CHAPTER IIThe Portuguese Merchant and the Governor-general—Arbitrary Measures adopted towards the Banyans—The Piratical seizure of the “Ari-passa”—Measures adopted for her Restoration—Comparison between Wellington’s Soldiers and Mozambique Soldiers—The “Ari-passa” is restored—Seizure of the British cutter “Herald.”
The Portuguese Merchant and the Governor-general—Arbitrary Measures adopted towards the Banyans—The Piratical seizure of the “Ari-passa”—Measures adopted for her Restoration—Comparison between Wellington’s Soldiers and Mozambique Soldiers—The “Ari-passa” is restored—Seizure of the British cutter “Herald.”
There being some misunderstanding as to what portion of the coast between Cape Delgado and Delagoa Bay has belonged to Portugal, and, as the British government has never been represented by any agent on that coast until within the last three years, it naturally devolved upon me, as the first British functionary employed by GreatBritain in the province of Mozambique, to make myself thoroughly acquainted with the real state of the question of Portuguese possession in Eastern Africa, on which, in a great measure, hangs the future commercial development and civilization of Central Africa; and I now lay before the intelligent reader the result of my patient and impartial inquiries on the subject.
On referring to the accompanying chart of Eastern Africa, the reader will observe that the Portuguese territory consists of positions almost entirely insular—namely, Ibo, Mozambique, Killimane, Sofala, Bazarutto, Inhambane, Delagoa Bay, and Pemba Bay; at which last named place the Portuguese have made a settlement within the last year.
On the river Zambesi they also have the towns of Seña and Tete.
Some of these positions—Ibo, Mozambique, and Bazarutto—are beyond gun-shot distance of the coast, virtually exercising no authority whatever over the mainland; and, strictly speaking,from my own personal observation, the Portuguese authority, even nominally, does not extend five miles above high-water mark, nor more than that distance from any flag-staff erected by Portugal anywhere on the whole line of coast from Cape Delgado to Delagoa Bay.
Excepting at the points indicated in the accompanying chart, and already named, the Portuguese do not, and have never, even for a short period of time, held even nominal possession of the coast referred to, with the exception of what is known as the kingdom of Angoxa.
The kingdom of Angoxa, having a sea-board of ninety miles, and reaching into the interior 180 miles, is reigned over by an independent sultan, having under him from thirty to forty chiefs. It is rich in produce, which is fully described in the chapter on the “Resources of Eastern Africa.”
Soon after my arrival at Mozambique, my attention was called to the very arbitrary measures which the Portuguese authorities can adopt when it suits their purpose, showingthat it is not want of power, but want of inclination, which prevents them stopping the slave-trade, and encouraging legitimate commerce. A merchant at Mozambique had a serious difference with the Governor-general, the subject of their quarrel being the French Free Labour Emigration. It appears that the merchant, having a high character for probity, had been entrusted by the French agents with the division of the head money, which was allowed to the authorities at Mozambique for the generous supply of slaves for this traffic.
The merchant acquitted his task to the satisfaction of all parties, retaining, for himself, a certain portion, to which he was entitled by agreement, as one of the promoters of this very successful scheme. During the absence of the merchant from Mozambique the Governor-general had divided the plunder, and he refused to account for the amount which was due to the merchant as his share of the transaction.
On the merchant’s return, he became again the person in whom all parties placed confidence, and he therefore re-imbursed himself from theGovernor-general’s share in the next slave cargo which was supplied to a French Free Labour Emigration ship.
The Governor-general was furious, while every one applauded the justice of the merchant. Shortly afterwards, a vessel belonging to the merchant was about to sail; the Governor-general refused her permission to leave the harbour, and would assign no reason. The merchant threatened to sell the vessel to the English consul, much under her value, and to communicate the whole of the circumstances attending the transaction, unless the Governor-general allowed his vessel to sail. The Governor-general was obstinate, but at last relented. During his fit of obstinacy the uncontrollable rage of the other party caused him to make the circumstances of the case known to the English consul, who thus got a deeper insight into the slave-trade as carried on at Mozambique, and was timely prevented forwarding the application of the honest Portuguese merchant to the British government for the appointment of H.M. Vice-Consul at Mozambique, for which he had beenstrongly recommended to me, both verbally and in writing, by the officer commanding Her Majesty’s naval forces at the Cape of Good Hope. It requires a residence at Mozambique to unmask the slave-dealers there. One casually visiting the place is hospitably entertained, and those deepest engaged in the traffic are the loudest in their apparent denunciations of it. Thus our naval officers have been misled, and made to believe that parties there were opposed to the slave-trade when they were actually conversing with the prime movers of the whole scheme.
From the seizure of Mr. Sunley’s brig off Angoxa, and the tacit manner in which legal trade is carried on between Angoxa and Zanzibar by the Arabs, under the protection of their immediate dreaded neighbour, the Imâm of Muskat, it will be seen that a different policy is pursued by the Mozambique government towards a prince who has taught them to fear him, and the great English nation, whom they look upon as a good-natured people, inoculated with a Quixotic idea of improving the moral, intellectual, and physical conditionof a race which they consider irreclaimable, and so degraded that they treat them as the brutes which perish. The sacrifices made by Great Britain in this cause are ever a subject of ridicule with the Mozambiquers; and they never lose an opportunity of retaliating in their own way upon those persons belonging to the English nation who may unfortunately fall into their power. Each individual is made answerable for the wrongs which they perseveringly assert have been heaped upon them by the suppression of the slave-trade, and even this feeling is carried out to the natives of India who may be under our rule or our protection.
