FOOTNOTES:[1]Member of the Council of Sierra Leone.[2]William Tuft.[3]Diudilicourie.[4]A Mandingo word, signifying “a prosperous journey.”
FOOTNOTES:
[1]Member of the Council of Sierra Leone.
[1]Member of the Council of Sierra Leone.
[2]William Tuft.
[2]William Tuft.
[3]Diudilicourie.
[3]Diudilicourie.
[4]A Mandingo word, signifying “a prosperous journey.”
[4]A Mandingo word, signifying “a prosperous journey.”
Halt at the Panjetta — Return of Messengers sent to the Capital — His Majesty’s Answer — Great Scarcity of Provisions — Another Messenger sent, with Presents to the King — Captain Campbell’s interview with Omerhoo Kano — Reports about the Intentions of the Expedition — Captain Campbell goes to see the King — Arrival of the Messenger from Sego — Captain Campbell’s Return — No satisfactory Answer — Illness of the Officers — Lieutenant Stokoe and Mr. Kummer sent to the Coast — Captain Campbell decides on retracing his steps — Departure from the Panjetta — Arrival at Kakundy — Death of Captain Campbell — Departure for, and Arrival at Sierra Leone — Description of Foota Jallon.
WhenLieutenant Stokoe was about to move, on the morning of the 4th of March, Sergeant Tuft and Abou Baccary, the messengers sent to the king from the Tingalinta, made their appearance, and informed Captain Campbell that having delivered the presents, and made known to his majesty the purport of their message, he told them that he could not permit us to pass through Foota Jallon until he had consulted his chiefs, to whom he could not address himself on the subject before Captain Campbell thought fit to make them suitable presents: the messengers also said, it appeared that many unfavourablereports, respecting the objects of the expedition, had been made to the king, who nevertheless expressed himself well disposed towards us, and said he should be extremely sorry if any thing unfortunate happened to us in his territories.
The arrival of those messengers, and the result of Tuft’s interview with the king, rendered it necessary, in Captain Campbell’s opinion, that Tuft should return to Teembo in the place of Lieutenant Stokoe. A dispute now arose between Salihou, who was to have accompanied the latter, and Abou Bacary, as to which of them should be Tuft’s companion. The latter insisted that Almamy directed him to attend all messengers from Captain Campbell, and the former, knowing that whoever went must receive some present, urged his claim with much obstinacy. It was at length determined that both should go, in consequence of the prince not wishing to entrust Abou Bacary with his commands. Although from Salihou’s conduct we could not expect him to report very favourably of us, yet he had been so troublesome, and his wife, a sister of Almamy’s, so beggarly and importunate, that we were glad to get rid of them. We were now in the district of Laby, the chief of which (who, as before stated, has much influence in the country) sent one of his head men,named Mode-Duran, to remain with us, and prevent our being imposed on by the natives of the surrounding villages.
Sergeant Tuft, being furnished with large presents for the king, and a host of chiefs, ministers, and favourites, left us on the 5th, to meet his majesty at Pappadarra, a village near Laby, where he was assembling his army, for the purpose, as was reported, of invading the Gaba country, on the southern bank of the Gambia. We were reduced since our arrival at the Panjetta, to a very small daily allowance of provisions, and from which there appeared no prospect of relief, at least as far as we could foresee; a pint of rice between four men was our usual ration, and even that scanty pittance failed us on the evening of the 6th.
In this state we could not have remained long; and although we were daily enabled to purchase enough from the natives to keep body and soul together, yet our sufferings were great indeed. The health of the Europeans was rendered worse than it had been, in consequence of their eating unripe fruit, and even that they could not procure in sufficient quantities to satisfy their appetites.
On the 7th, a chief named Omerhou Kano arrived at our camp, and having seated himself with all pomp imaginable under a tree at a shortdistance from it, where he was surrounded by his followers to the number of three hundred armed men, sent to summon Captain Campbell to appear before him. This was complied with, when, after the usual compliments, he stated that he had been sent by Almamy to ascertain and make a faithful report on the state and numbers of the expedition, and the objects it had in view in entering the country, which he said the king suspected had all been misrepresented by the former messengers. This he repeated several times, and concluded by advising us to wait with patience until he returned to Almamy, when arrangements agreeable to our wishes would be effected. He left us on the 8th, after having examined with the most scrutinizing curiosity every thing in or about our camp.
Every day brought us some messenger from the king, but none of them were the bearers of any satisfactory answer. One stated that we were ordered to return to Kakundy, and another, that the king had received a letter from Mahomedoo Mariama, informing him that our object in entering the country was the subversion of their religion, for which purpose we had provided ourselves with machines that could kill at any distance, and that we were accompanied by one hundred large dogs, each able to fight one hundred men. These, with other similar reports,were in circulation; but it is scarcely possible that a being of the most ignorant and unsophisticated nation on earth could believe them.
