Pl. 34.On stone by W. Walton, from a Drawing by G. A. Hoskins Esqr.Printed by C. Hullmandel.COLOSSAL STATUE IN THE ISLAND OF ARGO.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.The antiquities amply repaid us for the trouble of visiting them. They consist chiefly of two colossal statues of grey granite, now lying on the ground. The faces are Egyptian, but the sculpture is Ethiopian; not in a very good style, the forms being extremely bulky and clumsy. The length, including the pedestal, which is 2 feet 10 inches, is 23 feet. One statue has lost part of its arms; the other is broken into two pieces, but the features are less injured. They have never been quite finished; which is, doubtless the reason that neither is ornamented with hieroglyphics. The figures are placed in the usual standing position of Egyptian statues, one foot advanced before the other. The one that is broken has on the left foot a small statue. (See my picturesque views and architectural restoration, PlatesXXXIII.,XXXIV.,andXXXV.) The ornaments around their necks and ankles are curious, and quite Ethiopian. The wreath around the head-dress of one of them is that of a conqueror; which I conceive to afford a strong ground for conjecturing that these statues were erected in commemoration of the conquest of Egypt: but I am led to this conclusion principally from the circumstance of the only name in hieroglyphics now remaining here being that of Sabaco, the first king of the Ethiopian dynasty who conquered and reigned over Egypt.The circumstance of the statues not being finished, may be accounted for by the brief duration, at that period, of the Ethiopian dominion over this part of the country. The statues erected to celebrate the triumph of their arms in Egypt would naturally be thrown down by the Egyptian invaders. Psammitichus, the first king of the 26th dynasty, who reigned immediately after the Ethiopians, and whose territory, we know, from the Greek inscription at Abou Simbel, certainly extended as far as the second cataract, might have conquered this part of Ethiopia, and thrown down the statues of a king naturally so hateful to the Egyptians.They seem, like the two celebrated statues at Thebes, to have ornamented the entrance of a temple, for behind them is a considerable space covered with sandstone, all in small pieces, but evidently the ruins of a large temple.Forty paces behind these colossals is a beautiful fragment of a small seated statue, without a head, and half buried in the ruins: the name of Sabaco is engraved on it in hieroglyphics; and 43 paces behind the latter is a group of six small monkeys, very much mutilated, and almost buried in the ground. The ruins of the temple extend 20 paces farther. It may have been perhaps from 250 to 300 feet long; but, profiting by the softness of the sandstone, the stones seem to have been studiously broken into the smallest fragments. There are, unfortunately, no hieroglyphics, except the name of Sabaco, before mentioned, remaining either on the statues or any of the stones; and, from the degree in which the edifice is destroyed, I did not conceive that, at all events, much advantage would be derived from excavation.The name of this town is unknown; and, though the temple appears to have been considerable, the remains afford no ground to suppose that the place was of great importance. There is every reason to believe, however, that the Island of Argo was formerly much more flourishing than now. The different remains of ancient towns in the interior, now surrounded merely with acacia groves and uncultivated plains, prove the cultivation, at that time, to have been much more extended, and the island to have contained not only better built cities, but also a civilised population acquainted with the arts.A sheakh, from a village at a short distance from the ruins, sent us some excellent bread and milk; and, when our work was finished, we went to his house, and reposed on his angoureebs,—luxuries which every peasant possesses: we also partook of some dates, bouza, and palm wine; the latter is like the honey of datesonly more diluted with water. Strabo speaks of the Ethiopian beverage made of honey and barley; and also adds, that the only fruit in that country are a few dates in the royal gardens. After requiting the sheakh for his attention, we returned by the bank of the river to Melek Tumbol’s house.Pl. 35.RESTORATION OF THE TWO COLOSSAL STATUES IN THE ISLAND OF ARGO.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.The country was rich and beautiful, and I observed a great quantity of indigo. In the melek’s territory, there are 500 water-wheels employed in the cultivation of this plant. It requires much water, each wheel being sufficient to irrigate on an average only three quarters of a feddan of land.April19. We dined and slept last night with the melek, and left him this morning soon after sunrise. We gave a backsheesh (present) of money to his servants, and, in return for his attention, I gave him the amber mouth-piece of my pipe. We returned in his boat to Haffeer; but as it was navigated by only two mariners, and sailed ill, I there procured another from the katshef to visit the granite quarries near the village of Toumbos.On the east side, almost directly opposite to Haffeer, there is a brick ruin, half an hour’s walk from the river. I perceived, at a distance, that it was of no importance; but recollecting that Cailliaud mentioned it in his work as resembling the towers represented in the sculptures at Thebes, I visited it on foot, for want of any conveyance, and suffered severely from the scorching, almost vertical, mid-day sun. The ruin being situated in the desert, my feet, unprotected with stockings, which I have long since discarded, were dreadfully burnt by the hot soft sand, in which we sank, at every step, considerably above the shoes. This ruin has not the slightest resemblance to the towers in the sculpture at Thebes. It has been apparently for ages so much decayed, as scarcely to present any other form than that of a mere mass of brickwork; but I conceive it to be Ethiopian, and very ancient. It is difficult to imagine what has been its exact form (seevignette);but it has evidently not resembled, in any respect, the elegant fortresses represented on the walls of Thebes. The entrance into it, as will be seen by the view, is partly remaining. The name of the village near it is Korma.RUIN OF AN ETHIOPIAN FORT.We were two hours in descending the river to Toumbos. Immediately before arriving, we passed the first of the cataracts of Hennek. The country (seevignette) is very pleasing, flat, not romantic or picturesque, like the scenery between Philæ and Assuan; but the luxuriance of the vegetation on the islands, the acacias in the foreground, the picturesque groups of palm trees, the masses of rock impeding the current, and varying the tint of the river by the white surges they create, and, in the distance, the yellow sands, formed altogether a soft and lovely landscape. The rocks of the third cataract, at least here, are of grey granite.A very short distance from the river, on a granite rock, calledHadjer el Dehab, or the Golden Stone, is a large historical tablet of hieroglyphics, with the common Egyptian ornament above it, of the globe, serpents, and wings. The hieroglyphics have been well executed, but are now so defaced that few of them are distinguishable. I copied a small portion of it containing the name of Thothmes I.; and in another small tablet adjoining, I observed the prænomen of Amunoph III.CATARACT OF HENNEK.From the similarity of this granite, I think it evident that the statues of Argo have been taken from these quarries. There is here also another statue, twelve feet in length, much injured, but in a tolerably good style of sculpture (seevignette,page 218). The head has been destroyed, perhaps by some accident in separating it from the rock, or rather in conveying it to its destination.The katshef of Haffeer, through some misunderstanding, I suppose, had informed me that Toumbos was distant only half an hour’s or an hour’s sail. We, therefore, brought with us neither provisions, beds, nor coverings. On arriving at Toumbos, thesheakh invited us to pass the night with him. By the time we had finished our drawings and examination of the quarries, it was almost night, and, the wind having subsided, it was impossible to cross the cataract. We, therefore, gladly accepted his hospitality, having had nothing to eat since morning but grain, heated a little over the fire, with salt. The Arabs are fond of grain prepared in this manner; and, mixed with a few dates, it is not disagreeable.The sheakh first conducted us into a ruined house, now used as a mosque, rather miserable-looking, close to the river, and therefore cold, especially for us, who had no covering. The heat of the day being so excessive, the fresh air of the night, and particularly of the morning, feels extremely chill. I complained of this accommodation, at which he seemed vexed, and asked my servant if we wished to sleep in his harem. Our complaint, however, procured us a comfortable room in his own house, good angoureebs, covered with mats and skins to lie on, a cheerful wood fire, and a good supper of excellent bread and milk, with a large bowl of meat. We had therefore no reason to complain of the sheakh’s hospitality.COLOSSAL STATUE IN THE QUARRIES OF TOUMBOS.April20. At sunrise, after remunerating the sheakh for his attentions with a present of money, which I conceived would be the most acceptable that could be offered, we profited by a slight breeze, and, with the assistance of three of the peasants, passed the cataract. The sheakh gave me the not uncommon salutation at parting of “Minsh Allah rasak taip!”—“May God preserve your head from harm!” in a tone which appeared to me curious at the time, but which, I conceived, might allude to the passing of the cataract; though, as will soon be seen, before the setting of the sun, I understood his meaning. Soon afterwards, being becalmed, we pressed into our service a dozen peasants, who dragged us along with a cord.This morning, and also yesterday, we saw on an island of sand, near Haffeer, a large hippopotamus. This is the only one that now remains in this part of the river, or so far to the northward. Here, too, it is said that this animal flies from the approach of man, and even from the boats. Each time that we approached the isle, it darted into the water. There were, a short time ago, several in this part of the river; but Melek Tumbol told me that he and his people had destroyed all of them, with the exception of this one, which had always eluded their pursuit. We did not arrive at Haffeer until one in the afternoon, half-famished, having had nothing for breakfast but a small handful of grain.We received intelligence there which threw us into the greatest consternation. The province of Mahas, which commences at Hannek, one hour’s journey north from this place, and extends as far as Sukkot, has broken out into insurrection. The dreadful consequences of this event, cutting off completely my return to Egypt and Europe, and making me a prisoner Heaven knows how long; also the uncertainty of how widely the flame may spread, and what may be the result, caused me the greatest anxiety. I am informed there are already 300 insurgents collected, and that their number increases hourly.The reason ascribed for this revolt is, that the government refused to accept in part payment of their taxes the linen cloths made in the country. The owners of each water-wheel, besides grain to the amount of five dollars, pay also fifteen in cash: the difficulty of realising this sum may be easily conceived in a country where there are no markets, little or no commerce, and that generally carried on by exchange. The katshef of Haffeer, on hearing, this morning, that they had murdered a kaimacam (officer), and three soldiers, within two hours’ march of his residence, hastened to the spot with about thirty soldiers, being all the forces he could muster. The insurgents had retired upon an island. He buried the three men the Mahas had killed, and brought away the other, whom they had severely wounded in various places, and left as dead. The katshef informed me, that, as he could not desert his post, he intended to shut himself up in the indigo manufactory, which was partly fortified. I immediately ordered my camels to be loaded for our return to Ourde, or New Dongolah, for it is now impossible to proceed on our journey north.That dress which has hitherto been our protection, and procured us every where respect, now makes us a mark for the attack of the insurgents. They would never suppose that any friend of theirs would wear the costume of their oppressors. In our nizam dresses we should certainly be taken for Turks, and perhaps murdered in a summary manner. We have every reason to thank Providence that we were detained a day at Argo, otherwise our fate was inevitable, for we should have been exactly in the centre of the revolt at the