I heard, from time to time, of some arbitrary measure adopted towards the Banyans, who are natives of India, trading in their sailing vessels called dhows, from various places on the Malabar coast to that of the coast of Africa. These men come over in their dhows from Goâ, which is a Portuguese settlement, and from the British settlement at Bombay, and also from Cutch, where there is a British resident, in the season of the N.E. monsoon, which blows from the month ofApril to that of September or October. They bring over to Mozambique what may be called the refuse of the European goods sent out to the Indian market, where they find a ready sale.
In exchange, they take back principally ivory, which, being resold in India, finds its way to Europe and America, as the best Indian transparent ivory, which is really obtained at Zanzibar and Mozambique. The profits derived from the trade which they carry on with Mozambique, to which place all the ivory of the province generally finds its way, are so considerable that the Banyans are induced to submit to great exactions and considerable injustice. They have no appeal, and must either put up with the robberies to which they are liable, or entirely abandon the trade.
It may be easily imagined that they rejoiced on seeing a British consul established at Mozambique; and they testified their satisfaction at my arrival in a variety of ways, more especially those who were sailing their dhows under the British ensign. They complained to me generally of the exorbitant tariff, and that they had been led to believe, year after year, that it would be altered.They complained of the unjust manner in which the duties were levied, and the robberies to which they had to submit from the officials in the Custom-house, against whom they dare not complain without incurring considerable delays in their business, and for which there was no redress; that the only means left to them was by bribing the officials, which was a great burden on their fair gains; and ended by saying, that if some protection was not afforded them, they would be compelled to abandon the trade altogether, as numbers had already done. These men were so intimidated by the Portuguese officials, that they feared to state even to me, their consul, the particulars of their losses, saying that, in the event of anything happening to me, they would be marked by the officials, and ruined; and they only prayed that I would generally supervise their affairs, and, in the event of any flagrant act of injustice occurring while at the port, that I would afford them that protection which they were always led to expect from a British functionary. It was with my mind thus prepared that the following piratical affair was brought under my notice:—
The Cutch dhow, “Ari-passa,” on a trading voyage, arrived at Zanzibar, in the African dominions of the Imâm of Muskat, in the month of July, 1857, which port she left on the 14th July, bound for Port Mozambique, with instructions to call at Ibo on the passage down. On leaving Zanzibar, her passport was dulyviséby Colonel Hamerton, the British consul at that port, and all her papers were correct.
After going into the harbour of Ibo, the captain found that there was a great difficulty in obtaining his passport from the Governor; and as there was a considerable amount of money on board the dhow, he became alarmed for its safety, and also, I may add, for his own. However, after loudly complaining of the detention, and making some very strong observations on the cause of his detention, he was permitted to leave Ibo, and proceeded on his voyage to Mozambique. He found the wind south, or dead against him, and consequently, every night, he, as is customary with the dhows, stood in and anchored under the land, getting under weigh at daylight every morning.
It will be remembered that Vasco Guedes, thenGovernor-general of the province of Mozambique, had refused to supersede the governor of Ibo,[1]for supplying slaves to the “Minnetonka” American slaver, which left Ibo with a cargo of 1,200 slaves for Havannah de Cuba. The real reason for the Governor-general not superseding this delinquent governor was, that he kept his accounts properly—or, in other words, gave to the Governor-general a share of the head money for the slaves exported from Ibo, this share being (as I have already stated) six dollars for every negro shipped on board the French Free Labour ships, or the Spanish and American slavers.
We have seen these two officers, representing the King of Portugal, in defiance of all laws and commands to the contrary, engaged in the nefarious traffic in their fellow-beings.
One would imagine that this was bad enough, but the Governor-general had received an intimation that his successor had left Lisbon in the month of May, and there was no time to be lost—every opportunity must be seized for making money; so thought his worthy coadjutor at Ibo.He dare not take upon himself to plunder a vessel openly in the harbour of Ibo, but he wrote to the Governor-general of Mozambique, to inform him that this dhow was on its way to Port Mozambique, and he detained her at Ibo to give his superior time to act.
About the 20th of August, I heard that a Portuguese schooner of war, called “19 de Maio,” had left Port Mozambique, and was bound to the northward to intercept a dhow coming from Ibo, with a large quantity of bullion on board. At that time a number of extraordinary revelations were made to me relative to the slave-trade, and French Free Labour Immigration; and I naturally inquired if it was usual to intercept traders in this manner. I was told that it was not usual, but that such things did occasionally occur. I asked if the authorities had no fear of the matter being inquired into? I was answered with a laugh, and informed that “there was no one to inquire into these matters.” If inquiry was made, the reply was that the vessel had been seized for attempting to smuggle with the shore, or that it had been done to suppress the slave-trade. Thiswas always satisfactory. But in making such a capture occasionally vessels were scuttled, when they gave no further trouble. It was evident that I was living in a nest of pirates. Let us come to the facts again.