On the 13th, Sergeant Tuft, who was still at the king’s camp, sent Brahima to inform Captain Campbell that as there did not yet appear any probability of obtaining permission to proceed, he recommended that he should himself see Almamy, with as little delay as possible; and it appearing to Captain Campbell, as well as all the other officers, that some decisive answer should be obtained from the king, he left the camp on the morning of the 16th, accompanied by Mr. Partarrieau, and four men (natives) with a train of carriers, amounting in all to about eighteen persons; they were soon followed by the prince and his suite. They had not gone long when we received a letter from Lamima, the messenger sent to Sego from Senegal in 1816, apprising us that he, together with some men from the king, were on their way to meet us. It was time that some decisive step should be taken: our animals were dying fast; provisions were extremely scarce; and the wet season had that evening set in, by visiting us with a heavy shower of rain, which lasted for an hour, and proved that our huts were not calculated to secure us from a wetting.
Captain Campbell did not return before the27th, and then without having obtained any very satisfactory answer from Almamy, whom he met at a village called Dhoontoo, on the eve of commencing a campaign against some of the neighbouring chiefs. He said, that being obliged to lead the army himself, and considering his reputation at stake for our safety, he could not allow us to proceed during his absence, which would not be long, and as he understood we had lost the greater number of our animals, he had given directions that we should be provided with men to carry our baggage to Woondê, a town near Laby, where we were to await his return. On the following morning, the prince returned, accompanied by Sergeant Tuft and thirteen carriers, which not being near half the number required, having lost eighty-five animals since we left Robugga, the prince said the remainder would soon follow; and immediately ordered all strangers, except Foolahs, to quit the vicinity of our camp. The object of this we could not ascertain, but it deprived us of many persons whom we had found extremely useful in collecting provisions for the party.
In this state we remained until the 7th of April, when we were for a moment inclined to think that a sufficient number of carriers would be furnished us, by the arrival of another party of men for that purpose, but we were much surprisedand disappointed to find, that on the following day, not only those, but the thirteen who came with the prince, had decamped without any previous notice of such being their intention. Abdul Hamed despatched one of his followers, on the 9th, to recal them, but as they did not obey the summons,—he sent, on the 10th, to request Almamy to issue fresh orders concerning them.
Brahima, who had been absent from the camp for some days, watching Almamy’s manœuvres (by Captain Campbell’s orders), returned and informed us that many debates had arisen, and various proposals been made with respect to what conduct they should pursue towards the expedition. Some of the chiefs proposed plundering us, to which Almamy would not consent, but said we should pay well before he would allow us to pass. A third party insisted that the country was already polluted by the presence of so large a body of Cafirs[5], and that their offence against the will of their prophet, in allowing us to pass, with such valuables as we possessed, to their enemy, the king of Sego, who was himself a Cafir, would be much aggravated. By this it was evident that the general feeling on the subject of our going to Sego, was not favourable,and that if we should succeed at all, it would probably be at a period when the advanced state of the season must render our doing so extremely difficult, if not wholly impracticable.
Our situation was daily becoming more alarming; provisions were not only scarce, but almost impossible to be procured even in small quantities, and at exorbitant prices; and sickness increased rapidly since the rains set in. Captain Campbell, Lieutenant Stokoe, and Mr. Kummer were added to the list since the 12th; the two latter continued to decline until the 26th, when, seeing no chance of their immediate recovery, they were prevailed on to return to the coast. Mr. Kummer left us on that day, and Lieutenant Stokoe on the 28th. The mode adopted for their conveyance (for they were unable to ride) was cradles, or long baskets of cane, at each end of which was a loop, or long handle, for the purpose of receiving a pole, that served the same use as the pole of palanquins, and supported a curtain to defend them from the rays of the sun. Two men could easily carry one of these with a person of ordinary size in it, but, in order that no delay should arise from want of carriers for themselves or their baggage, five accompanied each.
On the 2d of May, Lamina, accompanied by one of the chiefs, named Abou Hararata, anda long train of attendants, came to the camp, and informed Captain Campbell that Almamy sent them to say he had given permission to Lamina, in consequence of his being the messenger of the king of Sego, to conduct us through the country by whatever path he chose, and had also given directions to Abou Hararata to collect carriers for the conveyance of our baggage. This, however plausible in words, was not acted upon, and as nothing could be obtained from them but promises which they never intended performing, with the view of detaining us until the state of the country, occasioned by the rains, would prevent us moving in any direction. Captain Campbell, who was himself very ill, came to the decision of retracing his steps to the coast, and made known the same to Almamy, who sent us word that, although we were returning, it was not his desire that we should do so, as his country was open to us in any way we wished. This was his last effort to detain us, but, finding it would not answer, he ordered that we should be provided with carriers.
It was not, however, until the 18th of May, that a sufficient number were collected, and even then, we found so much difficulty in putting them to their work, that we were obliged tohold out to them promises of large rewards on their arrival at Kakundy.