very moment when it broke out. In these countries, where Europeans are almost unknown, except the few who, being in the service of the Pasha, are considered as Turks, the natives only distinguish two classes,—their own countrymen, and the white men, their tyrants and oppressors. We could not have expected to be spared, even had they recognised us as travellers:for they would have murdered us for the treasures which they imagine we find among the ruins.It were endless to enumerate the ridiculous stories which the Arabs relate of these fancied discoveries. I will, however, mention one or two, as characteristic. On our return from the colossal statues in the Island of Argo, to the house of Melek Tumbol, one of his cash-keepers asked me if we had found any gold; and he stated as a fact to a crowd of Arabs in the room (swearing by his beard and the prophet), that at a ruin called Dendera, in Egypt, he accompanied two Englishmen, who obtained an immense treasure. The devil refused it until they should give him a water melon, to allay his thirst. The Englishman then sent him all the way to Kennah for the melon, and that as soon as the devil smelt the fine odour of the fruit, gold came down like rain. This the man declared he had seen with his own eyes, and all the Arabs implicitly believed him.At Gibel el Birkel, the natives conceived that my excavations were made only to find gold; and they supposed me less fortunate, or less clever, than the last European, a noble Lord, who visited those ruins, who was stated to have found such a quantity, in the form of a granite lion, that he was obliged to have a boat from Dongolah to carry it down to Egypt.CHAPTER XVI.RETURN TO NEW DONGOLAH. — THE GOVERNOR. — HIS INDECISION. — GENERAL ALARM. — INTERVIEW WITH THE GOVERNOR. — HIS DIFFICULT SITUATION AND WANT OF ENERGY. — INCREASE OF THE INSURGENTS. — RETREAT OF THE KATSHEF OF HAFFEER. — TROOPS MARCHED OUT AGAINST THE INSURGENTS. — FEARS ABOUT THE RESULT. — THEIR ARMY. — THE BATTLE. — EFFECTS OF THE REVOLT. — ROADS IMPASSABLE. — RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION. — TURKISH AND ARAB EVOLUTIONS. — HASSANYEH. — FUNGE. — CURIOUS ASSEMBLAGE. —LULULOOOF THE WOMEN. — TURKISH SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN THE PROVINCES, AND PRESENT STATE OF THE PEASANTRY AND ARABS OF THE DESERT ABOVE WADY HALFAH.El Ourde, or New Dongolah.—April21. Immediately on my arrival, I paid a visit to the governor, but was not received; for, notwithstanding the general alarm which exists on account of the insurrection, he could not deny himself his mid-day nap. In the evening I was more successful. The more I see of this man, the more I feel alarmed about the length of time I may be detained, and what may be the result of this unfortunate affair, for I perceive clearly he is incapable of taking any resolution. He complained of not having force sufficient. I advised him to adopt the common Turkish system of offering a general pardon and lighter taxes, or muster all his forces, and crush, at once, a movement which, in a country like this, was likely to spread so rapidly.April29. A week passed without any plan being determined upon. I had not chosen to renew my advice, perceiving what I had already given to be fruitless. The greatest panic existed in the town. Some proposed to fly up the country; others, to reach Egypt by crossing the desert by Selemeh. We had, every day, some new and false rumour, that other districts had revolted, and thatthe whole valley of the Nile, from Wady Halfah to the extremity of the Pasha’s dominions, was on the point of throwing off the yoke of their oppressors. Sometimes the insurgents were reported to be within an hour’s march of the town, preparing to attack it. Muskets were distributed, the cannons prepared, and we were all to fight for our lives. At length, the officers, who are a despicable set, became refractory: some refused to march, while others were anxious to commence operations. The governor was undecided; some officers of the divan advised one course, and some another; and, while he vacillated between them, day passed after day, without any plan being adopted.Foreseeing the consequences of this irresolution, while discontent was spreading even among the government troops, and the insurgents daily increasing, I determined to make one effort more to rouse him from his lethargy, and persuade him to adopt some vigorous measure. I, therefore, visited him, accompanied by a Greek dragoman, with whom the governor, being a Turk from the Morea, could converse in the Romaic without any other person in the divan understanding our discourse. I thus obtained the best chance of my advice being followed, by sparing hisamour propre, of which he had a considerable stock.I apologised for the liberty I was taking; conscious that, as a stranger, I had no right to interfere with his administration; but that my fate was linked with his, as the success of my own plans depended on his being able to restore order and tranquillity to the country. In return, too, for his attentions, I was anxious, if possible, to be of service to him; I regretted his present difficult situation, particularly as I saw him surrounded by men guided more by their passions than by reason. To my surprise, he raised up his head, which generally hangs over his knees, almost touching them, and expressed his willingness to listen to, and follow, my counsel. Tormented as he has been, for several days, with the insolent dictation of his officers, each insisting on somewild scheme of his own, he turned a ready ear to my suggestions, which were, of course, disinterested. Each officer, on the contrary, hoped, if his plan should be adopted, and be successful, that he might have the merit of the victory, and obtain, in consequence, a present from the Pasha.I urged the governor to send to some of the sheakhs up the Nile, who are strongly attached to the government, and have no affection for the Mahas, to assemble their forces; and also to Melek Tumbol, who is said to have a force of 500 men, while the former could muster 600 men, and both would be quite willing to join the government. The governor had imprudently ordered the soldiers scattered in the different villages to assemble, under the katshefs and kaimacams, in bands of fifty. This had caused great dissatisfaction, by showing that he distrusted the fidelity of the peasants; and the measure was useless, except in affording a security for the lives of the soldiers, which, after all, was only apparent; for bands of fifty were too small to keep extensive districts in subjection, or protect themselves against the united attacks of the peasantry. I urged the governor to send for these troops to replace the garrison here, which he might thus be enabled to send out against the revolters. He consented to this proposition very reluctantly.To my surprise, he informed me that he had sent no courier to Cairo. He had despatched one to Khartoun, in the hopes of procuring a reinforcement from that district. I did not think it probable that the government there would risk its security by sending part of their force to Dongolah: but it was great neglect not to inform all the governors around of the revolt, that they might guard against any attempts within their own territories; particularly as it is rumoured, though, probably, without foundation, that this is only the first explosion of a grand conspiracy, formed by the people, throughout Upper Nubia, to avail themselves of the presentopportunity, whilst the Pasha is engaged with the war in Syria, to throw off his yoke.The number of soldiers here at present is 200, part of a regiment of invalids sent to this province, being of no use at Cairo; the remainder of the regiment is scattered, as I have said, in small parties, about the province. As the Arab and Turkish merchants in the bazaar are more than sufficient to protect the citadel, and their fidelity may be relied upon, their lives and property being at stake, I urged the governor to send off the troops in the garrison without delay; and he promised that he would do so as soon as the necessary arrangements could be made. I advised him also to mount guards on the citadel, to dispel the panic which existed, and prevent the possibility of the place being surprised.April30. The katshef of Haffeer arrived, without having received permission from the governor to abandon his post, but conceiving it impossible, with only 50 men, to protect the indigo house, which is but partially fortified, against the threatened attack of the insurgents. He stated the force of the latter to be 1500 men; and a courier arrived last night, with the intelligence, that yesterday more soldiers were killed, and that another party of fifty only escaped through the means of an Arab sheakh, abandoning their baggage, and,mirabile dictufor Turks, also their pipes!May1. The troops, 150 in number (leaving 50 in the citadel), marched out this morning against the Mahas. They were accompanied by 120 volunteers, some of them mounted. The Hassanyeh and Funge, 500 strong, and Melek Tumbol on the opposite bank, with 500 more, are waiting to join them. They took with them one piece of cannon, an eight-pounder, on which they rested their chief hopes of success. The review of these warriors caused a great sensation in this little capital. The governor had distributed muskets and ammunition to all the merchants who joined the expedition, and also to those who remainedin garrison. Each man was trying his weapon by firing it off. The women were weeping, and demonstrating their grief, according to the custom of the country, by a peculiarlululoo, caused by drawing their breath, and shaking their tongues between their lips, at the same time waving their hands, in sign of wishes for their husbands’ success.Considering how this expedition was composed, I was almost doubtful of its success. The soldiers and officers were the refuse of the Pasha’s army; the merchants a confused mass; the commander notorious for cowardice; the cannon in the hands of men not renowned for their skill in engineering; and it seemed doubtful whether friendship to the Turks, the rancour of ancient feuds, or even the hope of plunder, be sufficient motives to induce the Hassanyeh Arabs and Melek Tumbol’s forces to act against their neighbours, fighting for their liberty, to free themselves from a grievous and intolerable yoke, and who had placed their all upon the die,—death or victory. The governor himself reviewed the troops outside the walls, and gave his last directions. How ridiculous this expedition would have appeared in Europe! It reminded me of the army of Bombastes Furioso; and the Mahmoor might have dismissed them with the same words,—“Begone, brave soldiers, don’t kick up a row!”May2 and 3. were spent in great anxiety about the result of the expedition. Rumours were spread that the government troops were defeated, and that the Mahas were coming to attack the citadel.May4. This morning news arrived of the engagement, and that the Pasha’s troops had gained the victory. On the 10th, they and the merchants returned, and I received from some sensible Turkish merchants, on whose authority I could depend, the following account of the battle. The insurgents, 1300 strong, at three o’clock in the afternoon advanced to attack the government forces,encamped a little below Hannek. Their chief, Melek Backeet, sent round 300 of his men to intercept the enemy’s retreat; for it never occurred to the brave warriors of Mahas that they could possibly be defeated. If they had possessed any degree of judgment, or been less confident, and had made the attack during the night, they would probably have succeeded; for at that time no sentinels or guards were established, and the greatest confusion reigned in the Turkish camp.About 150 of the Mahas had guns, but very bad ones, mostly matchlocks, and they were very ill supplied with ammunition. They were variously armed; some with lances, shields, German swords (see various plates of costumes); while others had only swords made of the acacia wood, about four feet long, rounded at one end for the hand, the rest cut thin, flat, and sharpened at both sides,—a heavy but formidable weapon in the hands of an athletic Arab. Others had staves only. Sentences in Arabic were written by the fakeers, on the wooden swords and staves; on some of them lines from the Koran: the most common were,—“May God give me force to destroy my enemies!” “May my foes tremble before me!” “May the acacia sword be as the sharp steel in my hand!” I have seen a staff similarly shaped in the museum at Berlin, with hieroglyphics on it; the latter I could not examine, as it was on a shelf, at too great a distance to be read.Twelve Turks on horseback accompanied the troops; to whom, with the Arab merchants (Jelabs), and about 500 Hassanyeh, must be ascribed the honour of the victory. Melek Tumbol’s Arabs were on the opposite side of the river, and the soldiers of the government were so placed by their skilful commander, behind their own