The dhow “Ari-passa” had been gradually working down to Port Mozambique. On the 26th day of August, 1857, blowing fresh from the southward, she endeavoured to get into Conducia Bay (since celebrated by the “Charles et Georges” affair), but did not succeed in fetching it; she therefore bore up, and ran away before the wind to the entrance of Quicimajulo Bay, where she anchored, the wind still blowing fresh from the southward. Soon after she had anchored, the Portuguese schooner of war, “19 de Maio,” dashed alongside, and threw a party of soldiers on board of her. These soldiers, under the direction of their officer, forced open the hatches; and proceeded at once to the place where the boxes containing the bullion were stowed; evidently being well instructed from Ibo. They removed the money to the schooner, and then amused themselves by breaking open the boxes containingthe cargo, after which the night was passed in scenes of revolting debauchery which cannot even be alluded to.
The captain and three of the crew were taken on board the schooner as prisoners; and, the next day, the schooner and her prize weighed, and after two days arrived at Mozambique.
As no house could be obtained for me in the city of Mozambique, I was obliged to live on the mainland; which had the object desired by the slave-dealers at Mozambique, who had all conspired not to let me have a house in the city, namely, to prevent my obtaining a knowledge of all their movements. In consequence of this, it was a day or two before the real state of the case came to my knowledge.
It appears that, on the arrival of the “Ari-passa” at Mozambique, the Banyans became very excited, and induced the captain to demand his release, and the immediate restoration of the vessel, asserting their intention of appealing to the British consul. The Governor-general, it appears, regretted the occurrence when he found the vessel had been brought into harbour, andhad a British passport; but as the foolish captors had not sunk the vessel, it was necessary to put a bold face on the matter, and therefore a temporizing course was adopted. The prisoners were set at liberty, and vague promises made to them, with which not being satisfied, they asked permission to visit the British consul on the mainland; at first this was refused, but at length permission was granted, and a deputation waited upon me, and stated the case. The information which I had received relative to the destination of the Portuguese schooner, “19 de Maio,” came to my recollection, and I found that the “Ari-passa” was the vessel which she had been sent to capture.
The facts of the case were duly deposed before me by Hery, the captain of the dhow; and I made myself thoroughly master of the whole subject, by examining a number of the crew, and inquiry into the whole circumstances of the affair.
I then addressed the Governor-general in writing, and asked His Excellency to inform me, why the dhow “Ari-passa” had been seized, andher crew, under British protection, had been ill-treated and imprisoned? To which he replied that the “Ari-passa” was “found in communication with Quitangonha, which was forbidden, and in consequence she was seized, as being suspected of smuggling, and she was delivered to the tribunals according to law.”
Now, I knew that being delivered to the “tribunals according to law” meant that, having been plundered of the bullion by the Governor-general, she was then handed over to the judge, to see what he could make out of her in the way of a bribe, or fine, to release her and her cargo; and was only submitting to be further robbed. It was, therefore, necessary to adopt bold measures, and to let Vasco Guedes know that I was acquainted with the circumstances connected with her capture. And although I could not write and state what I knew about the Governor of Ibo writing to him relative to the “Ari-passa,” and the arrangements which were made in consequence, because I would then have to state who my informant was, still I addressed His Excellency in such a manner that he could not doubtthat I was fully aware ofallthat had taken place. I particularly pointed out that the vessel was seized at anchor at the entrance of Quicimajulo Bay, which was, at least, twenty miles from Quitangonha; that she had simply anchored from stress of weather; that it was usual for dhows working along the coast to anchor every night, and that the vessel had not communicated with the shore. I then stated the manner in which the dhow had been boarded by the “19 de Maio,” by dashing alongside like a pirate, and throwing a party of armed boarders on to the deck of a peaceful trader, laying emphasis on the manner in which the soldiers had broken open the boxes containing money, and rifled the cases containing cargo, and designated the whole affair as an illegal and piratical seizure. “Suaviter in modo et fortiter in re,”—is a good diplomatic motto; but, in dealing with Portuguese one must not forget the “fortiter in re.”
The Governor-general’s reply is one of the richest things on record. He commences by stating:—
“That it is with regret that he sees a vessel,the flag of which is under the protection of Great Britain, engaged in illicit commerce, more especially as in the province of Mozambique every facility is afforded for legitimate commerce to ships of all nations, and particularly to those of a friendly ally.
“That in regard to the deposition of the captain of the ‘Ari-passa,’ which I had sent to him, he doubts its correctness; for the captain does not mention her stay at Ibo, which was the most important circumstance connected with his voyage. That the dhows from India bear very suspicious characters; as a proof of which, one of the dhows from India lately entered the port with a cargo of fire-wood! But, however the matter may be, it was not for his Excellency and myself to settle it, but the tribunals, before which the depositions ought to be made.”
His Excellency then indulged in a geographical disquisition relative to Quicimajulo and Quitanhonga, and admitted that my knowledge might be correct as to their relative positions.
With reference to the conduct of the soldiers who boarded the “Ari-passa,” he reminded me ofwhat the illustrious Lord Wellington himself states as to the conduct of his soldiers in the Peninsula, contained in his letters addressed to Viscount Castlereagh; and, also, begs me to bear in mind that, it is said, similar acts are practised by the British cruisers on the coast of Angola, and also on that of Mozambique; and that, in fine, he possesses a document of a recent date, in which the depositions of the crew and passengers are given, of one of the Portuguese vessels coming from India, which, being at anchor in Conducia Bay, was boarded by a boat from a British cruiser; that the officers searched the Portuguese vessel, broke the seals of the dispatches addressed to the custom-house, and endeavoured also, during the night, to introduce chains, or slave-irons, on board the vessel, so as to seize her as a slaver.