Our retreat was by far more painful and difficult than our advance; the carriers required more attendance than even the fatigued and sulky asses; and what with the sick men and officers, my time and exertions were so completely taken up, that I found myself, on the 20th of May, in a state that rendered me unable, however willing, to afford myself the assistance, so many others wanted from me.
From that date to the 1st of June, I remained in a state of insensibility to the objects around me, and was conveyed, in a basket similar to those already described, to the house of Mr. Bateman, where, on coming to my senses (an event which those about me did not expect), I was informed of Mr. Kummer’s death, and the departure of Lieutenant Stokoe for Sierra Leone.
Captain Campbell, who, although a little better than I was, still continued very weak, wished on the 10th to proceed down the river, for the purpose of hiring a vessel to convey the expedition to Sierra Leone, but he was in that state which I conceived must, in case of his moving, prove of serious consequence, and I therefore persuaded him to remain quiet, and send Mr. Nelson in his place.
On the 12th, I again visited him, and was sorry to find him worse, so much so, that he could not speak to me, and so debilitated that I much doubted the possibility of his recovery. My fears were unfortunately but too well grounded; he breathed his last on the following morning, sincerely regretted by every individual of the expedition. We deposited his remains on the 14th, by the side of those of his highly-valued friend and companion, Major Peddie, amidst the tears and lamentations of all present, and which were greatly aggravated by the painful recollection of the untimely death of our former and much-beloved commander.
Thus ended the mortal career of two distinguished officers, who, in the prime of life, and scorning a state of inactivity at home, entered on an enterprise of the most difficult and truly forlorn nature; and who, by their anxiety and exertions for the advancement of the arduous service committed to their care, fell early victims to that inhospitable climate, leaving their bones in the sands of Africa, a sad memento of their own melancholy fate, and of the unfortunate issue of the expedition under their command. To express my own feelings on that occasion, would, indeed, be impossible; the service lost a gallant officer, and I lost a sincere friend.
The sick, who were left at the Panjetta, joined us in safety, and, in order to avoid starvation at Kakundy, and to obtain that relief and rest of which we were all so much in want, we sailed immediately for Sierra Leone, where we did not arrive until our provisions were nearly exhausted, and then, with the loss of two men and nearly all our remaining animals.
On landing at Free Town, his Excellency Sir Charles M‘Carthy omitted nothing that could tend in any way to relieve our wants and sufferings, and it is with particular satisfaction that I take this opportunity of offering my grateful acknowledgments for his marked kindness and attention to myself.
Lieutenant Stokoe, on whom the command then devolved, as soon as he had recovered from the effects of his late illness and fatigues, although in the depth of the rainy season, set out by the Port Logo path, with the intention of going to Teembo, in order to enter into arrangements, if possible, with Almamy, and obtain from him hostages for the free and unmolested passage of the expedition through his country to the Niger. In this, however, he failed, and returned to the colony, to wait until the ensuing dry season would admit of his endeavouring to penetrate by some other route; but he, like hispredecessors, was not doomed to see his projects realized, and died at Sierra Leone, after a few days’ illness.
Foota Jallon, of which Teembo is the capital, is a country of considerable extent, lying between the Sierra Leone and Gambia rivers. When it was in the possession of the aboriginal inhabitants, the Jallonkeas, it bore the name of Jallonk, which has been gradually softened into Jallo, to which was prefixed the name of Foota, signifying together the Foolahs of Jallo, or Foota Jallo. The Jallonkeas are now subject to the Foolahs, who conquered the country, under the direction of a family from Massina, consisting of the father, two sons, and a few followers. One of the sons was a Mahomedan priest, and gradually gained such influence among the Jallonkeas, that he converted many of them to his own faith, and by means of his wealth (of which he is said to have possessed much), strongly attached them to his interest. A few years enabled them to make so many converts to their religion, and their riches procured them so much favor, that they planned and carried into execution the subjugation of the Jallonkeas, at least of such as would not embrace the Mahomedan faith; and the usurpation of the supreme government of their country, the first exercise of which was, to oblige those who still adhered topaganism, to pay them a yearly tribute or quit the country which had for ages been their own.
From that family is descended the present Almamy. Karamoka Alpha was the first Almamy of Teembo, and was surnamed Moudoo, or the great, being at the same time acknowledged as the chief Iman and defender of their religion. He was succeeded by his son, Yoro Padde, surnamed Soorie, at whose death the regal power was assumed by Almamy Saadoo, who was deposed by Ali Bilmah and Alpha Salihou, and to whose sanguinary intrigues he afterwards fell a victim. Salihou was next proclaimed king, and distinguished his reign by a succession of predatory excursions against several Cafir or pagan tribes of the neighbouring states, many of whom he destroyed, plundered, or rendered tributary. He was succeeded by Abdulahi Ba Demba, who, having a dispute with Ali Bilmah, sent him in irons to Bondoo, where he vainly thought he could not injure him; but Ali Bilmah contrived to keep up a secret communication with his friends, and was eventually instrumental in removing his tyrannical sovereign from the throne, which was next occupied by Abdoolghader. Ba Demba then retired to Toogumba, a village at some distance north-west of Teembo, and, with the assistance of a few friends, assembled an army for the purpose of attempting to regain hiscrown, which Abdoolghader on his side prepared to defend; for which purpose the latter marched with a large army to give Ba Demba battle and decide the affair. The latter, aware of his own inferiority in point of number, retreated; but, being pursued and overtaken by his enemies, was killed, together with one of his sons. In an affair which then took place on the banks of the Tingussoo river, his second son would have shared the same fate, had he not been protected by Abdoolghader, who considered himself secured in his possession of the crown, by the death of the father, and he has reigned unmolested to the present time.