friends, that they could not fire a single shot. The general, usually a great talker, became miraculously silent when the engagement commenced; and, knowing the value of his person, very prudently placed it out of danger. The artillerymen fired the cannon sixty-two times, only wounding one man: but, to givethem their due, I was informed by several, that the victory was chiefly gained by the noise they made.To the astonishment of the brave Mahas, the government forces, or rather the merchants, undeterred by their cries of “Cip! cap!” and dancing round and round (see view of the Shageea fighting,Plate XXXVIII.), returned the shaking of their spears with a good discharge of musketry, while the Hassanyeh made a sharp attack. An engagement of a few minutes ended in the unfortunate Mahas flying to the river. Numbers were shot sitting on the rocks and islands, and others in crossing the stream: altogether about 120 perished.The regular troops, not having fired a ball during the engagement, discharged their muskets in the air to celebratetheirvictory; and the brave commander, now quite loquacious, gratified his thirst for blood by the massacre of two unfortunate young prisoners, who fell into his hands. Melek Backeet, the chief of the Mahas, is said to be concealed in the country, but that feudal attachment to their chief, which is so strong among all the Arabs, will secure him against being discovered.A general pardon having been proclaimed, according to the usual Turkish system, until the government feels itself sufficiently strong to punish the delinquents, several of the inferior sheaks have accepted the amnesty offered by the governor, and the peasants are returning to their occupations. Many of the water-wheels are injured, and a great number of the working oxen killed by the Mahas. The loss to the government cannot, it is said, be less than 5000l.My chief apprehension now is, that the roads will be infested by the most desperate of the Mahas, acting as brigands; among others, by their chief: we are therefore still detained here until this man is taken, or has left the country, and tranquillity is entirely restored. Several caravans of merchants are likewise deterred from going down to Egypt. They thus incur a large expense, havingto maintain a number of slaves; but they seem greatly afraid of encountering the journey. I proposed forming a great caravan, but they coolly replied, that they should wait until the full moon, and, in the mean time, see whether I passed safely.Pl. 38.SHAGEEA FIGHTING.On stone by Walton from a Drawing by L. Bandoni.Printed by C. Hullmandel.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.May11. The return of the expedition was celebrated with great rejoicings. The Mahmoor, shortly after sunrise, reviewed about 300 troops, who have arrived, within these few days, from Handek, Meroueh, and other parts of the province; he marched out with these, and joined the armament encamped at a short distance from the walls, and all together then entered the citadel, in procession. The governor, at the head of the regular troops, who kept up a continual fire, went foremost, followed by the Turks and sheakhs on horseback, going through their evolutions, which consisted in a kind of mock battle, where they certainly displayed admirable horsemanship; sometimes galloping at full speed, suddenly halting, and wheeling round and round, the Turks firing their pistols, and the sheakhs brandishing their lances. Some of the meleks and sheakhs made a very picturesque appearance, being well mounted, with their peculiar costumes, lances, swords, and shields, the latter of the hide of the hippopotamus. After these came the Jelabs, or merchants of the bazaar, making liberal use of the muskets and ammunition given to them by the governor. Then followed a great number of the Hassanyeh, and some few of the Shageea Arabs, mounted on camels, dromedaries, or horses, and some on foot, going through their evolutions as in battle, brandishing their spears, leaping in the air, first on one leg, then on the other, at the same time turning round and shouting their war cry, “Cip! cap!” and beating their shields with their spears. Lastly came a tribe, formerly mentioned, the Funge,—fine athletic men, said to be very brave. They wear, like the others, their garments in the antique style, and their heads, as is the custom of the Arabs of the desert, uncovered, but protected from the sun by bushy tresses, reaching almost to the shoulders.Thecoup-d’œilwas rendered particularly striking, by the variety of costumes, complexions, and arms, and the singularity of the evolutions. We saw in one field the regular troops, Fellahs from Egypt, marching and firing in the European manner; the natives of the Caucasus, the Turks, exhibiting their more dashing Mameluke exercise; but neither of them attracted half so much my attention as the wild extraordinary manœuvres of the dark peasants of the country and the Arabs of the desert. I should not forget, also, the cries of the women. The house-tops, and the walls of the citadel, were covered with them, cackling (I think that the most appropriate term) a welcome to their husbands in the same curious manner I have before described; but on this occasion the note was different, being expressive of joy at their return.The governor, afraid of the Pasha’s censuring, and, perhaps, dismissing him, on account of this affair, pays, from his own purse, the expense of the expedition; and he has made a present of 100 piastres to each Turk, 50 to each melek, 30 to each sheakh, of 10 to each peasant and merchant. He pays for the gunpowder also,—no trifle, since, beside what was consumed in the action, they have been firing ever since, to indulge their fondness for the report of a gun, under the plea of celebrating the governor’s triumph. The day is to be devoted to feasting and rejoicing. Those who can afford it have killed cows, others sheep. The mallums, the Coptic treasurers and writers of the government, are now very conspicuously exhibiting their joy. They have been terribly alarmed during this affair; conceiving, perhaps with some reason, that, besides their office, and having the character of being individually rich, their obnoxious titles of Christian dogs and tax-gatherers would have ensured to them, had the citadel been taken, being the first to have their throats cut.In relating the causes of this insurrection, I shall only be giving a sketch of the Turkish system of governing the provinces, which has rarely, if ever, been sufficiently elucidated. The governmentof the pashas in Egypt is essentially military. The officers all of whom (except sometimes the baractars) are Turks, decide every question connected with the revenues, and often interfere, in other affairs, with the decisions of the cadis. The system of the government is to extort from the peasant the utmost possible amount of tax, leaving him only what they consider, or pretend to consider, a sufficient subsistence, but it is usually a most miserable one.I will give a more detailed account of the system in Egypt, at a future opportunity, and shall here only say a few words respecting that unfortunate country. If the peasants did not actually steal from their own fields, in some places, they could not exist. Although they bury their grain under ground, and by various other methods deceive their oppressors, numbers perish from the want of sufficient nourishment and clothing. I have seen them, in winter, assembled in a corner, round a miserable fire, shivering with cold and hunger. In the most favoured clime under heaven, and the most productive country on the face of the earth, a vast proportion of the peasants may be said barely to exist upon food more calculated for cattle than for human beings, and, bad as it is, they have rarely enough.The Pasha has power sufficient to hold them in subjection, and by his extortions fills his coffers; but necessity alone induces them to submit. He not only imposes most enormous taxes upon every article of produce, but obliges them to cultivate what he chooses, and take the price he offers for the produce. He is the only purchaser of the grain, cotton, and indigo, and of the gum of Kordofan, ostrich feathers, and other articles. Slaves are almost the only commodity the merchants now are allowed to take in exchange for the manufactures they carry to Sennaar and Kordofan: even wild animals of the desert, as the giraffe, are a monopoly of the government.The Pasha is the great landlord of this immense district: the people are his slaves. His revenues are derived not only from theregular taxes, but from his profits as a merchant, which are enormous, in consequence of the low rate at which he pays the peasants for their produce, compared with that at which he sells it again to the Europeans. It is true that this source of gain is greatly diminished by the roguery of the different officers through whose hands it passes. From the highest to the lowest there is seldom any exception,—mahmoors, nazrs, katshefs, kaimacams, and soldiers, all concur in diminishing the amount, and, in particular, the mallums, or Coptic accountants. The latter not only cheat the ignorant Turks, who generally cannot read their accounts, but often trade with the money of the treasury, and incur losses which they are unable to repay. A number, on this account, are always immured in the prisons of the Pasha.The peasants in Upper Nubia are free from these pecuniary distresses, and are comparatively happy. It is very true, that, instead of paying only one dollar in money, two pieces of linen cloth, and a sheep, thirty piastres, which was all they paid their ancient meleks, they are now obliged to pay fifteen dollars in cash, and five in grain; in all, three hundred piastres: ten times as much as they paid formerly. Instead of sleeping, as was their custom, the greater part of the day, they are now obliged to work: but the man who is at all industrious may earn an ample sufficiency to afford food and dress such as he has been accustomed to. The following calculation will show more precisely their present condition.Each sakkea, or Persian wheel, is sufficient to water three quarters of a feddan of land, planted with indigo, and each feddan produces a hundred cantars of the herb, and sometimes more, when carefully irrigated: being seventy-five cantars for the extent of land which one wheel will water. The government pay the peasants 12½ Egyptian piastres for each quintal; that is, 937 piastres for the whole, which, at the current rate of the dollar here, 15 piastres, is equal to 62½ dollars; whence we must deduct twenty forthe duty, and there remains for the persons to whom the wheel belongs, 42½ dollars, or 637 piastres: but, as this is the lowest calculation, we may fairly estimate nearly two piastres per day for each water-wheel. This will go to the support of one family, provided it can afford five persons capable of putting their shoulders to the wheel; but otherwise, two families must unite to reckon up that number. A great deduction on the gain of the peasant in Egypt is the immense expense of the wheel: but here they are so much more simple, they cost a very trifling sum; the oxen only 30 piastres each, and their keep next to nothing.However small a sum two piastres, or sevenpence English, may appear to a European, it is amply sufficient in this climate, where every necessary is so cheap. In Lower and Upper Egypt, where bread is so much dearer, and meat and milk double the price, the fixed price of a labourer amounts to half a piastre per day, to sustain himself and perhaps a family. Most of the peasants here, too, have other slips of land which are watered by the inundation of the river, and they gain considerably by their date trees, notwithstanding that they pay a tax of a piastre for each tree. They also rear flocks, and cultivate vegetables, particularly the favourite Arab ones, bamia and malakkhia; they make linen, spirit, bouza, &c. They allow, too, that grain pays them still better than indigo.The condition of the peasants of Upper Nubia is thus happy, compared to those of Egypt. In this country, you very rarely see a peasant with a ragged garment, and there are very few of the men who have not their harems. Those who live near the seat of government have also the advantage of supplying the markets with the few vegetables the country produces, and of being employed as workmen. Some also keep camels, which afford them a large profit.The Arabs of the desert have still more reason to be satisfied with the present government, so far as regards their pecuniaryinterests. They pay tribute only for the land they cultivate, which is in general very little, and in many cases none at all; but otherwise they gain a sufficient livelihood, by transporting to Egypt, with their camels, the grain collected as revenue, or purchased by the government, and in aiding the now constant passage of troops and merchants. Many of the Arab tribes of Kordofan, who formerly never came here, now participate in the profit of