The fact of the matter was, that the Governor-general, at that time, was hard pressed by me on the subject of the slave-trade. I had discovered, in the short space of a month, all the ramifications of the slave-trade which he had established at Mozambique, under the denomination of theFrench Free Labour Emigration Scheme, and how the victims for that traffic were supplied from the interior of Africa, renewing the horrors of the slave-trade in the heart of that continent.
This letter was evidently written to annoy and irritate the British consul; but, coming from such a source, I could well afford to smile at the insult to my country, in comparing the glorious soldiers of Wellington, who, on their victorious bayonets, carried liberty to Spain and Portugal, to the convicted and degraded felons who formed the soldiery of Mozambique. In regard to the statement directed against the British navy, I simply let that matter rest until the arrival of a British ship of war, the commander of which considered it beneath notice.
The Scotchman kept his temper, and simply renewed his demand for the unconditional release of the “Ari-passa.” Some days afterwards I received an invitation for my wife and myself to drink a cup of tea at the palace; and a postscript was added by his Excellency, intimating that the “Ari-passa” was restored!
Yes, the “Ari-passa” was restored, because there was a British consul there to protect her; but how many “Ari-passas” have been seized and plundered without redress! Some portion of the money which had been robbed from this vessel could not be found when restoration was ordered; this was put down to the soldiers, who had been compared to the companions of Wellington; but the Banyan appeared well contented with what was given back to him, and begged me to let the matter drop.
It is necessary to show how this affair affected the owner of the “Ari-passa.” In consequence of her seizure, and the delay in restoring the vessel, she could not get away from Mozambique for her return voyage to Bombay, whither she was bound, until late in the month of September. On the voyage across the Indian Ocean the south-west monsoon failed her, and she was obliged to bear up for Zanzibar, from which place she returned to Mozambique in the month of December, 1857. She was in Mozambique harbour during the hurricane on the 1st of April, 1858, during which she suffered considerabledamage, and was nearly lost. Had she reached Bombay in the end of 1857, her valuable cargo would have arrived at a good market; but as she could not leave Mozambique until after the setting in of the south-west monsoon, she did not reach her destination until late in 1858, when we all know she found a depreciated market for her cargo, owing to the Indian mutiny. Add to this the loss sustained by the depreciation of the value of her cargo by being so long in her hold, the wages and keep of her crew, and the loss of the vessel’s earnings during twelve months.
At Mozambique I obtained her release; and the same sense of duty to my country induces me to make the affair known in England, in order that the merchants of Great Britain may urge upon the British government that redress to which the mercantile community of this country are entitled. Be it remembered that these dhows frequenting Mozambique from Bombay, and other places in India, are laden with British goods sent to supply the Indian markets, and thence exported to East Africa.
I have already mentioned that when at Natal, on my way to Mozambique, a deputation from the Chamber of Commerce of Natal did me the honour of waiting upon me, in order to bring forcibly before my notice the great desire of the enterprising merchants of that young and energetic colony to trade with the neighbouring Portuguese possessions, and to explain the great and apparently insurmountable obstacles to carrying on any relations with the rich tract of country lying between Cape Delgado and Delagoa Bay.
The following letter, among others, was addressed to me by Mr. Cato of that place:—
(Copy.)“Port Natal, 6th July, 1857.“Dear Sir,“I am glad that H.M.S. ‘Hermes’ called off this port, as it has afforded me the pleasure of paying my respects to you on your way to your Consulate, which I trust will be the commencement of more extended relations.“I have long been anxious to see a trade established between this port and some of the ports to the northward; but the difficulties, official and others, have been so great, that no honest man could overcome, and make his trading speculation pay him. The duties and port charges demanded at the said ports have been the cause of complaint with every person that I have known attempt to trade in that direction.“Should you at any time wish to send letters overland to this place, I would advise that they be sent to the Norwegian mission station in the Zulu country, addressed to me.“The head of the mission in that country is the Rev. H. Schreuder—the farthest station from this is the Empangeni.“On your arrival at your destination, and at your convenience, if you would favour me with the tariff of duties and charges at the different ports within your jurisdiction, I should feel obliged;—also—if not asking too much—add the facilities at those ports—pilots, boats, depth of water on the bars, produce obtainable, articles in demand, with any information you may thinkproper, or likely to lead to a trade. Placing my services at your disposal,“I have the honour to be, dear Sir,“Yours obediently,“G. C. Cato.“ToLyons M’Leod, Esq., H.M. Consul,East Coast of Africa.“Allow me to mention that I have the honour to represent at this port—Swedish and Norwegian Vice-Consul, Danish Vice-Consul, American Consular Agent, and Lloyd’s Agent.“G. C. Cato.”
(Copy.)
“Port Natal, 6th July, 1857.
“Dear Sir,
“I am glad that H.M.S. ‘Hermes’ called off this port, as it has afforded me the pleasure of paying my respects to you on your way to your Consulate, which I trust will be the commencement of more extended relations.
“I have long been anxious to see a trade established between this port and some of the ports to the northward; but the difficulties, official and others, have been so great, that no honest man could overcome, and make his trading speculation pay him. The duties and port charges demanded at the said ports have been the cause of complaint with every person that I have known attempt to trade in that direction.
“Should you at any time wish to send letters overland to this place, I would advise that they be sent to the Norwegian mission station in the Zulu country, addressed to me.
“The head of the mission in that country is the Rev. H. Schreuder—the farthest station from this is the Empangeni.