The Foolahs, according to their own account, have had possession of Foota Jallo for about sixty years. The government is of a mixed kind, partaking more of the nature of a republic than a monarchy, and is composed of the states of Teembo, Laby, and Teembee, with their dependencies. Almamy, although he has the chief power, cannot decide upon any thing of importance to the country without the consent of those chiefs, each of whom has a voice in the cabinet.
The religion is Mahomedan, and so strict is their observance of its ceremonies that they pray regularly five times every day, and should any one be prevented by unavoidable engagementsfrom attending to his devotions at the stated periods, he must compensate for it by repeating the whole ceremony the exact number of times he omitted it.
Their manufactures are the same as those of Bondoo, as will be described hereafter. The vegetable productions are indigo, cotton, rice, maize, yams, cassada, shalots, and pompions; and their fruits are oranges, lemons, plantains, bananas, tamarinds, and nittas, or the locust fruit; the latter is a kind of mimosa, very much resembling the tamarind tree. The flowers or blossoms are produced at the extremities of the branches, and are succeeded by pods similar to those of a garden bean, with the exception of their being from nine to twelve inches long, and one broad; each pod contains from nine to twelve black stones, resembling those of the tamarind in size and shape, but are enveloped in a fine farinaceous powder of the appearance of sublimed sulphur. Its taste is not unlike liquorice-root powder, and, when mixed with milk, affords a very palatable and nutritious diet; and although some of the men, who swallowed the stones of this fruit, were affected with sickness at stomach, bad as our situation was from the scarcity of provisions, it would have been exceedingly aggravated, had the nittas not been ripe before we left the Panjetta.
The men are of the middle stature, well-formed, very active and intelligent, and are dressed nearly in the same manner as those of Bondoo; the cap is of a different form, and most frequently made of scarlet cloth; they wear sandals, and usually carry a long cane or spear. Thus equipped they strut about, with all the air and affected dignity of men of the first consequence. They are characterised by a high degree of cunning, duplicity, self-interestedness, and avarice; to gratify which they are neither deterred by shame nor fear. This renders it extremely difficult for strangers to guard against the crafty devices they have recourse to in all their dealings of whatever kind, or to elude the rapacious advantages they are always on the alert to take of them, either by imposition or theft.
The women are good figures, have a lively and graceful air, and prominent features, much resembling the European. They are at great pains to preserve their teeth of a pearly white, by constantly rubbing them with a small twig of the tamarind tree, which is an admirable substitute for the tooth-brush. They are, like all other African females, extremely fond of amber, coral, and glass beads, which they bestow in profusion on their heads, necks, arms, waists, and ancles.
The commerce of Foota Jallon may be dividedinto two heads; namely, first, that in slaves, now nearly extinct, at least as far as exportation is concerned, in consequence of the constant surveillance of the British cruisers on the coast, and the unremitted exertions of the government of Sierra Leone to lead the people of that country to a more intimate connexion with the colony, and a more valuable employment of their time, in cultivating and bringing into our market there the other productions of their own and surrounding countries, which may be considered as the second head under which their commercial pursuits can be classed. The Rio Nunez and Pongas, which were formerly infested by slave dealers and their emissaries, are now freed from the odious burden of such a party, and those who still retain factories there, although they would smile at the revival of that unnatural trade, see so little prospect of its ever again being open to them, that they begin to think of other and less nefarious means of amassing wealth.
FOOTNOTES:[5]Infidels.
FOOTNOTES:
[5]Infidels.
[5]Infidels.
Major Gray takes the Command — Departure from Sierra Leone — Arrival at Bathurst, St. Mary’s — Occurrences there — Departure for, and Arrival at Kayaye — Description of a tribe of wandering Foolahs — Description of Kayaye, the surrounding Country, and Inhabitants — Their Amusements, &c. — Visit to Katoba — The King’s Visit to us — Arrival of Camels from Senegal — Our Guide’s proposal respecting the path — My Decision, and Reasons — Fatality among our Animals — Arrival of Mr. Partarrieau from St. Mary’s — Arrangements for Departure.
