FOOTNOTES:[11]It was, when we saw it, in bad repair, not having been rebuilt since it was partly destroyed by the Kartan army in 1817.[12]A small village, about twenty-seven miles north from Boolibany, and fifteen miles from the Senegal, at Bagulle, a village of Lower Kajaga or Galam.[13]In addition to its being his own wish to proceed on this service, he was the only officer then capable of so hazardous an undertaking.
FOOTNOTES:
[11]It was, when we saw it, in bad repair, not having been rebuilt since it was partly destroyed by the Kartan army in 1817.
[11]It was, when we saw it, in bad repair, not having been rebuilt since it was partly destroyed by the Kartan army in 1817.
[12]A small village, about twenty-seven miles north from Boolibany, and fifteen miles from the Senegal, at Bagulle, a village of Lower Kajaga or Galam.
[12]A small village, about twenty-seven miles north from Boolibany, and fifteen miles from the Senegal, at Bagulle, a village of Lower Kajaga or Galam.
[13]In addition to its being his own wish to proceed on this service, he was the only officer then capable of so hazardous an undertaking.
[13]In addition to its being his own wish to proceed on this service, he was the only officer then capable of so hazardous an undertaking.
Unfortunate Affair at Samba Contaye — Almamy’s Decision — Purchase of a Slave — Arrival of the French Expedition at Galam — Mr. Pilkington’s determination of leaving the Mission — His Departure for the Coast — Visit to the Senegal — Conversation with Almamy — Messenger sent to Mr. Dochard — Fires at the Camp — Death of Almamy Amady.
Anothercircumstance occurred during this month, which, although wholly accidental, was by no means calculated to inspire the natives with a friendly feeling towards us, and would, I feared, previous to its being arranged, have only furnished Almamy with a second opportunity of falling out with us. In this, however, I was fortunately mistaken, as he not only judged the affair impartially, but expressed his sorrow that I should have punished the man even by confinement for a few days.
It was on the morning of the 25th, when sitting outside the door of my hut, half asleep from extreme debility, I was aroused by the report of a musket within the fence of the camp, followedby the shrieks of women and the bustle of my men running from all quarters, where they had been either on duty or amusing themselves, and seizing their arms. Such preparations on their part led me to suppose we had been attacked. I therefore ran into my hut for my arms, and without delay proceeded to the spot where all seemed to be directing their steps.
On my arrival at the place where the market was usually held, under the shade of a large acacia, about two hundred yards outside our fence, I found a woman lying dead, a musket ball having passed through her head. She had just disposed of a little corn, and was sitting on the ground in the crowd, tying up a few beads she had received in exchange, when she received the fatal wound.
On my inquiring by whom it was done, one of my own men (Shaw, a black soldier), answered from within his hut, that it was his rifle which went off while he was cleaning the brasses of it. Some men of the town who were present, and armed, as they always are, shewed symptoms of wishing to take steps of retaliation, under the impression, no doubt, that it had been done designedly. One or two Marabouts, who were also present, and on whom I called to assist me in preventing unnecessary effusion ofblood, persuaded them to desist, assuring them that every satisfaction would be given. My first step was to order Shaw into confinement, and send for Osman, to consult what was necessary to be done. On his arrival at my hut, where the Marabouts were awaiting him at my request, I stated the unfortunate occurrence precisely as it had taken place, pointing out to him the position of the deceased in the market, and that of the prisoner in his hut, through the side of which, being composed of straw, the ball had passed.
The Marabouts fully corroborated my statement, by relating every circumstance with the most minute exactness, and gave it as their opinion, that the thing occurred wholly by accident: but as the deceased was a slave belonging to some of the inhabitants of a neighbouring village, it would be necessary for me to send a person to acquaint them with the affair, and despatch without delay a messenger to Almamy, requesting him to have the business tried and decided on immediately. Both these injunctions I complied with at the moment, and gave the prisoner into the hands of Osman, who expressed a wish that I might keep him myself, which I could have done, but I preferred acting otherwise, as I was aware that the inhabitantsof the country at large, and particularly those people to whom the woman belonged, would be more satisfied by his being in their own hands, at least in those of one of their chiefs. The poor fellow himself, was at first much frightened, and would, I am convinced, have willingly given up his own life to restore that of the woman, were it then possible. Osman told him, although the accident was of an extremely unpleasant nature to all concerned, and particularly to him (Shaw), it was, nevertheless, one which so purely evinced the hand of the Almighty God, that he had nothing to fear, as he was sure Almamy would see the thing in its proper light, and judge accordingly.
The following morning, the men, both free and slaves, of the village to which the unfortunate woman belonged, came to our camp, to the number of sixty or seventy, all armed, and in a very haughty manner demanded justice, which one of them, an old man, who appeared to be their speaker, said was nothing more than handing over the prisoner to them, to be treated as they might think fit; as in this case, the law said, “when one slave,” in which light they looked upon all my men, both black and white, “killed another, the survivor became the property of the person to whom the deceased belonged,who might either kill, sell, or keep him.”
I had much difficulty in persuading them that all my men were as free as myself, and that I could not now take any step, until I had received an answer from Almamy, to whom I had sent a messenger. Osman, who had heard of their arrival, came up at that moment, and finding them much inclined to add violence to insolent language, ordered them, in a very peremptory tone, to return to their village, and leave the settlement of the affair exclusively to him, who alone, from its having happened in his district and with his strangers (meaning us), had the right of interfering. Although they went away immediately, I was sorry to see them do so with so much reluctance, and with such evident dissatisfaction at the unfortunate affair, as well as at the indifferent reception they met with. I therefore requested Osman to accompany them for a short distance, and endeavour to convince them that it was my wish to render every satisfaction the laws of the country demanded, and make the owner of the deceased as ample recompense as it was in my power to do.