carrying the 2500 camel loads of gum, which, as before stated, are annually sent from that country to Cairo.Thus the labouring peasants of the Nile and the Arabs of the desert in Upper Nubia, so far as regards the taxes and means of subsistence, are in happy circumstances compared to the Fellaheen of Egypt; but in other respects they are equally galled by their Turkish rulers. In Egypt, the officers only are oppressive: the soldiers, who are Fellaheen, like the peasants, are not so insolent as here, where their comparatively white complexion, their character as conquerors, and their pride asaskari, or soldiers, induce them to despise the natives, and oppress them more than the government authorises.When the chief governor of a province is possessed of talent, energy, and firmness, the officers and soldiers are prevented from committing many excesses; but when the country has the misfortune to be under a man like the Mahmoor of Dongolah,—too timid to redress the complaints continually made against the disorderly soldiers,—its state may easily be imagined. Each soldier is a little tyrant, and commits a series of gross and petty vexations inconceivable to a European. Of the many I have witnessed, I will give only a few specimens:—If the soldier wants a sheep, fowls, eggs, or any other article, he obliges the peasant to sell them at half the market price, and not unfrequently refuses to pay any thing at all. When becalmed on the river, he goes on shore, and forces ten, and sometimes twenty, natives to drag his boat, without any remuneration. If he meets a peasant girlcarrying milk or butter, he often helps himself to half without paying for it, unless with a salute; and woe betide the imprudent sheahk or peasant who refuses to give gratuitously the best his house affords, or neglects the horse or camel of the Turk or soldier who has taken up his quarters for the night at his house. If camels or donkeys are wanted, they must furnish them, and consider themselves fortunate if they get any trifle in return. The haughty manner of the conquerors is still more galling to the Arabs: their usual manner of addressing them is, “Kelp, Marhas!”—“Dog! villain! Do this! do that! quick! quick! cursed be your race!” with threats of a beating, even actual blows, and sometimes with the sole of the shoe, which is the greatest indignity that a Mahometan can receive.Men whose ancestors have been chiefs in the country for ages must now submit to the insolence and contumely of this vile and lawless soldiery. From negligence the latter often do not demand the tax on the water-wheels for some time; then, all at once, they appear, calling out, “Pay me to-morrow, or the bastinado!” The peasant, not being allowed sufficient time to raise the money, is obliged to suffer this degrading punishment, and often even have his ears nailed to a board. Being at a distance, perhaps, from the seat of government, or large market towns, he has no opportunity of selling his produce; nevertheless, with double the value of the sum required in effects, he has to undergo a disgraceful punishment, because he has no dollars.The Mahas who revolted had not paid the government for some time. The mahmoor sent a villanous Turk into their province, with the instruments of torture, who immediately began bastinadoing them, nailing their ears, and threatening to cut off their heads, if they did not pay him. He visited Melek Backeet, who owed a considerable sum to the government, and told him that, if he did not pay his taxes in a few days, every species of torture would be inflicted upon him. The Mahas manufacture astrong linen cloth, which is very much esteemed throughout all the valley of the Nile. Being at a distance from the capital, and thus unable to command an immediate sale, at least for the large quantity on hand, they tendered it in part of their taxes. The government refused, though the transaction would have been very advantageous to them, the linen being offered at a price much lower than it sells for in the bazaar of Dongolah. Melek Backeet, therefore, excited the revolt, preferring death to the ignominious punishment with which he was threatened.This country, under proper management, might become a far greater source of wealth to the Pasha than it even now is. Notwithstanding the galling system of the Turks, the natives are sensible of the advantages of a settled and firm government; and the peasants of the Nile, most particularly, are glad to be released from the tyranny and spoliation accompanying the feuds and petty wars by which the country was formerly torn. Did the Turks but treat them as men, and not disgust them by their insulting manners, and by inflicting on them such degrading and infamous punishments; had their rulers but a few ideas of common policy and legislation, the resources might be greatly augmented, the revenue increased, and the people would be the most happy and contented under the sun. The superiority which fire-arms afforded to their haughty conquerors taught them to despise the strength of the Arabs, and, with that insolence which is ever united with ignorance, they do not in the slightest degree endeavour to attach them to the government, or, in fact, condescend to treat, otherwise than as a vastly inferior race, the people which it cost them so much, even with all their advantages, to conquer.CHAPTER XVII.DEPARTURE FROM EL OURDE. — ALARMS OF THE CARAVAN. — MELEK BACKEET. — RETURN TO HAFFEER. — DETENTION IN THE INDIGO MANUFACTORY. — NUBIAN PLANTS. — SECOND EXPEDITION OF THE GOVERNMENT. — FANATICISM OF THE INSURGENTS. — THE BATTLE. — PRISONERS. — DEPARTURE FROM HAFFEER. — DESCRIPTION OF THE CARAVAN. — CATARACT. — EFFECTS OF THE REVOLUTION. — SPLENDID RUINS OF SOLIB. — EXCAVATED TOMB NEAR SOLIB. — RUINS OF SUKKOT. — HEAT OF THE CLIMATE. — ISLAND OF SAIS. — REMAINS OF CHRISTIAN RUINS. — DESTRUCTIVE EFFECTS OF THE DESERT.May18. I conceived, from the information which I obtained from the government, and other quarters, that I might now pass with tolerable safety through the province of Mahas, particularly by not following the banks of the river, but taking the short cut across the Desert, from Fakeer el Bint to Solib. By this route I shall miss the ruin of Sescé; but, as it consists only of two or three columns, I shall consider myself fortunate if I escape from the country with this slight sacrifice. My caravan wish me to go on direct to Egypt, without stopping at any more ruins, particularly those of the splendid and celebrated Temple of Solib, which is situated at the northern extremity of Mahas; but I have told them that I will not leave that place until I have fully examined it, and taken every drawing and measurement I shall consider necessary. They are dreadfully afraid of meeting with Melek Backeet, who, with a few desperate companions, has committed several depredations: they think it very hard to incur any risk for the sake of a few old stones: but I have hazarded my own life and health in visiting this baneful clime; and I will not consent to pass, in that hurried manner, one of the chief objects of my journey. I took leave of the mahmoor, who gave me a guard, consisting of an Arab baractar(ensign) and six soldiers, mounted on dromedaries. We have, therefore, now nothing to apprehend from stragglers. None of the merchants would venture to join my caravan, notwithstanding my having a guard. I should delay my departure for some days, but I see no chance of Melek Backeet being taken, and, consequently, of the roads being clear, and I am sick of this detention. We left Dongolah at three o’clock, and slept in a beautiful grove of palm trees.May19. Arrived this evening at Haffeer, and was well entertained by the katshef, who chose the finest sheep in the village to regale my caravan.Hannek.—May20. We started soon after sunrise. Two Turkish officers, with their servants, joined my caravan this morning. Their company was not desirable, but the addition to our force, of six persons, well armed, was not to be despised. We halted at Hannek, to fill our water-skins, previous to entering the desert. After dinner, at three P.M., we were on the point of mounting our dromedaries, when a courier arrived from Sukkot, and informed us that Melek Backeet, and his great coadjutor the Cadi Esau, are at Fakeer el Bint, and in the desert, waiting for the Bey Zadé[45]and his caravan, knowing that we intended to pass, and believing us loaded with gold, which we had found in the temples. Thenews produced the greatest consternation among my little troop. The soldiers were more pusillanimous than the rest. One of the Turkish officers, a cowhass, who last night, at Haffeer, talked loudly of his valour, had this morning not a word to say. Such a change of countenances I never witnessed: even my own servants were afraid to proceed. With such an escort, and uncertain of the force of the Mahas, it was impossible to attempt to pass. I, therefore, sent to the katshef of Haffeer for a reinforcement: he advised me not to advance, as the news was quite true. A reinforcement he could not give, as he had only twenty soldiers to guard the indigo-house.May21. This morning I returned to Haffeer, and having ascertained from several peasants and couriers that Melek Backeet had already with him 100 men, and that the number was increasing hourly, I abandoned the idea of continuing my journey without additional force. I, therefore, sent my dragoman to the mahmoor with a letter, begging him not to delay, but send immediately a sufficient number of soldiers to clear the country of the insurgents. Were I alone, I would run the risk, and attempt to cross the desert, or rather, with a compass in my hand, make a circuitous route. This plan would, perhaps, have enabled me to elude the enemy; yet, unfortunately, they have their spies in every direction, even in Dongolah. My departure would be reported; and although I were to sacrifice my baggage, their horses, swift dromedaries, and superior knowledge of the country, would enable them easily to overtake me, or intercept my route. For myself, I would run any hazard, rather than endure, a day longer, theennuiof being detained here; but the lives of others I have no right to compromise. According to the arrangements I had made, I ought now to have been in Europe. The heat is excessive, and increasing daily, and my funds diminishing. As this delay will oblige me to pass, with more haste, the antiquities below, my vexation may be imagined.Haffeer.—May21. toJune2. I was detained at Haffeer, in theindigo-manufactory, twelve days. During this period, we collected and made drawings of several plants. I publish three, which I think may be interesting to the general reader, having mentioned them repeatedly. One, inPlate IV.,is the senna, a name, doubtless, familiar to all. It grows wild upon the house-tops and in the fields: the flower is yellow, and the leaves of a pale green. The other plant, in the same plate, I have called indigo; but although very good indigo is extracted from it, it is, in reality, a totally different plant,—the Tephrosia Apollinea of botanists.Plate LII.is a drawing of the Osshi, the Calotropis gigantea. There are large plains in this neighbourhood entirely covered with it, and, as I have stated in my description of Makkarif, it abounds also in the province of Berber. The interior of the flower is of a pink colour; the buds contain a pungent liquor, of the colour of milk, which, according to the Arabs, blinds when put in the eye. The leaves are of a greyish green. The apple, represented in the Plate, contains the seed and a fine glossy silk. The plant varies from four to six feet in height, and is extremely valuable to the natives, being almost their only firewood; and, as I have stated before, many camel loads of charcoal made from it are sent to Cairo, being excellent for gunpowder. Among the others I found, the only one of any interest, and characteristic of Nubia, was a small kind of rue, the Ruta tuberculata of botanists.The mahmoor, having at his disposal a considerable body of troops, which he had assembled, according to my advice, from different parts of the province, was fortunately enabled to send out immediately 300 soldiers. The Turks having, on the last occasion, obtained 100 piastres and their expenses, again volunteered their services. Having united with Melek Tumbol’s Arab forces, they marched against the Mahas, who had rallied, in great numbers, under their old chief, Melek Backeet; and this time had very judiciously stationed themselves on a steep rock on a large island, near Hannek, making excursions day and night, and rendering the roads quite impassable.
Pl. 34.On stone by W. Walton, from a Drawing by G. A. Hoskins Esqr.Printed by C. Hullmandel.COLOSSAL STATUE IN THE ISLAND OF ARGO.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
Pl. 34.On stone by W. Walton, from a Drawing by G. A. Hoskins Esqr.Printed by C. Hullmandel.COLOSSAL STATUE IN THE ISLAND OF ARGO.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
Pl. 34.
COLOSSAL STATUE IN THE ISLAND OF ARGO.
Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
The antiquities amply repaid us for the trouble of visiting them. They consist chiefly of two colossal statues of grey granite, now lying on the ground. The faces are Egyptian, but the sculpture is Ethiopian; not in a very good style, the forms being extremely bulky and clumsy. The length, including the pedestal, which is 2 feet 10 inches, is 23 feet. One statue has lost part of its arms; the other is broken into two pieces, but the features are less injured. They have never been quite finished; which is, doubtless the reason that neither is ornamented with hieroglyphics. The figures are placed in the usual standing position of Egyptian statues, one foot advanced before the other. The one that is broken has on the left foot a small statue. (See my picturesque views and architectural restoration, PlatesXXXIII.,XXXIV.,andXXXV.) The ornaments around their necks and ankles are curious, and quite Ethiopian. The wreath around the head-dress of one of them is that of a conqueror; which I conceive to afford a strong ground for conjecturing that these statues were erected in commemoration of the conquest of Egypt: but I am led to this conclusion principally from the circumstance of the only name in hieroglyphics now remaining here being that of Sabaco, the first king of the Ethiopian dynasty who conquered and reigned over Egypt.
The circumstance of the statues not being finished, may be accounted for by the brief duration, at that period, of the Ethiopian dominion over this part of the country. The statues erected to celebrate the triumph of their arms in Egypt would naturally be thrown down by the Egyptian invaders. Psammitichus, the first king of the 26th dynasty, who reigned immediately after the Ethiopians, and whose territory, we know, from the Greek inscription at Abou Simbel, certainly extended as far as the second cataract, might have conquered this part of Ethiopia, and thrown down the statues of a king naturally so hateful to the Egyptians.They seem, like the two celebrated statues at Thebes, to have ornamented the entrance of a temple, for behind them is a considerable space covered with sandstone, all in small pieces, but evidently the ruins of a large temple.
Forty paces behind these colossals is a beautiful fragment of a small seated statue, without a head, and half buried in the ruins: the name of Sabaco is engraved on it in hieroglyphics; and 43 paces behind the latter is a group of six small monkeys, very much mutilated, and almost buried in the ground. The ruins of the temple extend 20 paces farther. It may have been perhaps from 250 to 300 feet long; but, profiting by the softness of the sandstone, the stones seem to have been studiously broken into the smallest fragments. There are, unfortunately, no hieroglyphics, except the name of Sabaco, before mentioned, remaining either on the statues or any of the stones; and, from the degree in which the edifice is destroyed, I did not conceive that, at all events, much advantage would be derived from excavation.
The name of this town is unknown; and, though the temple appears to have been considerable, the remains afford no ground to suppose that the place was of great importance. There is every reason to believe, however, that the Island of Argo was formerly much more flourishing than now. The different remains of ancient towns in the interior, now surrounded merely with acacia groves and uncultivated plains, prove the cultivation, at that time, to have been much more extended, and the island to have contained not only better built cities, but also a civilised population acquainted with the arts.
A sheakh, from a village at a short distance from the ruins, sent us some excellent bread and milk; and, when our work was finished, we went to his house, and reposed on his angoureebs,—luxuries which every peasant possesses: we also partook of some dates, bouza, and palm wine; the latter is like the honey of datesonly more diluted with water. Strabo speaks of the Ethiopian beverage made of honey and barley; and also adds, that the only fruit in that country are a few dates in the royal gardens. After requiting the sheakh for his attention, we returned by the bank of the river to Melek Tumbol’s house.
Pl. 35.RESTORATION OF THE TWO COLOSSAL STATUES IN THE ISLAND OF ARGO.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
Pl. 35.RESTORATION OF THE TWO COLOSSAL STATUES IN THE ISLAND OF ARGO.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
Pl. 35.
RESTORATION OF THE TWO COLOSSAL STATUES IN THE ISLAND OF ARGO.
Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
The country was rich and beautiful, and I observed a great quantity of indigo. In the melek’s territory, there are 500 water-wheels employed in the cultivation of this plant. It requires much water, each wheel being sufficient to irrigate on an average only three quarters of a feddan of land.
April19. We dined and slept last night with the melek, and left him this morning soon after sunrise. We gave a backsheesh (present) of money to his servants, and, in return for his attention, I gave him the amber mouth-piece of my pipe. We returned in his boat to Haffeer; but as it was navigated by only two mariners, and sailed ill, I there procured another from the katshef to visit the granite quarries near the village of Toumbos.
On the east side, almost directly opposite to Haffeer, there is a brick ruin, half an hour’s walk from the river. I perceived, at a distance, that it was of no importance; but recollecting that Cailliaud mentioned it in his work as resembling the towers represented in the sculptures at Thebes, I visited it on foot, for want of any conveyance, and suffered severely from the scorching, almost vertical, mid-day sun. The ruin being situated in the desert, my feet, unprotected with stockings, which I have long since discarded, were dreadfully burnt by the hot soft sand, in which we sank, at every step, considerably above the shoes. This ruin has not the slightest resemblance to the towers in the sculpture at Thebes. It has been apparently for ages so much decayed, as scarcely to present any other form than that of a mere mass of brickwork; but I conceive it to be Ethiopian, and very ancient. It is difficult to imagine what has been its exact form (seevignette);but it has evidently not resembled, in any respect, the elegant fortresses represented on the walls of Thebes. The entrance into it, as will be seen by the view, is partly remaining. The name of the village near it is Korma.
RUIN OF AN ETHIOPIAN FORT.
RUIN OF AN ETHIOPIAN FORT.
RUIN OF AN ETHIOPIAN FORT.
We were two hours in descending the river to Toumbos. Immediately before arriving, we passed the first of the cataracts of Hennek. The country (seevignette) is very pleasing, flat, not romantic or picturesque, like the scenery between Philæ and Assuan; but the luxuriance of the vegetation on the islands, the acacias in the foreground, the picturesque groups of palm trees, the masses of rock impeding the current, and varying the tint of the river by the white surges they create, and, in the distance, the yellow sands, formed altogether a soft and lovely landscape. The rocks of the third cataract, at least here, are of grey granite.
A very short distance from the river, on a granite rock, calledHadjer el Dehab, or the Golden Stone, is a large historical tablet of hieroglyphics, with the common Egyptian ornament above it, of the globe, serpents, and wings. The hieroglyphics have been well executed, but are now so defaced that few of them are distinguishable. I copied a small portion of it containing the name of Thothmes I.; and in another small tablet adjoining, I observed the prænomen of Amunoph III.
CATARACT OF HENNEK.
CATARACT OF HENNEK.
CATARACT OF HENNEK.
From the similarity of this granite, I think it evident that the statues of Argo have been taken from these quarries. There is here also another statue, twelve feet in length, much injured, but in a tolerably good style of sculpture (seevignette,page 218). The head has been destroyed, perhaps by some accident in separating it from the rock, or rather in conveying it to its destination.
The katshef of Haffeer, through some misunderstanding, I suppose, had informed me that Toumbos was distant only half an hour’s or an hour’s sail. We, therefore, brought with us neither provisions, beds, nor coverings. On arriving at Toumbos, thesheakh invited us to pass the night with him. By the time we had finished our drawings and examination of the quarries, it was almost night, and, the wind having subsided, it was impossible to cross the cataract. We, therefore, gladly accepted his hospitality, having had nothing to eat since morning but grain, heated a little over the fire, with salt. The Arabs are fond of grain prepared in this manner; and, mixed with a few dates, it is not disagreeable.
The sheakh first conducted us into a ruined house, now used as a mosque, rather miserable-looking, close to the river, and therefore cold, especially for us, who had no covering. The heat of the day being so excessive, the fresh air of the night, and particularly of the morning, feels extremely chill. I complained of this accommodation, at which he seemed vexed, and asked my servant if we wished to sleep in his harem. Our complaint, however, procured us a comfortable room in his own house, good angoureebs, covered with mats and skins to lie on, a cheerful wood fire, and a good supper of excellent bread and milk, with a large bowl of meat. We had therefore no reason to complain of the sheakh’s hospitality.
COLOSSAL STATUE IN THE QUARRIES OF TOUMBOS.
COLOSSAL STATUE IN THE QUARRIES OF TOUMBOS.
COLOSSAL STATUE IN THE QUARRIES OF TOUMBOS.
April20. At sunrise, after remunerating the sheakh for his attentions with a present of money, which I conceived would be the most acceptable that could be offered, we profited by a slight breeze, and, with the assistance of three of the peasants, passed the cataract. The sheakh gave me the not uncommon salutation at parting of “Minsh Allah rasak taip!”—“May God preserve your head from harm!” in a tone which appeared to me curious at the time, but which, I conceived, might allude to the passing of the cataract; though, as will soon be seen, before the setting of the sun, I understood his meaning. Soon afterwards, being becalmed, we pressed into our service a dozen peasants, who dragged us along with a cord.
This morning, and also yesterday, we saw on an island of sand, near Haffeer, a large hippopotamus. This is the only one that now remains in this part of the river, or so far to the northward. Here, too, it is said that this animal flies from the approach of man, and even from the boats. Each time that we approached the isle, it darted into the water. There were, a short time ago, several in this part of the river; but Melek Tumbol told me that he and his people had destroyed all of them, with the exception of this one, which had always eluded their pursuit. We did not arrive at Haffeer until one in the afternoon, half-famished, having had nothing for breakfast but a small handful of grain.
We received intelligence there which threw us into the greatest consternation. The province of Mahas, which commences at Hannek, one hour’s journey north from this place, and extends as far as Sukkot, has broken out into insurrection. The dreadful consequences of this event, cutting off completely my return to Egypt and Europe, and making me a prisoner Heaven knows how long; also the uncertainty of how widely the flame may spread, and what may be the result, caused me the greatest anxiety. I am informed there are already 300 insurgents collected, and that their number increases hourly.
The reason ascribed for this revolt is, that the government refused to accept in part payment of their taxes the linen cloths made in the country. The owners of each water-wheel, besides grain to the amount of five dollars, pay also fifteen in cash: the difficulty of realising this sum may be easily conceived in a country where there are no markets, little or no commerce, and that generally carried on by exchange. The katshef of Haffeer, on hearing, this morning, that they had murdered a kaimacam (officer), and three soldiers, within two hours’ march of his residence, hastened to the spot with about thirty soldiers, being all the forces he could muster. The insurgents had retired upon an island. He buried the three men the Mahas had killed, and brought away the other, whom they had severely wounded in various places, and left as dead. The katshef informed me, that, as he could not desert his post, he intended to shut himself up in the indigo manufactory, which was partly fortified. I immediately ordered my camels to be loaded for our return to Ourde, or New Dongolah, for it is now impossible to proceed on our journey north.
That dress which has hitherto been our protection, and procured us every where respect, now makes us a mark for the attack of the insurgents. They would never suppose that any friend of theirs would wear the costume of their oppressors. In our nizam dresses we should certainly be taken for Turks, and perhaps murdered in a summary manner. We have every reason to thank Providence that we were detained a day at Argo, otherwise our fate was inevitable, for we should have been exactly in the centre of the revolt at the very moment when it broke out. In these countries, where Europeans are almost unknown, except the few who, being in the service of the Pasha, are considered as Turks, the natives only distinguish two classes,—their own countrymen, and the white men, their tyrants and oppressors. We could not have expected to be spared, even had they recognised us as travellers:for they would have murdered us for the treasures which they imagine we find among the ruins.