“On your arrival at your destination, and at your convenience, if you would favour me with the tariff of duties and charges at the different ports within your jurisdiction, I should feel obliged;—also—if not asking too much—add the facilities at those ports—pilots, boats, depth of water on the bars, produce obtainable, articles in demand, with any information you may thinkproper, or likely to lead to a trade. Placing my services at your disposal,
“I have the honour to be, dear Sir,
“Yours obediently,
“G. C. Cato.
“ToLyons M’Leod, Esq., H.M. Consul,East Coast of Africa.
“Allow me to mention that I have the honour to represent at this port—Swedish and Norwegian Vice-Consul, Danish Vice-Consul, American Consular Agent, and Lloyd’s Agent.
“G. C. Cato.”
From the above letter it will be observed what a strong desire there was for trade with the province of Mozambique, and an anxious inquiry as to the capabilities of the country, of which little is known even at Natal, and much less in the mother country. It is to be hoped that this work will supply the wants of the mercantile community as to information regarding the productions of this rich country, and also as to the proper means of establishing commercial relations on a healthy basis.
Various attempts have been made to establish trade between Natal and Delagoa Bay; and it is openly stated by the Portuguese at Delagoa Bay, that more Englishmen have perished in these attempts from the poisoned cup than from the deleterious climate. In England people may be startled at this statement, but the Natal people will be only too glad to hear that such a statement has gone forth to the world, as it may call for a searching inquiry into the fate of those who have perished, and give some hope that property, belonging to British subjects, now lying there, may be restored. Any one who will visit Delagoa Bay may make himself satisfied with the correctness of these statements; and, once for all, let it be said, that nothing is asserted in this work which, if an opportunity is given, cannot be proved.
I have already drawn attention to an able letter which appeared in theNatal Mercury, from Mr. G. W. Duncan,[2]of Natal, on his return from a trading voyage to Delagoa Bay. Not many months afterwards—viz., on the 15th of November,1857, a small cutter named the “Herald,” of eleven tons burthen, set sail from Port Natal, duly registered, and licensed for a trading coast voyage. She was bound to the river King George, which discharges itself into Delagoa Bay. The cutter was commanded by Mr. G. W. Duncan, and his friend, Mr. Charles Hilliard, who had been on a former voyage with Mr. Duncan, accompanied him as mate. The crew consisted of three men.
To make this affair clearly understood, it will be necessary to explain that the southern extreme limit of the Portuguese claim to possession on the east coast of Africa was but ill defined until, in 1823, it was settled by Captain W. F. Owen, R.N., when making his remarkable survey of that coast. Without entering into minute details of the arrangement made on that occasion, which it will be found is fully entered into in another part of this work,[3]it will be necessary to state that a line drawn due west from Cape Iniack marks the boundary of the Portuguese and British possessions in that bay; the territory tothe south of the said line having been ceded to the British government by the natives of the country in 1823. To the northward of that line lies that extensive and valuable tract of country claimed by the Portuguese, to which the natives everywhere dispute their right, and along which the Portuguese have, as already explained at the opening of this chapter, a few insular positions, from which they interfere with legitimate, and carry on slave, trade.
The mouth of the river King George, to which the cutter “Herald” was bound, is in Delagoa Bay, to the northward of the line already described, and, consequently, within the line of coast claimed by the Portuguese. The river King George is called by the natives Manakusi; they claim sole right of dominion over the river, and acknowledge no superior power but that of their king, Manakusi, and his subordinate chiefs.
It will be seen by the letter of Mr. Duncan, already referred to, that he was fully aware that the Portuguese, in the adjoining small settlement of Lourenço Marques, claimed the entrance to the river King George, and that they informed him,in reply to a request to trade there, that if he attempted to enter the river he was liable to seizure going in and coming out. Nevertheless, the “Herald,” on this voyage, entered the river from the sea, by a channel discovered by Mr. Duncan, and proceeded up it.
The object of the expedition was to open friendly relations with the natives; to engage a hunting party, and establish an ivory trade, for which purpose a piece of ground was to be purchased, and a wooden house built for a depôt of goods and ivory.
The cargo of the “Herald” was well selected for the trade proposed to be established. The cutter and cargo were valued at 1,200l., and the estimated clear profit, after paying the amount invested, and all expenses and charges, was 2,400l., being a return of 200 per cent. on the original outlay. This instance alone will show what immense profits would be derived from trading with the natives, if the east coast of Africa was thrown open to legitimate traffic; and how the immediate neighbouring British colony of Natal would be enriched.
The Portuguese, from their neighbouring settlement of Lourenço Marques, are occasionally permitted to ascend the river in boats; this permission must first be obtained from the king of the river. When the application is made, it is always accompanied by a present; and if granted, which is only done in the trading season, the king demands a present from each boat ascending the river. Whenever the Portuguese have attempted to ascend the river without permission from the king, they have been attacked by the natives, and, if captured, compelled to pay a heavy ransom.
The “Herald” proceeded up the river, and the king, Manakusi, having heard of the arrival of an English vessel in the river to trade, immediately sent messengers with a welcome, who were returned with presents for their master.