In a few minutes, the old man, who acted as their speaker, returned with Osman, and coming into my hut, offered me his hand, which I accepted, and sat down, telling me that he wasperfectly satisfied with my conduct in this affair, and would wait patiently and peaceably for Almamy’s decision; and to convince me of the truth of what he asserted, he would send the women of his village to the market as usual to-morrow.
The messenger to Almamy did not return before the evening of the 28th, when he was accompanied by one of his ministers, a chief priest, or, as they call it,Alpha or thierno, bringing his sovereign’s decision, which, although conveyed in many more words than necessary, merely went to say, as it appeared to Almamy and his good men[14], as they call his chiefs and ministers (a very ill-placed appellation), that the woman came by her death accidentally, I had nothing more to do than procure a slave woman of as nearly the same age of the deceased as possible, and hand her over to Osman. Almamy also desired Alpha Mamadoo to say, that he was extremely sorry I should have thought it necessary to put my child, meaning Shaw (for so he always called all my men) in prison, from whence he now desired him to be released.
I represented to Alpha the dislike I had to any thing like purchasing a fellow creature, and requested that I might be allowed to give thevalue of a prime slave. In this, he said, he could not interfere; that what he had told me was by order of Almamy, and he could not alter it; but should the man to whom the slave belonged wish to take the value in merchandize, he was certain Almamy could have no objection. Much entreaty on my part, added to the promise of a present, would no doubt have had the desired effect, were it not that the owner of the deceased was afraid, in case he should accept of merchandize, that Almamy would persuade, nay force him, to give it to him in purchase of a slave, which, most probably, he might never receive.
I was, therefore, reduced to the disagreeable necessity of employing a person for the sole purpose of going round the country in search of a woman slave, and which he, with much difficulty, procured, not in consequence of the scarcity of those poor wretches in the country, but of the enormous price demanded, arising no doubt from their knowledge of the obligation I was under of providing one without delay.
This transaction I could not bring myself to negotiate, as the idea alone of dealing in human flesh was more than sufficiently disagreeable to allow me to see the poor wretch, who, although only changing master, and, from what I could learn, getting a good for a bad one, was neverthelessa slave bought and sold. Osman, who had no scruples of that kind, very willingly undertook to do it for me, and I have no doubt made something by it.
Thus terminated an unfortunate affair which, although wholly providential, was certainly of such an unpleasant nature as to cause deep regret to all our party; but which did not appear to make any more impression on the minds of the natives, than if the deceased had been a bullock; so little is the life of a slave noticed in that country.
The weather had then begun to be more settled and dry, and the sick, with the exception of three Europeans (a sergeant and two privates), were improving rapidly. The approach, too, of the dry season, which was daily making itself more evident, and the hope of being thereby enabled to resume our march to the east, in a great measure alleviated the disagreeable nature of our halt, which had then become extremely irksome to all. The arrival of the French trading fleet from St. Louis, at Galam, commanded by an officer whom I had the pleasure of knowing at Senegal, and who, on his way to Boolibany, had called to see me, also tended, in a great degree, to give new vigour to our proceedings. The idea alone of having near, if not with us, people of our own colour,with whom we may occasionally associate, affords a pleasure which none but those who have experienced the absence, can duly appreciate. I was the more pleased at this arrival of the French to settle near us, for such was their intention, as Captain Dechastelieu told me he had it in command from the officer administering the government at St. Louis, to afford me every service it might be in his power to do; and, in justice to those officers, I must say that, on all occasions, I received the most cordial assistance from them.
By this fleet I received information that Mr. Partarrieau had arrived at St. Louis, but, in consequence of illness and some difficulties he met with in passing through Foota Toro, he did not reach there in time to forward to me, by those vessels, some articles of merchandize I wanted for myself, or the things promised to Almamy. This, however, was not of much consequence, as I was in hopes that his knowledge of the want I must soon be in of the articles sent for, and of my anxiety to continue my march towards Sego, would urge him to make his utmost endeavours to expedite the service he had been entrusted with, and join me without unnecessary delay.
Mr. Pilkington, who was rapidly recovering from the effects of the fever he had at Boolibany,expressed so strong an aversion to accompany the mission any further, and appeared so determined on returning to the coast, that I found it necessary to consent to his doing so, being aware that with such a feeling on his part, his future services (were I to oppose him) would not be satisfactory. Private Nicholson too, who had laboured for several months under chronic dysentery, and was reduced to a perfect skeleton, requested the like indulgence, and was in like manner permitted to return; and as I was informed by Captain Dechastelieu, that one of his vessels would return to St. Louis in a few days, I took advantage of an invitation from him, in the name of the other officers of his fleet, to repair to Conghell, a town of Galam, on the banks of the Senegal, (about fourteen miles from our camp), where they then were, in order to obtain a passage for them, and which was offered by the officer commanding the vessels, in the most handsome manner, before I had time to ask it.
On my return to the camp, I apprised Mr. Pilkington of the readiness expressed by the officer commanding the French vessels to accommodate him in every way possible, and, having placed in his charge some effects belonging to the deceased officers, directed to his Excellency the Governor of Sierra Leone, he left the camp on the 4th of November, accompanied by thesergeant-major, whom I sent to receive some refreshments, which Captain Dechastelieu very kindly offered to supply me with for myself and men, and of which we were much in want, to remove the ill effects and remains of fever and dysentery, from which none had escaped.