It were endless to enumerate the ridiculous stories which the Arabs relate of these fancied discoveries. I will, however, mention one or two, as characteristic. On our return from the colossal statues in the Island of Argo, to the house of Melek Tumbol, one of his cash-keepers asked me if we had found any gold; and he stated as a fact to a crowd of Arabs in the room (swearing by his beard and the prophet), that at a ruin called Dendera, in Egypt, he accompanied two Englishmen, who obtained an immense treasure. The devil refused it until they should give him a water melon, to allay his thirst. The Englishman then sent him all the way to Kennah for the melon, and that as soon as the devil smelt the fine odour of the fruit, gold came down like rain. This the man declared he had seen with his own eyes, and all the Arabs implicitly believed him.
At Gibel el Birkel, the natives conceived that my excavations were made only to find gold; and they supposed me less fortunate, or less clever, than the last European, a noble Lord, who visited those ruins, who was stated to have found such a quantity, in the form of a granite lion, that he was obliged to have a boat from Dongolah to carry it down to Egypt.
RETURN TO NEW DONGOLAH. — THE GOVERNOR. — HIS INDECISION. — GENERAL ALARM. — INTERVIEW WITH THE GOVERNOR. — HIS DIFFICULT SITUATION AND WANT OF ENERGY. — INCREASE OF THE INSURGENTS. — RETREAT OF THE KATSHEF OF HAFFEER. — TROOPS MARCHED OUT AGAINST THE INSURGENTS. — FEARS ABOUT THE RESULT. — THEIR ARMY. — THE BATTLE. — EFFECTS OF THE REVOLT. — ROADS IMPASSABLE. — RETURN OF THE EXPEDITION. — TURKISH AND ARAB EVOLUTIONS. — HASSANYEH. — FUNGE. — CURIOUS ASSEMBLAGE. —LULULOOOF THE WOMEN. — TURKISH SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN THE PROVINCES, AND PRESENT STATE OF THE PEASANTRY AND ARABS OF THE DESERT ABOVE WADY HALFAH.
El Ourde, or New Dongolah.—April21. Immediately on my arrival, I paid a visit to the governor, but was not received; for, notwithstanding the general alarm which exists on account of the insurrection, he could not deny himself his mid-day nap. In the evening I was more successful. The more I see of this man, the more I feel alarmed about the length of time I may be detained, and what may be the result of this unfortunate affair, for I perceive clearly he is incapable of taking any resolution. He complained of not having force sufficient. I advised him to adopt the common Turkish system of offering a general pardon and lighter taxes, or muster all his forces, and crush, at once, a movement which, in a country like this, was likely to spread so rapidly.
April29. A week passed without any plan being determined upon. I had not chosen to renew my advice, perceiving what I had already given to be fruitless. The greatest panic existed in the town. Some proposed to fly up the country; others, to reach Egypt by crossing the desert by Selemeh. We had, every day, some new and false rumour, that other districts had revolted, and thatthe whole valley of the Nile, from Wady Halfah to the extremity of the Pasha’s dominions, was on the point of throwing off the yoke of their oppressors. Sometimes the insurgents were reported to be within an hour’s march of the town, preparing to attack it. Muskets were distributed, the cannons prepared, and we were all to fight for our lives. At length, the officers, who are a despicable set, became refractory: some refused to march, while others were anxious to commence operations. The governor was undecided; some officers of the divan advised one course, and some another; and, while he vacillated between them, day passed after day, without any plan being adopted.
Foreseeing the consequences of this irresolution, while discontent was spreading even among the government troops, and the insurgents daily increasing, I determined to make one effort more to rouse him from his lethargy, and persuade him to adopt some vigorous measure. I, therefore, visited him, accompanied by a Greek dragoman, with whom the governor, being a Turk from the Morea, could converse in the Romaic without any other person in the divan understanding our discourse. I thus obtained the best chance of my advice being followed, by sparing hisamour propre, of which he had a considerable stock.
I apologised for the liberty I was taking; conscious that, as a stranger, I had no right to interfere with his administration; but that my fate was linked with his, as the success of my own plans depended on his being able to restore order and tranquillity to the country. In return, too, for his attentions, I was anxious, if possible, to be of service to him; I regretted his present difficult situation, particularly as I saw him surrounded by men guided more by their passions than by reason. To my surprise, he raised up his head, which generally hangs over his knees, almost touching them, and expressed his willingness to listen to, and follow, my counsel. Tormented as he has been, for several days, with the insolent dictation of his officers, each insisting on somewild scheme of his own, he turned a ready ear to my suggestions, which were, of course, disinterested. Each officer, on the contrary, hoped, if his plan should be adopted, and be successful, that he might have the merit of the victory, and obtain, in consequence, a present from the Pasha.
I urged the governor to send to some of the sheakhs up the Nile, who are strongly attached to the government, and have no affection for the Mahas, to assemble their forces; and also to Melek Tumbol, who is said to have a force of 500 men, while the former could muster 600 men, and both would be quite willing to join the government. The governor had imprudently ordered the soldiers scattered in the different villages to assemble, under the katshefs and kaimacams, in bands of fifty. This had caused great dissatisfaction, by showing that he distrusted the fidelity of the peasants; and the measure was useless, except in affording a security for the lives of the soldiers, which, after all, was only apparent; for bands of fifty were too small to keep extensive districts in subjection, or protect themselves against the united attacks of the peasantry. I urged the governor to send for these troops to replace the garrison here, which he might thus be enabled to send out against the revolters. He consented to this proposition very reluctantly.
To my surprise, he informed me that he had sent no courier to Cairo. He had despatched one to Khartoun, in the hopes of procuring a reinforcement from that district. I did not think it probable that the government there would risk its security by sending part of their force to Dongolah: but it was great neglect not to inform all the governors around of the revolt, that they might guard against any attempts within their own territories; particularly as it is rumoured, though, probably, without foundation, that this is only the first explosion of a grand conspiracy, formed by the people, throughout Upper Nubia, to avail themselves of the presentopportunity, whilst the Pasha is engaged with the war in Syria, to throw off his yoke.
The number of soldiers here at present is 200, part of a regiment of invalids sent to this province, being of no use at Cairo; the remainder of the regiment is scattered, as I have said, in small parties, about the province. As the Arab and Turkish merchants in the bazaar are more than sufficient to protect the citadel, and their fidelity may be relied upon, their lives and property being at stake, I urged the governor to send off the troops in the garrison without delay; and he promised that he would do so as soon as the necessary arrangements could be made. I advised him also to mount guards on the citadel, to dispel the panic which existed, and prevent the possibility of the place being surprised.
April30. The katshef of Haffeer arrived, without having received permission from the governor to abandon his post, but conceiving it impossible, with only 50 men, to protect the indigo house, which is but partially fortified, against the threatened attack of the insurgents. He stated the force of the latter to be 1500 men; and a courier arrived last night, with the intelligence, that yesterday more soldiers were killed, and that another party of fifty only escaped through the means of an Arab sheakh, abandoning their baggage, and,mirabile dictufor Turks, also their pipes!
May1. The troops, 150 in number (leaving 50 in the citadel), marched out this morning against the Mahas. They were accompanied by 120 volunteers, some of them mounted. The Hassanyeh and Funge, 500 strong, and Melek Tumbol on the opposite bank, with 500 more, are waiting to join them. They took with them one piece of cannon, an eight-pounder, on which they rested their chief hopes of success. The review of these warriors caused a great sensation in this little capital. The governor had distributed muskets and ammunition to all the merchants who joined the expedition, and also to those who remainedin garrison. Each man was trying his weapon by firing it off. The women were weeping, and demonstrating their grief, according to the custom of the country, by a peculiarlululoo, caused by drawing their breath, and shaking their tongues between their lips, at the same time waving their hands, in sign of wishes for their husbands’ success.
Considering how this expedition was composed, I was almost doubtful of its success. The soldiers and officers were the refuse of the Pasha’s army; the merchants a confused mass; the commander notorious for cowardice; the cannon in the hands of men not renowned for their skill in engineering; and it seemed doubtful whether friendship to the Turks, the rancour of ancient feuds, or even the hope of plunder, be sufficient motives to induce the Hassanyeh Arabs and Melek Tumbol’s forces to act against their neighbours, fighting for their liberty, to free themselves from a grievous and intolerable yoke, and who had placed their all upon the die,—death or victory. The governor himself reviewed the troops outside the walls, and gave his last directions. How ridiculous this expedition would have appeared in Europe! It reminded me of the army of Bombastes Furioso; and the Mahmoor might have dismissed them with the same words,—
“Begone, brave soldiers, don’t kick up a row!”
“Begone, brave soldiers, don’t kick up a row!”
“Begone, brave soldiers, don’t kick up a row!”
“Begone, brave soldiers, don’t kick up a row!”
May2 and 3. were spent in great anxiety about the result of the expedition. Rumours were spread that the government troops were defeated, and that the Mahas were coming to attack the citadel.
May4. This morning news arrived of the engagement, and that the Pasha’s troops had gained the victory. On the 10th, they and the merchants returned, and I received from some sensible Turkish merchants, on whose authority I could depend, the following account of the battle. The insurgents, 1300 strong, at three o’clock in the afternoon advanced to attack the government forces,encamped a little below Hannek. Their chief, Melek Backeet, sent round 300 of his men to intercept the enemy’s retreat; for it never occurred to the brave warriors of Mahas that they could possibly be defeated. If they had possessed any degree of judgment, or been less confident, and had made the attack during the night, they would probably have succeeded; for at that time no sentinels or guards were established, and the greatest confusion reigned in the Turkish camp.
About 150 of the Mahas had guns, but very bad ones, mostly matchlocks, and they were very ill supplied with ammunition. They were variously armed; some with lances, shields, German swords (see various plates of costumes); while others had only swords made of the acacia wood, about four feet long, rounded at one end for the hand, the rest cut thin, flat, and sharpened at both sides,—a heavy but formidable weapon in the hands of an athletic Arab. Others had staves only. Sentences in Arabic were written by the fakeers, on the wooden swords and staves; on some of them lines from the Koran: the most common were,—“May God give me force to destroy my enemies!” “May my foes tremble before me!” “May the acacia sword be as the sharp steel in my hand!” I have seen a staff similarly shaped in the museum at Berlin, with hieroglyphics on it; the latter I could not examine, as it was on a shelf, at too great a distance to be read.
