao, “On ne manque jamais de planter du manioc en même tems qu’on met les amandes en terre.” This is done for the purpose of defending the plant from the sun. “On arrache le manioc au bout de douze ou quinze mois”—“et sur le champ on en plante d’autres, mais en moindre quantité, c’est a dire, qu’on ne met qu’un rang de fosses au milieu des allées;” and he recommends that the water-melon, the common melon, and such like plants should be sown between the mandioc and the cacao-trees.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 397 and 398.
[190]Labat is angry at a notion which was entertained in his time by some people, that the black Ipecacuanha was only to be found near to the gold mines in the interior of Rio de Janeiro. He speaks of a third species of Ipecacuanha, which he distinguishes by the epithet ofgris, and he likewise mentions the white kind; both of these, he says, answer the same purpose as the black, but a larger dose is required.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. vi. p. 29.
[191]“Vieyra, in his letters, mentions a received tradition that Emanuel ordered all the spice plants to be rooted up, lest the Indian trade should be injured, and that ginger was the only spice which escaped, because it was under-ground. He does not appear to have recollected the impossibility of carrying such an order into effect upon a continent.”—History of Brazil, vol. i, note to p. 32. Dr. Arruda alludes to this order in hisDiscurso sobre a utilidade da instituiçam de jardims, &c. And he adds that a few cinnamon trees at Pernambuco escaped as well as the ginger, p. 8.
[192]“On one article, guinea-grains or malagueta-pepper, the duty has been doubled; not with a view of increasing the revenue, but of operating as a prohibition of the use of it, as it is supposed to have been extensively employed in the brewing of malt-liquor. The Directors however have great reason to doubt the existence of the deleterious qualities ascribed to this drug; as they find it to be universally esteemed in Africa one of the most wholesome of spices, and generally used by the natives to season their food.”—Fourth Report of the Directors of the African Institution, p. 16.
If this article and themalaguetaof Brazil are the same, I should be strongly inclined to agree with the Report; and indeed I conceive that it is not only harmless but extremely wholesome. A decoction of the pods is used among the peasantry as an injection in aguish disorders.
[193]Noticias MSS.quoted by Mr. Southey, History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 320.
[194]Labat says, “a l’égard du thé, il croît naturellement aux isles. Toutes les terres lui sont propres, j’en ai vû en quantité à la Basseterre.” &c.—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iv. p. 225.
He mentions it again, and seems to be quite confident that the plant of which he speaks is the tea shrub.
[195]“Il faut que les graines se naturalisent au pays, et quand cela est fait elles produisent a merveille. J’ai experimenté qu’ayant sémé des pois qui venoient de France, ils rapportoient trés peu, les seconds rapportoient davantage, mais le troisiémes produisoient d’une maniere extraordinaire pour le nombre, la grosseur et la bonte.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. i. p. 367.
[196]Du Tertre speaks of the same occurring in the Columbian Islands.
[197]Again Labat, “On employe le suc des oranges aigres avec un succès merveilleux et infaillible à guerir les ulcéres quelque vieux et opiniátres qu’ils puissent être.”—Nouveau Voyage, &c. tom. iii. p. 254.
The orange is cut into two pieces, and is rubbed violently upon the sore.
[198]History of Brazil, vol. i. p. 216.
[199]This was not the case at one time in the French islands. “Quand quelque commandeur abuse d’une negre, l’enfant mulastre qui en vient est libre, et le pere est obligé de le nourrir et de l’entretenir jusqu’a l’age de douze ans, sans l’amende à laquelle il est encore condamné.”—Histoire des Antilles &c. tom. ii. p. 460.
Labat tells us that “Le roi a fait revivre par sa Declaration la loi Romaine, qui veut que les enfans suivens le sort du ventre qui les a portez,” and this revival took place in 1674, when the king took the islands from the Companies which had held them during his pleasure.—Nouveau Voyage &c. tom. ii. p. 192.
[200]The majority of the clergy of Pernambuco, both regular and secular, are of Brazilian parentage. The governor is an European, and so are the major part of the chief officers, civil, military, and ecclesiastical; but the bishop is a Brazilian, and so is theouvidor.
[201]Our wicked stage coach and post chaise system.
[202]The term ofSenhororSenhorais made use of to all free persons, whites, mulattos, and blacks, and in speaking to a freeman of whatever class or colour the manner of address is the same. Dr. Pinckard says, in his “Notes on the West Indies,” “the title of Mrs. seems to be reserved solely for the ladies from Europe, and the white Creoles, and to form a distinction between them and the women of colour of all classes and descriptions.”
[203]I refer the reader to Edwards’ History of the West Indies, vol. ii.
[204]“Era, porem ja nam he.”
[205]“Pois Senhor Capitam-mor pode ser mulatto?”
[206]To this statement some explanation is necessary, owing to the regulations of the Portugueze military service. Privates are sometimes raised to commissions by the intermediate steps of corporals, quarter-masters, and sergeants; these men gain their ensigncies without any relation to their birth; and though a decidedly dark coloured mulatto might not be so raised, a European of low birth would. It is to enable a man to become a cadet and then an officer without serving in the ranks, that requires nobility of birth.
[207]The son of this man is a priest.
[208]“Negro sim, porem direito.”