Almamy, who was about paying a visit to the vessels, sent a messenger to me on the 7th of November, to request I would accompany him, and name a day for the purpose. Although I was by no means satisfied with his conduct towards me, and would willingly have dispensed with his company, I nevertheless suppressed my feeling of dislike to his royal presence, and consented to meet him at my own camp, on any day he might choose. The messenger was evidently afraid of my refusal, and had requested Osman to use his influence with me to yield; but this, from my ready compliance, was now unnecessary. This, no doubt, arose from a consciousness, on the part of Almamy, of his having treated me badly, and of the necessity there now was of his inducing me, by such a mark of what he thought royal favour, to forget the past, and sound his praises with his new visitors, with whom he fancied I had great influence, and who, he thought, would proportion their presents to the report I should make of him. I am satisfied that such was Almamy’sidea; but he was much deceived, as I was determined that his conduct towards me should be clearly stated to those officers, in order to put them on their guard in their transactions with him. He arrived at a small village near our camp on the 11th, and on the following morning, I accompanied him to Guinion, a village of Bondoo, within about four miles of Conghell. During the ride, we had much conversation on the subject of the arrival of the French at Galam, and, on a report whichhe saidhe had received by letter from Senegal, as to the intentions, not only of their expedition, but of mine, both of which had been stated to him to be fitted out for the purpose of affording assistance to his enemies the Kartans. I endeavoured to assure him that, although Europeans in general regretted to see so much warfare going on in Africa, it was, nevertheless, very immaterial to them whether the one or the other were victorious; and, that the only object the king of England (for whom I could vouch) had in view, was the civilization of Africa, and the introduction of commerce on a more extensive and liberal scale than at present existed. He, however, insinuated that he believed all Europeans to be more the friends of the pagan, than the Moslem inhabitants of Africa; in consequence of the more ready conversion of the former to Christianity;and, without taking into consideration the difference between the two nations, he adverted to an engagement which he said he knew had been entered into between the commandant of Senegal, when that place was in possession of the French several years before, and Daisey, the king of Karta, who had sworn an inviolable oath that neither himself nor his successors would ever give peace to the countries lying between them and St. Louis, until a woman with a basket on her head could travel unmolested from one place to the other. It was to no purpose I endeavoured to convince him that such an improbable arrangement had never been entered into between any European governor of Senegal and his enemies; and I likewise as ineffectually brought forward to support my assertion the friendly intercourse which had so long subsisted between the several English governors of Senegal and himself, and the very handsome and rich presents he, as well as his predecessors, had received from them and the vessels trading in the river. To all this he only answered in a general way, and finishing with the usual African expression of “All is in the hands of God.”
He was extremely ill, and so weak that he could not sit on his horse without the assistanceof two men, who walked on each side, and on whose shoulders he placed his hands.
The country over which we travelled was thickly inhabited and well cultivated, the corn was then ripe, and the natives were busily employed in getting it in.
Almamy having halted at Guinion, I left him there, and went on to Conghell, where I was cordially welcomed by the French officers, one of whom, Captain Dechastelieu, was very ill, in consequence of which and my wish to return to the camp as soon as possible, I only remained two days with them, during which time they had moved to Baquelle, another town of Galam, about six miles lower down the river, where they intended building a fort, and forming a commercial establishment. This spot, being centrically situated between Foota, Bondoo, Gidemagh, Karta, Kasson, and Bambouk, was admirably calculated for such a purpose. The Moors too of the Dwoüsh tribe, who were great gum-holders, would there find a more convenient market for that as well as all the other productions of their country than at the marts lower down the river.
On my return to the camp, I called to see Almamy, and make him a small present. I found him extremely ill, lying on a mat, in the centre of a small hut, surrounded by three or four of his favourites, who were all conscious of his approachingend, and were endeavouring to get from him all they could before that event should take place. Soon after my entering the hut, he ordered them all to leave him as he had something particular to say to me. When they had gone out, he called me to his bed-side, by no means an agreeable situation, and placing his mouth to my ear, said, “They are all rogues; I did not know it before. I see I must soon die, but when I am gone, many, who now fear me, will then wish me back to no purpose.” He next asked me what I thought of the French, my new friends, as he called them; and, on receiving a favourable report, expressed his astonishment that people, who were so lately at war with each other, could so soon be such good friends.
Having explained to him the reason of my not being able to present him with the articles which I had promised at Goodeerie, with which he appeared well satisfied, I made him the small present, and, taking leave for the last time, returned to the camp, where I found all had gone on well during my absence.
The length of time that had again elapsed since I had heard from Mr. Dochard made me very uneasy on his account, and induced me to despatch a person to gain, if possible, some intelligence respecting him, or, in case of his having got to Sego with his party in safety, to followhim thither, and bring back such letters as Mr. Dochard might have to send me. The person I selected for this purpose was a man named Bakoro, a native of Nyamima, who had been left by Lamina to officiate in his place as the messenger of Dha, and who, from his respectability and knowledge of the country, could travel through it with less difficulty than any of my own men. I also sent with him as a companion, in case of accident, a man named Ismeina, who had been attached to the mission as a carrier; and in order that the journey might be performed as quickly as possible, I furnished them with a horse each, and, having provided them with a few articles of merchandize to enable them to procure provisions, and make small presents to those chiefs or others who might assist them on the road, they left the camp on the 25th November, and promised to make all possible haste.