Suchwas the state of the expedition, when, in the month of November, 1817, I volunteered my services to conduct it. Mr. Dochard, who was second in command, had been despatched some time before, on board a transport to the Cape Verde Islands, to procure animals, and from thence proceed to Bathurst, St. Mary’s, river Gambia; but although Mr. Stokoe had packed, previous to his death, and sent forward with that officer, a part of the baggage, much yet remained at Sierra Leone in a confused state, the arranging and packing of which, together with selecting from amongst the men who composed the former expedition, such as were both willing andable to proceed on a second attempt, and equipping them, occupied so much time that it was not before the 14th of December, 1817, that we sailed, on board the colonial brig Discovery, from Sierra Leone for the Gambia.
We had been but a week at sea, when we fortunately found that the casks, which contained the water for our use, and that of eleven horses, were in so leaky a state that a few days more would have left us without a drop. This obliged us to put into the Isles des Loss, where, with the assistance of a Mr. Lee, then resident there, we soon remedied the evil, and again put to sea.
A strong north-west wind, and a heavy sea, opposed our progress for several days, and, as if all things combined to retard us in the very first stage of our proceedings, the brig sprung a leak, and nearly carried away her mainmast in a squall. In this state, with constant work at the pumps, we were kept out until the 13th of January, when we reached Cape St. Mary’s, with only one day’s half allowance of water on board. Our horses (one of which died) were reduced to the very last stage of want, having subsisted, for several days, on a little rice and biscuit dust, with a very small quantity of water.
On landing at Bathurst, St. Mary’s, I found Mr. Dochard had arrived there from the islands,where he could not procure more than ten horses and six mules, and he was in such very bad health, and apparently so ill calculated to undergo a second series of the exposures, privations, watchings, and disappointments incident to such a service, that I almost despaired of his being able to accompany me.
He had, a few days before my arrival, despatched Ensign Pattoun a second time to the islands, in order to procure if possible a few more horses.
I proceeded myself to Goree, to endeavour to obtain a few of any description at the towns on the opposite main. I so far succeeded as to purchase seven horses, and was fortunate enough to meet there fifteen camels that had been purchased at Senegal, by Governor M‘Carthy’s orders, for the use of the expedition, and had arrived there the day only before I intended leaving it.
On my return to the Gambia, I found Ensign Pattoun had arrived, having purchased eighteen horses; but as we had not yet a sufficient number, I sent Ensign Burton, of the Royal African Corps (who had volunteered to accompany the mission), up the river, to try if any could be procured there. I was, in the mean time, enabled to collect a few on the island, and having despatched Mr. Nelson on the 16th of February,and made all the necessary preparations, we left Bathurst on the 3rd of March.
On our voyage up the river, we called at Tendebar, where we were enabled to purchase three small horses. I also landed at Kawour in the Salum country. The ground for some distance in the vicinity of this town, bore the marks of cultivation, but at that season was completely destitute of verdure; the soil, which was a mixture of brown mould and light-colored sand, appeared good; a few small onions were the only vegetable I observed growing, and those were regularly watered morning and evening.
The town is a considerable one, and may contain from 500 to 800 inhabitants. Their huts are composed of cane reeds and long dry grass, and are very neat and comfortable. The natives, who are a mixture of Jaloffs and Soosoos, are a peaceable inoffensive race, and are chiefly engaged in trade, except when the approach of the rains summons them to the corn and rice grounds.
We lost one of our native soldiers in consequence of a slight cut in the hand, which caused mortification; the existence of which, and of cold spasms and rigours, deterred Mr. Dochard from performing amputation.
The country in the immediate vicinity of theriver, is very low, and bears the evident marks of inundation during the rains. It is much wooded, some of which is large, and no doubt fitted for general use.
The hippopotamus and alligator are to be found in great numbers in the river, and are hunted by the natives, who make use of their flesh as food, and consider it a delicacy. The river swarms with a great variety of fish, but the natives are either unacquainted with the proper mode of taking them, or too indolent to take advantage of so valuable a supply, at least to the extent they might.
Soon after leaving Kawour, I went on shore on the right bank of the river, with the intention of walking to Yani Maroo, accompanied by Lamina, and two of my men armed. At about half a quarter of a mile from the water-edge, we came to a range of hills, running parallel with the river. On ascending them, I found they were flat on the top to a considerable distance, and covered with wood and long dry grass; they were composed of a red compact clay, light sand of the same colour, and large masses of red sand-stone. At the foot of one of the hills forming this range, I observed some small huts, in the vicinity of which was feeding a herd of black cattle, but I could not discern any people. I therefore descended to the huts,where I found an old man, the only person there. He, with much apparent apprehension for his own safety, desired me to keep off, which requisition he seemed determined to enforce, for he laid hold of his bow, and snatched up one of a few arrows that were lying at his side on the ground. By means of my interpreter, I endeavoured to explain to him his fears were without cause, and that chance only, not intention, led us to his retreat. This, however, did not convince him; he still desired us to keep off. A little tobacco, and a few beads, in exchange for which we requested some milk, induced him to think more favourably of us. It was, nevertheless, with much difficulty I convinced him of his error, and prevailed on him to go in search of his companions, who, on our approach, had ran into the woods, driving their cattle before them. In about fifteen minutes, he returned, and in a few more, the whole tribe made its appearance. The women and children, however, could not be induced to approach nearer than three hundred yards of us. Their numbers did not exceed four men, as many women, and ten or twelve children; the latter totally naked. They are of a dark copper colour, and belong to the Dhyangele tribe, the chief of which resides in a wilderness of three days’ journey, lying in latitude 14° and 15°, between the kingdoms of Joloff andBondoo. There they always remain during the rains, at which time they find a sufficiency of pasturage and water for their cattle, but are obliged to wander in search of both after January; the banks of the rivers are their last resource. Their appearance is extremely filthy and poor. They subsist chiefly on milk, a little corn, which they obtain in exchange for butter when in the vicinity of towns, and such game as they can kill.