Meanwhile, the Portuguese at Lourenço Marques heard of the entrance of this small English vessel into the river King George, and in her immediately recognized the “Herald,” which had been trading with themselves some months previous. Governor Mochado had received a copy of Mr. Duncan’s letter, whichappeared in theNatal Mercury, and so fearfully exposed what was going on at Lourenço Marques; and he longed to be revenged on the Englishman who had dared to publish what he had seen. Lieutenant Silva was despatched in charge of nearly the whole of the available force at Lourenço Marques, and that officer found himself placed at the head of a formidable force, consisting of about 100 men, armed with old flint muskets, principally negroes belonging to the Crown, assisted by a few of the convict soldiers who formed the garrison of that place. They were embarked in three large launches, without any sails, and a very short supply of oars, ammunition, and provisions. It is therefore not surprising that they took more than two weeks to overtake the “Herald,” which, at that time, was about 120 miles up the river. On the 6th of December, the “Herald” was overtaken by this formidable party. The advanced force consisted, of course, of armed negroes; and Captain Duncan, imagining that they might be the natives of the country meditating an attack, anchored the cutter, and prepared to defend the vessel. But on the othertwo launches, with troops in them, making their appearance, he began to surmise whence the hostile force had come. Observing the “Herald” anchor, and prepare to defend herself, the Portuguese launches dropped down the river, landed a party on each bank, and took up a position on either side, abreast of the cutter. Mr. Duncan hereupon hailed the soldiers in Portuguese, to request their commandant to come alongside, informing them that he was not a pirate, but a trader.
The commandant accordingly came alongside, and informed Mr. Duncan that he had orders from the Governor of Lourenço Marques to take the cutter, and all she contained, together with all on board, to Governor Mochado.
Mr. Duncan, believing that he was in native waters, over which King Manakusi had dominion, asked Lieutenant Silva for his authority. That officer replied that intelligence had been received from a native chief that a boat, unlike any which had been seen before, had gone up the river; and that the chief, fearing those on board, had solicited the assistance of the Portuguese government atLourenço Marques. Mr. Duncan replied that he was quite sure that such was not the impression at that time, for he had already established friendly relations. To which the commandant replied that he had his orders, and must comply with them.
Mr. Duncan now informed his captor that he had two men on shore, and that he could not consent to leave without them; and Lieutenant Silva consented to their being sent for.
The news soon spread of the interruption to the trade which was just about opening between the natives and the English, and a formidable number of negroes collected from all parts. The position of the English was soon made known to the natives, by the negroes belonging to the Portuguese; and the natives claimed the cutter for their prize, alleging that she was in their waters, where the Portuguese had never been before. Shortly afterwards, a conference took place between the contending parties, viz., the Portuguese officers and the native chiefs. The native chiefs declared that if they gave up their claim to the vessel, they certainly would have a handsomeransom. Lieutenant Silva sent for Mr. Duncan, and informing him what had passed at the conference with the chiefs, stated that he thought Mr. Duncan would have to sacrifice half, if not the whole, of the cargo to get out of the river, and begged him earnestly to sacrifice the cargo to save the lives of the party. Mr. Duncan said it was too late that night to do anything; he would consider the matter, and give his decision next morning. On the following morning, December the 8th, Mr. Duncan took an early opportunity of informing Lieutenant Silva that he considered himself his prisoner, and the vessel his capture—whether illegal or otherwise, was a matter for after-consideration; that he consequently ceased to exercise any authority over the cargo, and the commandant might do as he pleased. But that, although a prisoner, if it was the commandant’s intention to fight his way, he might depend upon him for assistance.
Meanwhile, the natives had not been idle. Under the direction of their king they had made the river impassable, until such time as their wants were satisfied. During the previous day,and on the morning of the 8th, canoes were observed floating down the river—sometimes one alone, at other times two or three lashed together; these were collected at a narrow part of the river, and with them a boom was formed, rendering all exit from the river impossible. Above this boom, on each side of the river, an army (as the natives called it) was placed; and the king gave Lieutenant Silva to understand that it was his intention to enforce his sovereign rights, and make the commandant pay handsomely for the ransom of himself and party, when he might take the cutter with him; warning him that next time he came up the river, without previously receiving permission from King Manakusi, the consequences would be more serious. Another attempt was made to induce Mr. Duncan to pay the ransom, but he simply replied that he was no longer a free agent, but a prisoner.
At last, after much disputation with the natives, Lieutenant Silva, commandant of the Portuguese force, took from the cargo of the British cutter “Herald” sixty pounds sterling worth of goods, to pay for the release of himself and party, andto be permitted to take with him the “Herald.” The boom was then removed, and King Manakusi bade him “go!”—at the same time warning him what the consequences would be, not only to any Portuguese whom he might find in the river without his permission, but to the settlement at Lourenço Marques, if they again attempted to infringe on his territory. This Lieutenant Silva knew was no idle threat; for the fort, as it is called, at Lourenço Marques, is frequently in imminent peril from the natives, who generally inflict some punishment on the Portuguese annually, after the trading season is ended, as a return for some injury inflicted during that period.
Previous to getting under weigh, the two men who were missing from the “Herald” joined the party, one being ill with fever.
Soon after weighing, it became apparent that the captors were quite incompetent to manage the prize, and Lieutenant Silva was obliged to ask Mr. Duncan to navigate the “Herald” to Lourenço Marques. The following remarks are from Mr. Duncan’s journal, and show the relative position of the English and the Portuguese in this affair:—
“On our way down the river, it was somewhat novel that, although prisoners, we were left on board to enjoy our floating home, contrary to all instructions; a condescension worthy of esteem, had it emanated from a feeling of sympathy or kindness; for although the accommodation on board our cutter was far from being sufficient for any length of time, yet it was a palace compared with the wretched condition which those miserable creatures were in, in their open boats, and which we should have had to endure, had it not been that on us alone they depended to take their cutter with a deck-load of their vermin to Lourenço Marques; for though so many in number, there was not one sailor among them who could work the craft.