Twelve Turks on horseback accompanied the troops; to whom, with the Arab merchants (Jelabs), and about 500 Hassanyeh, must be ascribed the honour of the victory. Melek Tumbol’s Arabs were on the opposite side of the river, and the soldiers of the government were so placed by their skilful commander, behind their own friends, that they could not fire a single shot. The general, usually a great talker, became miraculously silent when the engagement commenced; and, knowing the value of his person, very prudently placed it out of danger. The artillerymen fired the cannon sixty-two times, only wounding one man: but, to givethem their due, I was informed by several, that the victory was chiefly gained by the noise they made.
To the astonishment of the brave Mahas, the government forces, or rather the merchants, undeterred by their cries of “Cip! cap!” and dancing round and round (see view of the Shageea fighting,Plate XXXVIII.), returned the shaking of their spears with a good discharge of musketry, while the Hassanyeh made a sharp attack. An engagement of a few minutes ended in the unfortunate Mahas flying to the river. Numbers were shot sitting on the rocks and islands, and others in crossing the stream: altogether about 120 perished.
The regular troops, not having fired a ball during the engagement, discharged their muskets in the air to celebratetheirvictory; and the brave commander, now quite loquacious, gratified his thirst for blood by the massacre of two unfortunate young prisoners, who fell into his hands. Melek Backeet, the chief of the Mahas, is said to be concealed in the country, but that feudal attachment to their chief, which is so strong among all the Arabs, will secure him against being discovered.
A general pardon having been proclaimed, according to the usual Turkish system, until the government feels itself sufficiently strong to punish the delinquents, several of the inferior sheaks have accepted the amnesty offered by the governor, and the peasants are returning to their occupations. Many of the water-wheels are injured, and a great number of the working oxen killed by the Mahas. The loss to the government cannot, it is said, be less than 5000l.
My chief apprehension now is, that the roads will be infested by the most desperate of the Mahas, acting as brigands; among others, by their chief: we are therefore still detained here until this man is taken, or has left the country, and tranquillity is entirely restored. Several caravans of merchants are likewise deterred from going down to Egypt. They thus incur a large expense, havingto maintain a number of slaves; but they seem greatly afraid of encountering the journey. I proposed forming a great caravan, but they coolly replied, that they should wait until the full moon, and, in the mean time, see whether I passed safely.
Pl. 38.SHAGEEA FIGHTING.On stone by Walton from a Drawing by L. Bandoni.Printed by C. Hullmandel.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
Pl. 38.SHAGEEA FIGHTING.On stone by Walton from a Drawing by L. Bandoni.Printed by C. Hullmandel.Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
Pl. 38.
SHAGEEA FIGHTING.
On stone by Walton from a Drawing by L. Bandoni.Printed by C. Hullmandel.
Published by Longman, Rees & Co. April 6th. 1835.
May11. The return of the expedition was celebrated with great rejoicings. The Mahmoor, shortly after sunrise, reviewed about 300 troops, who have arrived, within these few days, from Handek, Meroueh, and other parts of the province; he marched out with these, and joined the armament encamped at a short distance from the walls, and all together then entered the citadel, in procession. The governor, at the head of the regular troops, who kept up a continual fire, went foremost, followed by the Turks and sheakhs on horseback, going through their evolutions, which consisted in a kind of mock battle, where they certainly displayed admirable horsemanship; sometimes galloping at full speed, suddenly halting, and wheeling round and round, the Turks firing their pistols, and the sheakhs brandishing their lances. Some of the meleks and sheakhs made a very picturesque appearance, being well mounted, with their peculiar costumes, lances, swords, and shields, the latter of the hide of the hippopotamus. After these came the Jelabs, or merchants of the bazaar, making liberal use of the muskets and ammunition given to them by the governor. Then followed a great number of the Hassanyeh, and some few of the Shageea Arabs, mounted on camels, dromedaries, or horses, and some on foot, going through their evolutions as in battle, brandishing their spears, leaping in the air, first on one leg, then on the other, at the same time turning round and shouting their war cry, “Cip! cap!” and beating their shields with their spears. Lastly came a tribe, formerly mentioned, the Funge,—fine athletic men, said to be very brave. They wear, like the others, their garments in the antique style, and their heads, as is the custom of the Arabs of the desert, uncovered, but protected from the sun by bushy tresses, reaching almost to the shoulders.
Thecoup-d’œilwas rendered particularly striking, by the variety of costumes, complexions, and arms, and the singularity of the evolutions. We saw in one field the regular troops, Fellahs from Egypt, marching and firing in the European manner; the natives of the Caucasus, the Turks, exhibiting their more dashing Mameluke exercise; but neither of them attracted half so much my attention as the wild extraordinary manœuvres of the dark peasants of the country and the Arabs of the desert. I should not forget, also, the cries of the women. The house-tops, and the walls of the citadel, were covered with them, cackling (I think that the most appropriate term) a welcome to their husbands in the same curious manner I have before described; but on this occasion the note was different, being expressive of joy at their return.
The governor, afraid of the Pasha’s censuring, and, perhaps, dismissing him, on account of this affair, pays, from his own purse, the expense of the expedition; and he has made a present of 100 piastres to each Turk, 50 to each melek, 30 to each sheakh, of 10 to each peasant and merchant. He pays for the gunpowder also,—no trifle, since, beside what was consumed in the action, they have been firing ever since, to indulge their fondness for the report of a gun, under the plea of celebrating the governor’s triumph. The day is to be devoted to feasting and rejoicing. Those who can afford it have killed cows, others sheep. The mallums, the Coptic treasurers and writers of the government, are now very conspicuously exhibiting their joy. They have been terribly alarmed during this affair; conceiving, perhaps with some reason, that, besides their office, and having the character of being individually rich, their obnoxious titles of Christian dogs and tax-gatherers would have ensured to them, had the citadel been taken, being the first to have their throats cut.
In relating the causes of this insurrection, I shall only be giving a sketch of the Turkish system of governing the provinces, which has rarely, if ever, been sufficiently elucidated. The governmentof the pashas in Egypt is essentially military. The officers all of whom (except sometimes the baractars) are Turks, decide every question connected with the revenues, and often interfere, in other affairs, with the decisions of the cadis. The system of the government is to extort from the peasant the utmost possible amount of tax, leaving him only what they consider, or pretend to consider, a sufficient subsistence, but it is usually a most miserable one.
I will give a more detailed account of the system in Egypt, at a future opportunity, and shall here only say a few words respecting that unfortunate country. If the peasants did not actually steal from their own fields, in some places, they could not exist. Although they bury their grain under ground, and by various other methods deceive their oppressors, numbers perish from the want of sufficient nourishment and clothing. I have seen them, in winter, assembled in a corner, round a miserable fire, shivering with cold and hunger. In the most favoured clime under heaven, and the most productive country on the face of the earth, a vast proportion of the peasants may be said barely to exist upon food more calculated for cattle than for human beings, and, bad as it is, they have rarely enough.
The Pasha has power sufficient to hold them in subjection, and by his extortions fills his coffers; but necessity alone induces them to submit. He not only imposes most enormous taxes upon every article of produce, but obliges them to cultivate what he chooses, and take the price he offers for the produce. He is the only purchaser of the grain, cotton, and indigo, and of the gum of Kordofan, ostrich feathers, and other articles. Slaves are almost the only commodity the merchants now are allowed to take in exchange for the manufactures they carry to Sennaar and Kordofan: even wild animals of the desert, as the giraffe, are a monopoly of the government.
The Pasha is the great landlord of this immense district: the people are his slaves. His revenues are derived not only from theregular taxes, but from his profits as a merchant, which are enormous, in consequence of the low rate at which he pays the peasants for their produce, compared with that at which he sells it again to the Europeans. It is true that this source of gain is greatly diminished by the roguery of the different officers through whose hands it passes. From the highest to the lowest there is seldom any exception,—mahmoors, nazrs, katshefs, kaimacams, and soldiers, all concur in diminishing the amount, and, in particular, the mallums, or Coptic accountants. The latter not only cheat the ignorant Turks, who generally cannot read their accounts, but often trade with the money of the treasury, and incur losses which they are unable to repay. A number, on this account, are always immured in the prisons of the Pasha.
The peasants in Upper Nubia are free from these pecuniary distresses, and are comparatively happy. It is very true, that, instead of paying only one dollar in money, two pieces of linen cloth, and a sheep, thirty piastres, which was all they paid their ancient meleks, they are now obliged to pay fifteen dollars in cash, and five in grain; in all, three hundred piastres: ten times as much as they paid formerly. Instead of sleeping, as was their custom, the greater part of the day, they are now obliged to work: but the man who is at all industrious may earn an ample sufficiency to afford food and dress such as he has been accustomed to. The following calculation will show more precisely their present condition.
Each sakkea, or Persian wheel, is sufficient to water three quarters of a feddan of land, planted with indigo, and each feddan produces a hundred cantars of the herb, and sometimes more, when carefully irrigated: being seventy-five cantars for the extent of land which one wheel will water. The government pay the peasants 12½ Egyptian piastres for each quintal; that is, 937 piastres for the whole, which, at the current rate of the dollar here, 15 piastres, is equal to 62½ dollars; whence we must deduct twenty forthe duty, and there remains for the persons to whom the wheel belongs, 42½ dollars, or 637 piastres: but, as this is the lowest calculation, we may fairly estimate nearly two piastres per day for each water-wheel. This will go to the support of one family, provided it can afford five persons capable of putting their shoulders to the wheel; but otherwise, two families must unite to reckon up that number. A great deduction on the gain of the peasant in Egypt is the immense expense of the wheel: but here they are so much more simple, they cost a very trifling sum; the oxen only 30 piastres each, and their keep next to nothing.
However small a sum two piastres, or sevenpence English, may appear to a European, it is amply sufficient in this climate, where every necessary is so cheap. In Lower and Upper Egypt, where bread is so much dearer, and meat and milk double the price, the fixed price of a labourer amounts to half a piastre per day, to sustain himself and perhaps a family. Most of the peasants here, too, have other slips of land which are watered by the inundation of the river, and they gain considerably by their date trees, notwithstanding that they pay a tax of a piastre for each tree. They also rear flocks, and cultivate vegetables, particularly the favourite Arab ones, bamia and malakkhia; they make linen, spirit, bouza, &c. They allow, too, that grain pays them still better than indigo.
The condition of the peasants of Upper Nubia is thus happy, compared to those of Egypt. In this country, you very rarely see a peasant with a ragged garment, and there are very few of the men who have not their harems. Those who live near the seat of government have also the advantage of supplying the markets with the few vegetables the country produces, and of being employed as workmen. Some also keep camels, which afford them a large profit.
The Arabs of the desert have still more reason to be satisfied with the present government, so far as regards their pecuniaryinterests. They pay tribute only for the land they cultivate, which is in general very little, and in many cases none at all; but otherwise they gain a sufficient livelihood, by transporting to Egypt, with their camels, the grain collected as revenue, or purchased by the government, and in aiding the now constant passage of troops and merchants. Many of the Arab tribes of Kordofan, who formerly never came here, now participate in the profit of carrying the 2500 camel loads of gum, which, as before stated, are annually sent from that country to Cairo.