Their only furniture consists of a few mats to lie on, some wooden bowls and calabashes, and a few leather bags; the latter serve them as churns, and to carry water in when encamped at a distance from where it is to be found.
Their dress is very plain, being nothing more than a piece of cotton cloth, about two and a half yards long and three quarters wide, wrapped round the waist, and descending a little below the knees, with another of the same kind thrown over the shoulders. The men wear a cotton cap besmeared with grease, to which is sometimes added, by way of ornament, the end of a cow’s tail, died blue or red. Like all other pagans, they are very superstitious, and wear a great number of grigres, or charms, round their necks, arms and legs. They are inordinately fond of red cloth, which they make use of in covering those charms. Their weapons arelong spears, bows and arrows, and occasionally a long gun. They are good marksmen with all these, and seldom throw away a shot; but this arises more from the difficulty they find in obtaining powder, ball, and small shot, than from any dislike to miss their mark.
W. Gray del.WANDERING FOOLAH.Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.
W. Gray del.WANDERING FOOLAH.Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.
W. Gray del.
WANDERING FOOLAH.
Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.
We also visited the town of Yanimaroo. It is beautifully situated at a short distance from the river-side, on an elevated spot, thinly sprinkled with large shady trees of the mahogany kind, and interspersed with evergreens and other shrubs, and a great number of that kind of palm from which is extracted the palm wine.
The greater proportion of the inhabitants are pagans; a few, however, profess the Mahomedan religion, retaining many of their pagan superstitions. The latter are much respected, and enjoy a considerable degree of influence over their unenlightened brethren. The soil about Yanimaroo is a light yellow sand, mixed with stiff clay of the same colour, except where there are groves of palm trees, and then it is invariably a dark, rich, vegetable mould, mixed with a light red or white sand.
There are, on the banks of the river, a little above Yanimaroo, a great number of the self-consuming tree. We never saw any of them on fire, nor yet smoking, but their appearance would lead a person to suppose they had been burnt.
On our arrival at Kayaye, we landed our men, animals, and baggage, and encamped on an elevated spot between the river and the town, which are distant from each other about half a quarter of a mile.
Mr. Bellaby, a British merchant resident there, accommodated us with a large mud house, which served at the same time as quarters for the officers, and a store for some of our baggage.
Kayaye is but a very small and insignificant village, and is remarkable for nothing but its situation, and the residence of a Mulatto lady, who possesses considerable influence in the country. The town does not contain above fifty huts; its inhabitants are all either relatives to, or dependants on Madame Eliza Tigh, whose name the place takes, being called by the natives Tigh Cunda, or the town of Tigh. The people of Kayaye, and the neighbouring towns, are a mixture of Mandingoes and Sousous; the former from a country in the interior so called, and the latter from the south bank of the river. They are chiefly engaged in trade and agriculture, and are a very shrewd active race, subject to the king of Katoba, and professing the Mahomedan religion; but I believe the greater proportion of them do so, not from any religious motive, but in order to ensure to themselves thatprotection which the followers of Mahomet invariably meet with, wherever they go in their trading excursions. Caravans from the interior frequently stop there, on their way to the settlements on the coast, and dispose of their goods to the masters of some of the small trading vessels from St. Mary’s, or to the native merchants, who carry on at that place, and the towns lower down the river, a very considerable trade in gold, ivory, and bees’ wax; in exchange for which they receive fire-arms, powder, India-goods, coral, amber, glass beads, iron, tobacco, rum, and cutlery.
The dress of these people is far from being inelegant or inconvenient: the men wear on the head a white cotton cap, very neatly worked with different coloured silks or worsteds; a close shirt of white cotton, with short sleeves, next the skin, covers the body from the neck to the hips, and is surmounted by a very large one of the same materials, with long loose sleeves, not unlike a surplice; this descends below the knees, and is embroidered, in the same way as the cap, about the shoulders and breast. The small-clothes, which are very roomy above, descend about two inches below the knee, where it is only sufficiently large not to be tight. This part of their dress is generally blue. They wear their hair cut close, and make use of none of thegrease or rancid butter of which the Joloff men are so lavish. Sandals or slippers protect their feet from the heat of the sand, and from thorns; and complete the catalogue of their wardrobe.