“This doubtless will appear strange, especially to persons who understand the nature of such an expedition, not to be provided with a few mariners to carry out, to the strict letter, their orders. What could be more absurd than to entrust those whom they considered their prisoners to take the cutter, and a host of their force on board, to where they had orders to take her? Doubtlessit was to their overwhelming numbers compared with us, more especially as they were armed to the teeth, that they trusted. But could they have conceived the danger they placed themselves in, they would have been glad to take to their boats when we got into the open bay, and let us go; for nothing could have been more easy, with a strong breeze blowing from the southward and eastward, having a good offing, and the sea running considerably high, than to have washed the deck, and rid ourselves of the nuisance. Nothing but an opinion of their proceedings being unlawful, and a hope of having full damages awarded through the official interposition of H.M. Consul, Mr. M’Leod, prevented me ridding the world of an intolerable portion of its offscourings.
“On the evening of the third day’s sail down the river we arrived at Lourenço Marques harbour, and shortly after coming to an anchor, an order came for the rudder of the cutter to be unshipped and sent on shore; between ten and eleven o’clock another order, for her mainsail to be unbent and sent on shore, together with the guns, which had been kept loaded in the cabin,and the ship’s papers. Next day, an order came for the cutter to be got under weigh and laid on the beach, without her rudder and mainsail, and a fresh breeze blowing off the land.
“As it was to me the Governor sent the orders, I refused to comply, telling him that I would not undertake to do any such thing—that I considered his orders absurd,—that I thought I had done sufficient in bringing the vessel, cargo, Portuguese troops, and his people safe into port—that if he wished to humbug the boat about, he must send men of his own, and at his own risk. Shortly afterwards, a large barge was sent off, manned with negroes, to tow her on shore, which was accomplished, but not without considerable difficulty.
“On the following day, Saturday, the 12th December, everything was taken out of her and carried into the fort. That done, we were all ordered to land, and marched into the fort, the sick among us being placed in the same room.
“In the afternoon, myself and two others were ordered back to the boat, the sick sent to a place on the opposite side of the square in the fort,called an infirmary, a most wretched apology for one; it was far inferior to the one attached to the D’Urban Gaol in comfort, although much larger. The scenes witnessed there by our sick I leave them to describe, should they be disposed to do so. As to the district surgeon, his attention, and the use of means placed at his disposal, nothing can be said against him.
“A Portuguese who had shipped with us as cook was kept in the fort, and allowed greater latitude than any of us who were sent on board the cutter. He was allowed to walk in and out of the fort at pleasure, and to dispose of a number of articles which, with the assistance of the Portuguese guard, he had stolen from the cargo of the ‘Herald.’
“Why this Portuguese should be allowed to remain in the vessel when all were ordered on shore, he being one of the crew, seems strange, and more so that he should be kept in the fort when we were ordered back to the ‘Herald;’ except it is, as I have since imagined, to make him an instrument to effect some purpose for which he is very capable; for a more unmitigated scoundrelnever could exist. I said that he is an instrument to effect some purpose; for, on our embarking on board the brig ‘Clara,’ all the officers belonging to Lourenço Marques were on board; and on their leaving the vessel I heard the Commandant-Lieutenant Silva say, ‘You know what has been said to you, take care!’ To which he replied that he would.
“On Monday, the 21st December, 1857, we set sail for Mozambique, on board of a Portuguese brig, called ‘Clara,’ commanded by Señhor José Antonio de Olliveira. Their object in sending us is as yet a mystery, nothing having been said to us by any of the authorities. Nor was I summoned to appear before any one to answer for myself, except before the Collector of Customs, to whose office I was marched under a guard of four soldiers and a corporal, armed with muskets and fixed bayonets,—treated more like a brigand than a man endeavouring to establish friendly and peaceable commercial relations among that portion of the uncivilized inhabitants dwelling on the banks of the river King George.
“Our passage to Mozambique was more thanpersons in our circumstances could possibly expect. Strange to say, after the barbarous treatment I had received during my stay of nine days, a close prisoner on board the cutter, with a guard of four soldiers over me, that a cabin passage should have been provided for me, with everything necessary for my support and comfort at discretion. Those of the crew, five in number, were not so comfortable as I should have wished, there being no other accommodation for them than the longboat, with a tarpaulin for an awning. Two of them were very ill from the effects of marsh fever, one especially being, as I considered, in a dangerous state; but who has up to the present gradually improved, by taking the medicines that I had fortunately provided, their properties being very efficacious.
“With respect to the kindness of Captain José Antonio Olliveira, his officers and crew, to assist in promoting the comfort of our party while on board the ‘Clara,’ too much cannot be said; more especially the captain, who was a perfect gentleman, and worthy of that name in its purest sense, the very opposite, indeed, of almost all of his countrymenat Lourenço Marques, Governor Mochado included. I had, indeed, many fears, on embarking, that ill-treatment would have been continued during our passage; but happy am I to state that, amidst many troubles, the passage to Mozambique was an interval of ease and plenty, added to which was the pleasure derived from delightful weather. Nothing could have proved a greater relief and change (except that of being homeward-bound in our little craft), from what we had suffered under the Russian despotism of the Portuguese Governor Mochado, at Lourenço Marques.