The weather had for some time assumed that settled mild state which, in that country, always takes place after the rains, and is so admirably adapted for travelling. I regretted exceedingly that the absence of Mr. Partarrieau, and of those supplies I had sent for by him, prevented my taking advantage of it by moving slowly on with the whole expedition in the direction of Sego. I was then however so sanguine in my hope thatthe middle of December would bring him back to me, that I looked forward to that period with patient suspense, which was rendered the more supportable by occasional visits to the French officers, who, in common with myself, had to lament the loss of some of their companions from the effects of the late season, and were themselves so constantly subject to fever and ague, that they had not been able to commence their operations for the building of their fort, in the selection and purchase of a spot for which they had hitherto found as much difficulty as I had in the prosecution of my journey.
The latter end of December was fast approaching, and no information had been received by me respecting Mr. Partarrieau, whose delay so long beyond the time I expected caused me many sleepless nights and uneasy moments; this, added to the uncertainty I was in with respect to Mr. Dochard’s proceedings, had such an effect on my spirits that, had I not enjoyed the advantage of the occasional and agreeable society of the French officers at Baquelle, I must have sunk under the load.
The Christmas which I spent at Baquelle rolled over without any intelligence from him, and the first day of January 1819, being that on which I had fondly hoped to prosecute my journey eastward, found me at Samba Contaye withas bad prospects of being able to do so during that month as in the preceding.
A circumstance, too, took place in the early part of December, which tended materially to render my situation more unpleasant, not to say alarming, than even the former state of suspense and anxiety could possibly have done; this was a fire which broke out in one of the huts occupied by the men, and must have inevitably consumed the whole camp and baggage, were it not for the timely exertions of the men and the providential existence of a calm, which had only succeeded a strong breeze a few minutes before. From the precautions which had been always taken to prevent such an accident, I was the more astonished at any thing of this kind occurring, and from the impossibility of ascertaining by what means the hut took fire, the men who occupied it being all out, I began to suspect that some evil-disposed person had done it; this however was only surmise, unsupported by any evidence whatever: but what made it the more suspicious was the position of the hut, which was a long distance from the cooking-place, and the nearest to our store. Two days, however, had only elapsed when it again took fire in the same way, and was entirely consumed, but as the wind was then blowing strongly from the east, the store, which was in that direction, again providentiallyescaped being totally destroyed, for had the fire once communicated with it, all exertions to save any thing must have been rendered ineffectual, by the parched state of the straw or long grass of which it was entirely composed, and the quantity of gunpowder which was in almost every package; a circumstance that alone would have deterred every person from approaching it had it taken fire, and in the event of which we should have been deprived of the very means of subsistence.
Almamy Amady had continued to decline daily since his return from the Senegal, and died on the 8th January, leaving the succession which, consistent with the law and custom of the country ought to descend to the eldest male branch of the family, to be disputed by three persons; one, his own cousin, Malick Samba Tomany, being the lawful heir, and two of his nephews, Tomany Moody and Moosa Yeoro, all men advanced in years, and each possessed of considerable influence in the country. Moosa Yeoro, however, was at first unwilling to oppose the right heir, and would have certainly declined doing so, both from motives of respect for the person, who was much older than himself, and want of confidence in his own popularity, had not Tomany Moody induced him to it by proffersof his support, and threats of commencing a civil war in case of his refusal.
The reason which led to this line of conduct on the part of Tomany Moody, was founded on a circumstance which had occurred some years before, and which was nothing less than that Tomany, who had always been a haughty, violent, and powerful prince, had, in a dispute with the brother of Malick Samba Tomany, caused him to be murdered, and feared, if Malick came to the throne, he would revenge himself on him for the death of his brother, if not by taking his life at least by seizing on his property, and obliging him to leave the country which he was in hopes of one day reigning over himself, and which he would really now do through Moosa Yeoro, who would only be a mere instrument in his hands: thus in Africa, as in all other parts of the world, does self predominate, and lead men to act parts little creditable to themselves, or profitable to the cause which they pretend to support.
The election did not take place until the 20th of the month; and although the opposing parties were near coming to blows on the occasion, the whole affair was terminated in a more peaceable manner than is generally the case in Africa, where the interregnum is almost always takenadvantage of by the evil-disposed, to commit all manner of crimes, and for which they cannot be punished, as, during that period the laws are not in force in consequence of the non-existence of a king, with whom they also are considered defunct.
A few days after his election, I paid him a congratulatory visit, accompanied as usual by a present. He received me with marked attention and hospitality, and told me that I might now depend on his doing every thing to forward my views, to which he was bound by a request to that effect of the late Almamy a short time before his death.
He was not attended by the ministers of the late king, for they attached themselves to Saada in hopes, no doubt, of drawing from him all the treasure left him by his father, about the division of whose slaves a dispute arose between him and the new Almamy, in consequence of Saada’s not wishing to give him that proportion of them which he was desired by his father to do. The chief slaves too, like the ministers, preferred remaining, and for the same reason, with Saada, and consequently advised him not to submit to Almamy’s demand. The time however was not far distant, when both ministers and slaves, being disappointed in their expectations from Saada, left him, and attached themselves to Almamy,who, glad of the opportunity of enrolling in his cause such powerful personages, received them in a manner calculated to bind them, at least for a time, to his interest; for there, like elsewhere, “money makes the mare go”, and which, as long as he could command, would ensure him their services.
FOOTNOTES:[14]Imbey mojubey.
FOOTNOTES:
[14]Imbey mojubey.
[14]Imbey mojubey.
Description of Bondoo — Extent — Boundaries — Face of the Country — Productions — Commerce — Manufactures — Government — Revenues — Religion, its influence on the Inhabitants — Their Description, Dress, and Manner of Living — Military Equipments — Force — Mode of Warfare — Cause of War with Karta — Almamy’s sanguinary conduct — Attack of the Kartans on Boolibany.