The dress of the women is neither so decent nor so clean. The body, from the waist upward, is almost always naked, except whenenceinte, in which case a sort of short chemise, without sleeves, covers the neck and stomach. They plat their hair neatly into a profusion of small braids, but are so lavish of butter or palm oil on them and their skins (which are generally of a very fine black) that they cannot be approached without experiencing the very unpleasant effects of such anointings, rendered doubly offensive by the addition of profuse and constant perspiration.
The huts and yards of these people are extremely clean, and, although small, are comparatively comfortable. The walls of both are, for the most part, composed of split cane formed into a sort of wicker work resembling hurdles. The roofs of the former are conical, and covered with long dry grass, fastened on with a small line made from the inner bark of the monkey-bread tree. On the whole, their houses have a very neat appearance.
The amusements of these people are confined to dancing and music, which take place almostevery fine evening at a late hour, in the centre of the village, where, when the moon does not afford them light, a large fire is made for that purpose.
The young of both sexes, dressed in their gayest attire, attend on these occasions; a ring is formed by them and the spectators, and the former dance in regular succession by pairs. The instrument which accompanies this dance is called a ballafo[6], and affords better music than might be expected from such rude materials; it is composed of cane and wood, in the following manner. A frame, three feet long, eighteen inches wide at one end, and nine at the other, is made of cane, split very thin, and supported at the corners, about nine inches from the ground, by four upright sticks of nearly an inch diameter; across this frame are laid twenty pieces of hard wood, diminishing in size in the same proportion progressively, from one end to the other, as the frame to which they are slightly attached with thin twine. Under each of these cross pieces, is suspended an empty gourd, of a size adapted to the tone of note required, having a hole in the part where it comes in contact with the stick, and another at the bottom; the latter is covered with a thin piece of dried sheep’s gut.It is played on with two small sticks, by a man who sits cross legged on the ground, and is accompanied by one or more small drums.
I also observed here a sort of amusement, or rather inquisitorial exhibition, called by the natives Kongcorong. It was thus: a man, covered from head to foot with small boughs of trees, made his appearance in the afternoon near the town, and gave notice to the young women and girls that he would pay them a visit after sunset. At the appointed time he entered the village, preceded by drums, and repaired to the assembly place, where all were collected to meet him with the music and singing. He commenced by saying that he came to caution the ladies to be very circumspect in their conduct towards the whites, meaning the men of the Expedition, and related some circumstances, with which he said he was acquainted, little to their credit:—but, as it was his first time, he would neither mention names, nor inflict the usual punishment, namely, flogging. He, however, would take advantage of the first opportunity which they would be imprudent enough to afford him.
All he said was repeated by the girls in a sort of song, accompanied by the music and clapping of hands. Every one who had any thing to fear from his inquisitorial authority, made him a present; and I observed that notone of the girls withheld this proof of their fear of his tongue, or of their own consciousness of guilt. He remained with them until near midnight.
W. Gray del.FIG. I.KONGKORONG.Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.
W. Gray del.FIG. I.
W. Gray del.
FIG. I.
KONGKORONG.
KONGKORONG.
Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.
An instance of the manner in which the young men of that country obtain wives, also came under our observation. One of the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, having placed his affections, or rather desires, on a young girl at Kayaye, made the usual present of a few colas to her mother, who, without giving her daughter any intimation of the affair, consented to his obtaining her in any way he could. Accordingly when the poor girl was employed preparing some rice for supper, she was seized by her intended husband, assisted by three or four of his companions, and carried off by force. She made much resistance, by biting, scratching, kicking, and roaring most bitterly. Many, both men and women, some of them her own relations, who witnessed the affair, only laughed at the farce, and consoled her by saying that she would soon be reconciled to her situation.
Soon after our arrival at Kayaye, we paid a visit to the chief, or, as he is there called, the king of Katoba. He resides at a town of that name distant from Kayaye about twenty miles north. The road or path to it lies over a flat uncultivated country thinly covered with brushwood and stunted trees. The soil, for the most part, is an ocre-coloured clay intermixed here and there with small fragments of ferruginous stone, which, in several places, makes its appearance above the surface in the form of large rocks. Some small eminences are entirely composed of this rock, which the natives say contains a large proportion of iron, but, from the facility the river affords them of procuring an abundant supply of that metal from the English merchants, they do not now think it worth the trouble of extracting. The blacksmiths of the country say, that it is more malleable than English iron, and better suited to all their wants, were the process of obtaining it not so difficult.
The king received us hospitably, and, on being made acquainted with the purport of our visit, promised every protection and assistance he could afford us, adding that whenever we wished to proceed on our journey, he would furnish us with a guide to Woolli.