Thus the labouring peasants of the Nile and the Arabs of the desert in Upper Nubia, so far as regards the taxes and means of subsistence, are in happy circumstances compared to the Fellaheen of Egypt; but in other respects they are equally galled by their Turkish rulers. In Egypt, the officers only are oppressive: the soldiers, who are Fellaheen, like the peasants, are not so insolent as here, where their comparatively white complexion, their character as conquerors, and their pride asaskari, or soldiers, induce them to despise the natives, and oppress them more than the government authorises.
When the chief governor of a province is possessed of talent, energy, and firmness, the officers and soldiers are prevented from committing many excesses; but when the country has the misfortune to be under a man like the Mahmoor of Dongolah,—too timid to redress the complaints continually made against the disorderly soldiers,—its state may easily be imagined. Each soldier is a little tyrant, and commits a series of gross and petty vexations inconceivable to a European. Of the many I have witnessed, I will give only a few specimens:—If the soldier wants a sheep, fowls, eggs, or any other article, he obliges the peasant to sell them at half the market price, and not unfrequently refuses to pay any thing at all. When becalmed on the river, he goes on shore, and forces ten, and sometimes twenty, natives to drag his boat, without any remuneration. If he meets a peasant girlcarrying milk or butter, he often helps himself to half without paying for it, unless with a salute; and woe betide the imprudent sheahk or peasant who refuses to give gratuitously the best his house affords, or neglects the horse or camel of the Turk or soldier who has taken up his quarters for the night at his house. If camels or donkeys are wanted, they must furnish them, and consider themselves fortunate if they get any trifle in return. The haughty manner of the conquerors is still more galling to the Arabs: their usual manner of addressing them is, “Kelp, Marhas!”—“Dog! villain! Do this! do that! quick! quick! cursed be your race!” with threats of a beating, even actual blows, and sometimes with the sole of the shoe, which is the greatest indignity that a Mahometan can receive.
Men whose ancestors have been chiefs in the country for ages must now submit to the insolence and contumely of this vile and lawless soldiery. From negligence the latter often do not demand the tax on the water-wheels for some time; then, all at once, they appear, calling out, “Pay me to-morrow, or the bastinado!” The peasant, not being allowed sufficient time to raise the money, is obliged to suffer this degrading punishment, and often even have his ears nailed to a board. Being at a distance, perhaps, from the seat of government, or large market towns, he has no opportunity of selling his produce; nevertheless, with double the value of the sum required in effects, he has to undergo a disgraceful punishment, because he has no dollars.
The Mahas who revolted had not paid the government for some time. The mahmoor sent a villanous Turk into their province, with the instruments of torture, who immediately began bastinadoing them, nailing their ears, and threatening to cut off their heads, if they did not pay him. He visited Melek Backeet, who owed a considerable sum to the government, and told him that, if he did not pay his taxes in a few days, every species of torture would be inflicted upon him. The Mahas manufacture astrong linen cloth, which is very much esteemed throughout all the valley of the Nile. Being at a distance from the capital, and thus unable to command an immediate sale, at least for the large quantity on hand, they tendered it in part of their taxes. The government refused, though the transaction would have been very advantageous to them, the linen being offered at a price much lower than it sells for in the bazaar of Dongolah. Melek Backeet, therefore, excited the revolt, preferring death to the ignominious punishment with which he was threatened.
This country, under proper management, might become a far greater source of wealth to the Pasha than it even now is. Notwithstanding the galling system of the Turks, the natives are sensible of the advantages of a settled and firm government; and the peasants of the Nile, most particularly, are glad to be released from the tyranny and spoliation accompanying the feuds and petty wars by which the country was formerly torn. Did the Turks but treat them as men, and not disgust them by their insulting manners, and by inflicting on them such degrading and infamous punishments; had their rulers but a few ideas of common policy and legislation, the resources might be greatly augmented, the revenue increased, and the people would be the most happy and contented under the sun. The superiority which fire-arms afforded to their haughty conquerors taught them to despise the strength of the Arabs, and, with that insolence which is ever united with ignorance, they do not in the slightest degree endeavour to attach them to the government, or, in fact, condescend to treat, otherwise than as a vastly inferior race, the people which it cost them so much, even with all their advantages, to conquer.
DEPARTURE FROM EL OURDE. — ALARMS OF THE CARAVAN. — MELEK BACKEET. — RETURN TO HAFFEER. — DETENTION IN THE INDIGO MANUFACTORY. — NUBIAN PLANTS. — SECOND EXPEDITION OF THE GOVERNMENT. — FANATICISM OF THE INSURGENTS. — THE BATTLE. — PRISONERS. — DEPARTURE FROM HAFFEER. — DESCRIPTION OF THE CARAVAN. — CATARACT. — EFFECTS OF THE REVOLUTION. — SPLENDID RUINS OF SOLIB. — EXCAVATED TOMB NEAR SOLIB. — RUINS OF SUKKOT. — HEAT OF THE CLIMATE. — ISLAND OF SAIS. — REMAINS OF CHRISTIAN RUINS. — DESTRUCTIVE EFFECTS OF THE DESERT.
May18. I conceived, from the information which I obtained from the government, and other quarters, that I might now pass with tolerable safety through the province of Mahas, particularly by not following the banks of the river, but taking the short cut across the Desert, from Fakeer el Bint to Solib. By this route I shall miss the ruin of Sescé; but, as it consists only of two or three columns, I shall consider myself fortunate if I escape from the country with this slight sacrifice. My caravan wish me to go on direct to Egypt, without stopping at any more ruins, particularly those of the splendid and celebrated Temple of Solib, which is situated at the northern extremity of Mahas; but I have told them that I will not leave that place until I have fully examined it, and taken every drawing and measurement I shall consider necessary. They are dreadfully afraid of meeting with Melek Backeet, who, with a few desperate companions, has committed several depredations: they think it very hard to incur any risk for the sake of a few old stones: but I have hazarded my own life and health in visiting this baneful clime; and I will not consent to pass, in that hurried manner, one of the chief objects of my journey. I took leave of the mahmoor, who gave me a guard, consisting of an Arab baractar(ensign) and six soldiers, mounted on dromedaries. We have, therefore, now nothing to apprehend from stragglers. None of the merchants would venture to join my caravan, notwithstanding my having a guard. I should delay my departure for some days, but I see no chance of Melek Backeet being taken, and, consequently, of the roads being clear, and I am sick of this detention. We left Dongolah at three o’clock, and slept in a beautiful grove of palm trees.
May19. Arrived this evening at Haffeer, and was well entertained by the katshef, who chose the finest sheep in the village to regale my caravan.
Hannek.—May20. We started soon after sunrise. Two Turkish officers, with their servants, joined my caravan this morning. Their company was not desirable, but the addition to our force, of six persons, well armed, was not to be despised. We halted at Hannek, to fill our water-skins, previous to entering the desert. After dinner, at three P.M., we were on the point of mounting our dromedaries, when a courier arrived from Sukkot, and informed us that Melek Backeet, and his great coadjutor the Cadi Esau, are at Fakeer el Bint, and in the desert, waiting for the Bey Zadé[45]and his caravan, knowing that we intended to pass, and believing us loaded with gold, which we had found in the temples. Thenews produced the greatest consternation among my little troop. The soldiers were more pusillanimous than the rest. One of the Turkish officers, a cowhass, who last night, at Haffeer, talked loudly of his valour, had this morning not a word to say. Such a change of countenances I never witnessed: even my own servants were afraid to proceed. With such an escort, and uncertain of the force of the Mahas, it was impossible to attempt to pass. I, therefore, sent to the katshef of Haffeer for a reinforcement: he advised me not to advance, as the news was quite true. A reinforcement he could not give, as he had only twenty soldiers to guard the indigo-house.
May21. This morning I returned to Haffeer, and having ascertained from several peasants and couriers that Melek Backeet had already with him 100 men, and that the number was increasing hourly, I abandoned the idea of continuing my journey without additional force. I, therefore, sent my dragoman to the mahmoor with a letter, begging him not to delay, but send immediately a sufficient number of soldiers to clear the country of the insurgents. Were I alone, I would run the risk, and attempt to cross the desert, or rather, with a compass in my hand, make a circuitous route. This plan would, perhaps, have enabled me to elude the enemy; yet, unfortunately, they have their spies in every direction, even in Dongolah. My departure would be reported; and although I were to sacrifice my baggage, their horses, swift dromedaries, and superior knowledge of the country, would enable them easily to overtake me, or intercept my route. For myself, I would run any hazard, rather than endure, a day longer, theennuiof being detained here; but the lives of others I have no right to compromise. According to the arrangements I had made, I ought now to have been in Europe. The heat is excessive, and increasing daily, and my funds diminishing. As this delay will oblige me to pass, with more haste, the antiquities below, my vexation may be imagined.
Haffeer.—May21. toJune2. I was detained at Haffeer, in theindigo-manufactory, twelve days. During this period, we collected and made drawings of several plants. I publish three, which I think may be interesting to the general reader, having mentioned them repeatedly. One, inPlate IV.,is the senna, a name, doubtless, familiar to all. It grows wild upon the house-tops and in the fields: the flower is yellow, and the leaves of a pale green. The other plant, in the same plate, I have called indigo; but although very good indigo is extracted from it, it is, in reality, a totally different plant,—the Tephrosia Apollinea of botanists.Plate LII.is a drawing of the Osshi, the Calotropis gigantea. There are large plains in this neighbourhood entirely covered with it, and, as I have stated in my description of Makkarif, it abounds also in the province of Berber. The interior of the flower is of a pink colour; the buds contain a pungent liquor, of the colour of milk, which, according to the Arabs, blinds when put in the eye. The leaves are of a greyish green. The apple, represented in the Plate, contains the seed and a fine glossy silk. The plant varies from four to six feet in height, and is extremely valuable to the natives, being almost their only firewood; and, as I have stated before, many camel loads of charcoal made from it are sent to Cairo, being excellent for gunpowder. Among the others I found, the only one of any interest, and characteristic of Nubia, was a small kind of rue, the Ruta tuberculata of botanists.
The mahmoor, having at his disposal a considerable body of troops, which he had assembled, according to my advice, from different parts of the province, was fortunately enabled to send out immediately 300 soldiers. The Turks having, on the last occasion, obtained 100 piastres and their expenses, again volunteered their services. Having united with Melek Tumbol’s Arab forces, they marched against the Mahas, who had rallied, in great numbers, under their old chief, Melek Backeet; and this time had very judiciously stationed themselves on a steep rock on a large island, near Hannek, making excursions day and night, and rendering the roads quite impassable.