Bondoo, which is situate between 14° and 15° latitude north, and 10° and 12° longitude west, is bounded on the north by the kingdom of Kajaga, on the south by Tenda and Dentilla, on the east by the Fa-lemme, Bambouk and Logo, and on the west by Foota Toro, the Simbani Woods, and Woolli; its greatest extent from east to west does not exceed ninety British miles, and from north to south sixty.
The whole face of the country is in general mountainous, but particularly so in the northern and eastern parts. Those mountains which are chiefly composed of rock are small, and for the most part thinly covered with low stunted wood, little of it being fit for any other use than that of fuel.
The valleys, wherein are situated the townsand villages, are for the most part cleared for the purpose of cultivation, to which the soil, being a light sand mixed with brown vegetable mould, seems well adapted. Innumerable beds of torrents intersect these valleys in all directions, and serve during the rains, being dry at all other times, to conduct the water collected by the high grounds to the Fa-lemme and Senegal. Great numbers of tamarinds, baobabs, rhamnus lotus, and other fruit-trees, are beautifully scattered over these valleys, which are rendered still more picturesque by the frequent appearance of a village or walled town, in whose vicinity are always a number of cotton and indigo plantations.
The proportion of land cultivated is small, but sufficient to supply the inhabitants abundantly with all the productions of the country; these are corn in four varieties, together with rice, pumpions, water-melons, gourds, sorrell, onions, tobacco, red pepper, pistacios, cotton, and indigo.
The commerce, and in which the greater proportion of the inhabitants are engaged, consists in the exchange of the cotton cloths manufactured in the country, and the superabundance of their provisions, for gold, ivory, and slaves brought thither by the people of Bamboak, Kasson, and Foota Jallon; and for European merchandize, such as fire-arms, gunpowder, India goods,hardware, amber, coral, and glass beads, with all which they are supplied by the merchants in the Gambia and Senegal.
The manufactures, although few, are well calculated to supply the natives with clothing, the different articles of household furniture which they require, together with implements of husbandry, carpenters’, blacksmiths’, and leather workers’ tools, and knives, spear and arrow heads, bridle bits, stirrups, and a variety of small articles, such as pickers, tweezers, turnscrews, &c.; all which, taking into consideration the very rough materials and tools employed, are finished in a manner which evinces much taste and ingenuity on the part of the workmen, who, in all cases, work sitting on the ground cross-legged.
The people of those several trades are by far the most respectable of the class which I have met with in Africa; so much so, that the ministers, favourites, and officers are chiefly chosen from amongst them; but this, I believe, arises in part from their being more finished courtiers and flatterers than are to be met with amongst the other classes of the people.
The government of Bondoo is monarchical, the whole authority being vested in the hands of the almamy or king. He is, however, in most cases, guided by the laws of Mahomet, which are interpreted by the Imans, or chief priests,who, being much in his power, and from example and habit of a crouching mean disposition, in all cases where his Majesty’s interest is concerned, decide in his favour.
The revenues, which are solely the property of the King, at least wholly at his disposal, are considerable, and consist in a tenth of all agricultural produce, and a custom or duty paid by the travelling merchants who pass through the country. This latter amounts to seven bottles of gunpowder, and one trade musket, or their value in other articles, for each ass load of European goods; and must be accompanied by a present to the king and his head men. A refusal on the part of any of those merchants to comply with the exorbitant demands of these people, would inevitably lead to their being plundered, and probably to personal ill treatment. This, however, seldom takes place, as those merchants always endeavour, by some means or other, to conceal the most valuable part of their goods, either about their persons or in the house of their host, (whom it is also necessary to bribe) before they entrust the remainder to the inspection of the people appointed by the king for that purpose.
He derives also considerable emolument from a tenth of the salt imported from the coast by the natives of the country, and from an annualcustom, or tribute, paid him by the Senegal Company’s vessels trading in the river, and the French Government establishment at Baquelle, where, as will appear in a subsequent article on Galam, he has of late years acquired considerable influence and authority.
The peace offerings and presents from all those who have any business to transact with the king, or favour to ask from him, although not limited to any particular amount, do not compose the least valuable part of his income: slaves, horses, cattle, poultry, rice, corn, cotton cloths, gold, and indeed all the productions of the country, are incessantly presented as douceurs.
The religion is Mahomedan, but its precepts are not so strictly attended to in Bondoo as in some of the other states of Western Africa. There are mosques of one kind or other in every town; some of them, however, are nothing more than small square spaces enclosed with stakes, and kept cleanly swept. Here, as in all the others, prayers are publicly said five times every day; the usual Mahomedan ceremonies of ablution, &c., are attended to. When praying, they strip off all implements of war, or receptacles of money, tobacco, or snuff, and make use of a string of beads or rosary, which they count frequently after each act of devotion. Thisconsists in facing the east, and bowing the body several times, so as to allow the forehead to touch the ground, at the same time repeating some short prayers from the Koran, and frequently ejaculating the name of the Prophet in the most apparently devout manner.
Had Almamy Amady, in embracing this religion, bad and unsound as it is, been actuated by any other principle than that of self-interest, and the desire of attaching to his cause the people of Foota Toro and Jallon, he might have (at least by personal example) inspired his subjects with a reverence for the divine character, and an inclination to please him, by a just and upright line of conduct, to both which they are entire strangers; evincing, in all their concerns, both among themselves and with their neighbours, a low deceitful cunning, which they endeavour to cloak by religious cant. In fact, I have never seen a people who have more of the outward show of religion with less of its inward influence.