On our way to this town, which is a walled one, of no very great extent or respectable appearance, we passed only two small villages, one of which is about a mile from Kayaye, and is solely inhabited by Mahomedan priests (bushreens).
From the very great want we were in of a sufficient number of animals, to transport ourbaggage, in consequence of the death of all our camels and some of our horses, since our arrival at Kayaye, and the difficulty, nay impossibility, of procuring a supply there, we had determined on leaving behind us a large proportion of it, and moving without delay; for which purpose it became necessary to open the greater number of the packages, to select the most valuable articles. This had scarcely been begun, when Mr. Partarrieau, whom I had sent from Bathurst to Senegal to purchase camels, arrived, bringing intelligence that he had despatched a moor, named Bon-ama, from that place before he had left it, with ten camels and five horses, whom I might expect to see in a few days, as he was coming by the shortest land route from Senegal, namely, through Kayor and Salum.
All preparations being made, we only waited the arrival of Bon-ama, who not making his appearance on the 15th, I began to apprehend that some accident had happened, either to himself, or the animals. The 17th, however, brought him to Kayaye, having had two of his horses killed by lions, and been obliged to leave two of the camels sick at a village about fifteen miles from us. His arrival at that moment was particularly fortunate, as it enabled us to take forward the whole of our baggage, and a good supply of rice, which we had just received from St. Mary’s.
On the 18th, the king, whose presence we had requested, in order to make him a present, arrived, accompanied by about fifty people, armed with guns and spears. He was himself mounted on a most wretched animal in the shape of a horse, and was attended by a troop of drums and singing people (Jallikeas), making a most hideous attempt at instrumental and vocal music, intended to inspire their royal master with a high idea of his own dignity.
In a few minutes we went to see him; he was seated in a small hut, surrounded by his followers, but the place was so crowded and intolerably hot (not to say any thing of the impurity of the air) from tobacco smoke, and other vapours, that we were obliged to request he would move to one of our huts. This being done, we mentioned to him our intention of leaving Kayaye in a few days, and requested that he would appoint a guide to conduct us to Medina, the capital of Woolli. He made some objections, of an irrelevant nature, but at length consented, in consideration of a present, amounting to about one hundred bars in baft, muslin, coral, amber, tobacco, scarlet cloth, and a pair of pistols. He was drunk and extremely vociferous. The interview, however, terminated amicably, and his majesty was present at a dance which the inhabitants of the village brought forwardin honour of his arrival, and in order to amuse him.
We had seen several of the chiefs of Western Africa, both moors and negroes, but never saw any so wretchedly poor and unlike what he intended to represent as this man; he is intolerably fond of rum, and would be for ever drunk if he could obtain the means of being so; his last demand was for two bottles of it, which I gave him. He left us on the 19th, in a state of excessive inebriety, as were most of his followers.
Aware of the great respectability Bon-ama, in his character of Mahomedan priest, would enjoy in all the countries in the interior, and of his having before offered his services to Governor M‘Carthy, we endeavoured to prevail on him to accompany us to Sego, Tombuctoo, or further, but it was not without much difficulty and objection on his part, together with the promise of a very large reward, that he could be induced to do so. He, however, at length agreed, in consideration of a recompense of five hundred pounds British, to accompany us to Tombuctoo or Jinnê, but no sum, however large, or other advantage, he said, would induce him to go further. He made it a previous article in his agreement, to be allowed to return to Cayor, to arrange some private affairs, and promised tojoin us in Bondoo. We did every thing in our power to induce him to give up this point, but to no effect: it was hissine qua non. We bought a camel from him, and hired two moors, who came along with him, to conduct and have the care of those animals as far as we went.
Lamina, our Sego guide, told us, on the 20th, that it was now time he should inform us, that as he was sent by the king of Bambarra, to conduct the expedition to that country, he felt it his duty to say, that the road leading through Woolli, Bondoo, Kasson, and Fooledoo, was the only one in which he thought it safe to take us, as there were, in all those countries, people belonging to his master waiting to escort us; that he had himself received from those in Bondoo, a horse to ride, and six asses to carry his baggage. As there appeared nothing in this request but what was fair, and, as we conceived (in case of any unforeseen delay, we should be obliged to make a halt during the rains), that Bondoo, from its high situation and its vicinity to the river Senegal, would be most advantageous for that purpose, we acceded to his proposal, and were moreover induced to take this step in consequence of the very high and upright character we were taught, by Mr. Partarrieau, who had been before in that country, to entertain of Almamy Isata, the king: the resultwill prove how much our informant was himself deceived in his opinion of that man, and how little confidence can be placed in any information but that obtained by the most strict self observation, in all matters connected with this unfortunate country.
Our means of transport decreased daily; we had lost since the 2d, one camel, one mule, and four horses, and there was no possibility of procuring any at Kayaye; the camels left on the road by Bon-ama, had not yet come up, although we had despatched a man to bring them. Every thing, however, being ready, we fixed the 25th for our departure.