“The care of those of our party who were sick, and the fear that they would not survive the passage, caused me great anxiety; but when in that I was favoured, having the daily pleasure of seeing them rapidly improving, nothing, at last, seemed to burden my mind, excepting a strong desire of arriving at Mozambique, buoyed with the hope that through the official interposition of H.B.M.’s Consul, Mr. M’Leod, we would meet with a speedy settlement of the affair, and thereby enable me the sooner to return to Natal.
“This composure and satisfaction for myself, and for those who were with me, was not continued to me long, for on the 31st December I had the pain of reading the burial-service over the remains of one of my crew, John Fysh, a young man, aged nineteen years, who not many days previous enjoyed perfect health, and who was remarked by all on board as a fine, healthy young man. On the 23rd December, about ten o’clock in the evening, I was pacing the deck, when the deceased appeared coming from the forepart of the ship; I seriously reproved him for his imprudence in being on deck so late in a heavy cold dew, after an excessively hot day, with nothing on but light trousers and a very thin flannel. The following day he did not appear well, but did not complain; the day after I went to see him, found him very feverish, and gave searching medicine.
“On Sunday, the 27th, according to his own statement, feeling as well as he ever did, he dressed himself, and in the hottest part of the forenoon I saw him under the port-bow of the longboat, on his knees, cutting out a pair of trousers for one of the ship’s company. I reproved him,telling him that it was the Sabbath-day, and that the scorching heat of the sun under the lee of the boat might affect him more than the dew had a few days previous. On Monday he complained of not being well, but did not seem much indisposed. On Tuesday he was very bad. I gave him medicine, and blistered him on the back of the head, kept him on low diet, &c., but the treatment adopted had no effect.”
On the 3rd January, 1858, the Portuguese brig “Clara” arrived at Mozambique, when Mr. Duncan and his unfortunate companions claimed the protection of the British consul, and the next day they were provided for by me.
The following extract from the statement of Mr. Charles Hilliard, a highly intelligent man, who accompanied Mr. Duncan as his mate, in the “Herald,” throws additional light on this affair, and shows us that considerable changes among the Portuguese on the east coast of Africa must take place if commercial relations are to be established with the interior of the country by way of the magnificent rivers on that coast:—
“On a previous trip to Lourenço Marques, CaptainDuncan had, out of charity, taken three poor starving wretches, by permission of the Portuguese Governor of that place, to Natal. One of these men, João Alberto, shipped with us on this voyage as cook and interpreter, pretending also to a knowledge of the language of the natives to whom we were going. After the seizure of the vessel by the Portuguese on our way to Lourenço Marques, he ingratiated himself with the half-starved soldiers who were on board, by stealing the ship’s bread for them at night, in which he was several times detected. On the removal of the cargo from the vessel to the fort, at Lourenço Marques, he gained the patronage of the guard by treating them with liquor he had stolen from the cabin, part of which I took from him while serving it out; and in the confusion and pillage that took place, and which neither the captain, myself, nor the custom-house officers could restrain, he was leader, throwing articles out on the beach, breaking, and wasting their contents. And in a scuffle that ensued for some private articles between him, assisted by the guard, and a fellow from the shore called theharbour-master, and one of the crew, John Fysh, he attempted the life of Fysh, by stabbing him twice with a clasp knife; and I got some blows on the breast from the butt of the corporal’s musket in endeavouring to save Fysh.
“When we were sent back to the vessel, he was allowed to remain in the fort, and to keep for his own use a number of articles, beads, handkerchiefs, pieces of blue calico, &c., belonging to the cargo of the vessel, which he had stolen with the assistance of the guard, and afterwards sold; and in a few days many of the Portuguese troops were dressed in new blue cotton jackets, the property of J. D. Koch, Esq., of Natal.
“At Lourenço Marques he wanted to leave the cutter’s crew, but, finding that if he did so the Portuguese would make him carry the musket again, and give him a sound flogging into the bargain, he claimed the protection of the British flag, and was sent on board the ‘Clara,’ where he again refused to do anything, even to carry refreshments from the galley to his sick shipmates; for which he was treated with just contempt by his countrymen.
“During our stay at Delagoa Bay, no examination of any one, not even the captain, took place respecting our voyage, nor were any questions asked upon the subject.
“The object of the expedition was to open friendly commercial intercourse with the natives of Manakusi, or River King George, for which we had an assorted cargo, to engage a hunting party and obtain a place from the natives, or build a house for a depôt of goods and ivory.
“As great stress has been laid on the monstrous ingratitude of Captain Duncan (in the Portuguese despatches) in firing a pistol at Lieutenant Silva (who had so generously come to save him), I assert that it is a base falsehood, as Captain Duncan neither burnt a grain of gunpowder, nor had a pistol in his hands during the affair. What did take place was done by myself. One barrel of my rifle, which I was loading, not being clear, I blew some loose powder out of it to clear it, but which I don’t believe either the lieutenant, or any of his party, so much as saw the smoke of, they having pulled away round a bend of the river below us,and were wholly hidden from view by a thick border of high reeds.”
How it fared with the master and crew of the “Herald” at Mozambique will be related in the following chapters. Meanwhile, enough has been stated in this one to show the restrictions which are thrown in the way of legitimate trade.