There are schools in almost every town, for the instruction of those youths who intend making the Mahomedan religion their profession, and in the principles and practice of which, and reading and writing Arabic from their sacred book, the Koran, they are solely instructed. Numbers and their uses are unknown; theycan scarcely add two simple numbers together without having recourse to the usual African methods, namely, counting the fingers, or making strokes in the sand. The student or scholar is, in all cases, the servant of his teacher, who may employ him in any menial capacity whatever. They go about, when not at their lessons, begging, and sewing the country cloths together, for any who may want to employ them: the produce of those callings are brought to the master, who is always a priest, and appropriated to his use.
The people of Bondoo are a mixture of Foolahs, Mandingoes, Serrawollies, and Joloffs, retaining, however, more of the manners and customs of the first, and speaking their language exclusively. They are of the middle size, well made, and very active, their skin of a light copper colour, and their faces of a form approaching nearer to those of Europe than any of the other tribes of Western Africa, the Moors excepted. Their hair, too, is not so short or woolly as that of the black, and their eyes are, with the advantage of being larger and rounder, of a better colour, and more expressive. The women in particular, who, without the assistance of art, might vie, in point of figure, with those of the most exquisitely fine form in Europe, are of a more lively disposition, and more delicateform of face than either the Serrawollies, Mandingoes, or Joloffs. They are extremely neat in their persons and dress, and are very fond of amber, coral, and glass beads, of different colours, with which they adorn or bedeck their heads, necks, wrists, and ancles profusely; gold and silver, too, are often formed into small buttons, which are intermixed with the former on the head, and into rings and chains worn on the wrists and ancles. They always wear a veil thrown loosely over the head: this is manufactured by themselves from cotton, and is intended to imitate thin muslin, at which they have not by any means made a bad attempt. The other parts of their dress are precisely the same as that already described to be worn by the inhabitants of Kayaye, and, with few exceptions of silk and printed cotton which they obtain from the coast, are entirely of their own manufacture. They are exceedingly fond of perfumes of every kind, particularly musk, attar of roses, or lavender, but they can seldom procure these, and therefore substitute cloves, which they pound into powder, and mix up with a kernel, having something the flavour of a Tonquin bean, which they likewise reduce to powder, and, with a little gum-water, form it into beads about the size of a common garden pea. These they string and hang round the neck; they sometimes stringthe cloves themselves, and wear them in the same manner; but the way in which they prefer wearing them is sewed up in small bags made of rich coloured silk, a number of which are hung round the neck. The hair, which is neatly braided into a profusion of small plaits, hangs down nearly to the shoulders, and is confined (together with the strings of amber, coral, and beads, which decorate it) round the forehead with a few strings of small beads by the young girls, and, by the married, with a narrow strip of silk, or fine cotton cloth, twisted into a string about as thick as a finger. To complete their dress, a pair of large gold ear-rings dangle almost to touch the shoulders, and, in consequence of their great weight, would tear their ears were they not supported by a little strap of thin red leather, which is fastened to one ear-ring by a button, and passes over the top of the head to the other. The walk of these ladies is peculiarly majestic and graceful, and their whole appearance, although strange to a European observer, is far from being inelegant.
The dress of the men, with the exception of being smaller and more convenient, is precisely the same as that of the people at Kayaye. Blue and white are the favourite colours. With the rich, the manufacture of the country is replaced by India bafts and muslins, both which are embroideredneatly with different coloured silks or worsteds round the neck, and down the back and chest. The cap, which is always white, is of a very graceful form, and is also embroidered, but with white only. The Maroboos, and men advanced in years, wear white turbans, with red or blue crowns, occasionally a hat made of a sort of rush or grass, having a low conical crown, with a broad rim. When on horseback, or going to war, the large sleeves of their gowns are tied together behind the neck, being brought over the shoulders; and the bodies, which would be otherwise extremely inconvenient from being very loose, are secured round the middle with a girdle, which, at the same time, confines their powder horn and ball bag on the right side, and their grigri, or amulet case, on the left. These are all suspended by strong cords of red, yellow, or green silk or worsted, and are crossed in the same manner as the belts of our soldiers. A dirk, about nine inches or a foot long, hangs at the right side from the running string or strap, which, at the same time, serves to tighten the trowsers above the hips. A single, or double-barrelled gun, completes their equipment in general; some of the princes and chiefs, however, add a sword, confined at the right side by their girdle, and one or two pistols which hang dangling in thin leather holsters, variously coloured,at the pummel or front horn of their saddle. One leather bag, to contain water, and another, a small store of dried cous cous, for their own provision, together with a nose bag, and a fetter of the same material, for their horse, make up the catalogue of their marching baggage, and are all fastened, by leather straps, to the back part of the saddle, which is at best but a bad one, being chiefly composed of pieces of wood, tied together by thongs of raw cow hide, and which, when wet, stretches so as to allow the wood to come in contact with the horse’s back, and wound it in a shocking manner.
The disposable force of Bondoo from all the information I could collect, does not exceed from 500 to 600 horse, and from 2000 to 3000 foot. When Almamy finds it necessary to call this army to the field for the protection of the country, or with the intention of invading the territories of some of his neighbours, he repairs with his own immediate followers to some village at a short distance from the capital, and there beats the war drum[15], which is repeated by each village, andin this manner the call to arms is circulated over the country.
The chief of each town or village with as little delay as possible assembles his followers (or division, if it may be so called), and proceeds to head-quarters, where those chiefs consult with the king on the plan of attack or defence. No regular division of the army takes place, nor is there any provision made for its support or equipment; each man provides for himself such means of support, arms, and ammunition, as he can afford, and so badly are they furnished with the two latter, that when I saw the army assembled, a great many indeed had no other weapons than a knife and a bludgeon of hard wood. On some occasions, a favoured few receive two or three charges of powder and ball with a couple of flints: and in some very solitary instances indeed, his majesty confers marks of his royal favour on one, by a present of a horse, and on another a gun. Provisions they find as they can, and woe to the stores and cattle of that town where they are assembled for any time.
Whenever the object of the campaign is not decided on within a few days, the least effective persons disappear, and may be said to reduce the whole force one-third, and even then many might be found, who remain with no other objectin view, than that of begging from Almamy; amongst those are generally the priests and griots, or goulas.
When the king decides on sending a part only of the army to plunder the frontier towns of some neighbouring state, a chief to command the party is selected from amongst his own relatives, or favourites, and few (if any) but the immediate followers of the king and the chief chosen to command, or rather conduct this party, accompany it. Their destination is known only to the king, his ministers, and the commander, who seldom imparts to any of his attendants until they are close to the scene of action. The general object of these detachments is, the attack of some small town or village, the inhabitants of which, together with their cattle, they carry off. Sometimes, however, information of their coming reaches the village in sufficient time before them, to enable the women and children to retreat towards the interior of the country, taking with them the cattle, and leaving the men to oppose the enemy, who not unfrequently come off with the loss of one or more of their party, and the failure of their attempt.
Several of these parties were sent out during our stay in Bondoo, and with one or two exceptions, came off victorious, if the word can bemade use of with propriety, in describing the exploits of a horde of plunderers, whose chief object is invariably the obtaining of slaves, for whom they always find a market, either with the travelling merchants of the country, or the Senegal vessels at Galam.
Woolli, Tenda, Dentilla, and Bambouk, are the frequent scenes of these unnatural depredations, and in their turn often furnish Almamy with ample means of procuring supplies of arms, ammunition, horses, and the different articles of European merchandize in demand in his dominions. To the frequency of these predatory excursions, and the insecure nature of the lives and properties of the inhabitants in consequence, may be attributed, in a great degree, the desertion of many of the frontier towns in those states, and their subsequent occupation by the Bondoo people, who of late years have extended their dominions considerably in these directions.
Bondoo in its turn has often been attacked by its more powerful neighbours, and suffered dreadfully, but an instance of retaliation on the part of those weak states rarely occurs.
Many of the natives of Kayaye, Joloff, and Woolli, have settled in Bondoo, and embraced the Mahomedan faith. Their towns are chiefly on the western frontier, and are preeminent for their extent, riches, and productive cultivation. Themost effective division of Almamy’s army is entirely composed of the Joloff and Woolli people, who are proverbial for bravery. The greater number of those of Kayaye being priests are exempt from the field by the payment of a large yearly present to Almamy, who, in addition to the present, often trespasses, in the form of a request (but which they dare not refuse), on their stores of provisions and their herds of cattle, with both which they are better supplied than any other class of people in that country. But this is not the only advantage they possess, for they enjoy a degree of respect and independence even in their connexions with the princes, who look upon all belonging to them as sacred, Almamy alone, being the head of the church, daring to infringe on their rights and privileges.
Bondoo has been, for some years, involved in a war with the king of Karta, which arose, as most of the wars in Africa do, in an act of aggression in this case on the part of Bondoo, to explain which, it will be necessary to detail, at some length, the circumstances which led to the act itself. This will, at the same time, serve to give a just idea of the politics of those people, and to prove how well they are versed in the principles of self interest and aggrandizement,the natural consequence of the comparative state of civilization to which they have attained.
About forty years previous to the time we visited Bondoo, Abdoolghader, a Mahomedan priest, and chief of a tribe of Foolahs that had come from Massina, and settled in Toro (then ruled by the Dileankey family), made so many converts to this faith among the people of that country, and acquired such influence with them, that he succeeded in leading them to dethrone that family, and proclaim him king or almamy.
At the time Karta was invaded by the Sego Bambarras, and its chiefs, and many of the inhabitants obliged to leave it for a short time, a large detachment of them, under the command of a prince, arrived at Galam, where they were well received, and whence they despatched messengers to Abdoolghader to apprize him of their intention to put his hospitality to the test, but which they were prevented from doing by his assembling his army, and marching to attack them. They, having received early information of his intentions, left Galam, and, on their return to Karta, destroyed some towns belonging to Gedumah, in revenge upon the inhabitants of that country for having refused to assist them against their Sego enemies.
The chief of one of those towns, an Iman, ofconsiderable respectability in the country, called on Abdoolghader, at his camp in Bondoo (where he made some stay, with a part of his army, after the retreat of the Kartans), and preferred a complaint against Sega, the reigning chief of Bondoo, for having assisted the Kartans in the destruction of his town, and carried off his wife and daughter, both of whom he added to the list of his concubines, and for having destroyed his religious books, written by himself, and said to be so voluminous as to be a sufficient load for an ass. He expatiated on the enormity of these crimes, and called on Abdoolghader, in the name of God and their prophet, to obtain for him the satisfaction to which he conceived himself so justly entitled.
Abdoolghader being himself a Mahomedan prelate of the first rank, and anxious to give every proof of his attachment to his religion, immediately summoned Sega to appear before the laws of Mahomet. This prince, whether from being too well aware of Abdoolghader’s power to force his compliance, or from being badly advised by some who wanted to compass his fall, made his immediate appearance before the angry monarch, who, without hearing half what Sega had to say in his defence, judged the affair against him, and sentenced him to be banished to Toro, where he was to be taught howto live; but, on their departure from Marsa[16], they had not gone one hundred yards from the walls, when Sega was barbarously murdered by some of Abdoolghader’s followers, and his body thrown, without further ceremony, into a ravine.
A prince, named Amadi Paté, was chosen (by the influence of Abdoolghader) to succeed the deceased, to whom he also was an inveterate enemy. This step was taken contrary to the wishes of a powerful party in Bondoo, under the command of Amadi Isata, a brother of the deceased, and caused a civil war, which terminated in the death of Paté, and the succession of Isata, who was assisted, during the struggle, by Samba Congole, a prince of Upper Kajaga or Galam. Amadi Isata’s first step was to secure himself from the attacks of Abdoolghader, by attaching to his cause the Kartan king, to whom he agreed to pay a yearly tribute of a moulo[17]of gold, and who was himself anxious for an opportunity to revenge himself on Abdoolghader, who, on hearing of this act of Isata’s, assembled part of his army, and marched towards the frontier of Bondoo, where he remained several days in anxious expectation of the arrival of the remainderof his forces, under the command of their several chiefs. He was, however, sadly disappointed; for they were so averse to his government, and anxious for an opportunity to throw off their allegiance to him, that, instead of joining him, they prepared to oppose his return.
Abdoolghader being thus foiled in his intended attack on Isata, and incapable, from the very limited number of his attendants, to resume his authority at home, crossed the Senegal, and sought refuge amongst the Gedumahas, where he remained for some time, but was at length recalled by some of the chiefs of Toro, who, having chosen another king during his absence, and disapproved of his conduct, also were now glad to have a man of such acknowledged abilities as he was, to head them in forcing the other, named Moctar Coodega, from the throne. On his return to Toro, he was accompanied by a small army, under Hawah Demba, a prince of Kasson, and a few Gedumahas. They reached Woro Sogee, a small village of Toro, where they were attacked and beaten by the friends of Moctar Coodega. The check they received, in their first step, threw such a damp on the ardour of those who solicited his return, that they were not only afraid to join him, but actually declared against him, which obliged him to return to his friends the Gedumahas, amongst whom wereseveral of the Dileankeys, whose country had been usurped by this very man, and to whom he was so obnoxious that, finding his life in danger, he was obliged to leave that country. He then repaired to Moodeerie, a town of Galam, inhabited by priests.
About that time, Almami Isata had entered into an alliance with the chiefs of Foota Toro, and of a part of Kajaga, to annihilate Abdoolghader, who, from his great reputation as a Maraboo, was much respected and feared in the country. Modiba, the king of Karta, who, as I before said, wished for such an opportunity, brought a considerable force to their assistance.
Hawah Demba, who was with Abdoolghader at Moodeerie, seeing so many powerful chiefs assembled for the purpose of attacking his friend, feared his own safety, and advised him to seek shelter in the desert amongst the Moors, where, from the scarcity of water, so large an army could not follow him. This advice he rejected, and was deserted by Hawah Demba, who returned to Kasso. Abdoolghader repaired to Goorick, a town of Toro, there to await patiently the arrival of his enemies, and defend himself to the last with the few followers, whom even all the reverses he had met with could not deter from sharing with him his last adversities.
Almamy Amadi, accompanied by the Kartanarmy, and part of his own, soon met him, when a bloody, though unequal conflict, ensued, ending in the death or capture of every one of Abdoolghader’s men. He himself descended from his horse, and sat down on the ground to count his beads and say his prayers, in which situation he was found by Almamy Amadi, who, having saluted him three times in the usual manner without receiving an answer, said, “Well! Abdoolghader, here you are; you little thought, when you murdered my brother, Amadi Sega, that this sun would ever dawn on you; but, here, take this, and tell Sega, when you see him, that it was Amadi Isata sent you”; and, drawing out a pistol, put an end to his existence. He is said to have received the ball with all the indifference imaginable. He was upwards of eighty years of age.
When Modiba, king of Karta, was informed of this, he was so exasperated that he told Amadi Isata that, were it not that he was his friend indeed, he should treat him in the same way, and recalled to his recollection the noble conduct of Damel[18], king of Cayor, when the deceased had fallen into his hands. To wash out the stain, Modiba desired that Bondoo should pay him as much gold as would fit in Abdoolghader’s scull, when divested of its flesh andbrains by boiling; but this very circumstance, and the haughty language used by Modiba on the occasion, was one of the prominent reasons for the breach between these two chiefs.
A general peace, or cessation of hostilities, which followed this barbarous act, did not last long.
The people of Foota, fearing that Amadi Isata’s connexion with so powerful a pagan chief as Modiba would militate against the advance of the Mahomedan faith in Bondoo, and might ultimately lead the Kartans into their country, called a general assembly, and required the attendance of Amadi Isata and Samba Congole. The former obeyed the summons, but the latter, either not wishing to go, knowing the object of the assembly, or not thinking himself safe in doing so, sent one of his brothers.
The Foota chiefs proposed that all parties should break off intercourse or alliance with the Kartans (whose assistance they were not now in want of, in consequence of the death of Abdoolghader), and collectively oppose their again entering those countries on any pretence.
Almamy Amadi smarting under the disgrace he felt at Modiba’s treatment of him, for his brutal conduct to Abdoolghader, and finding himself strengthened by this alliance with Toro, readily consented, and pressed much the necessityof the Galam prince’s following his example. To this, however, Samba’s brother would not consent, assuring the assembly that Samba, and the part of Kajaga under his control, would never break their alliance with the Kartans as long as they conducted themselves to his satisfaction. The assembly broke up; but Almamy Amadi displeased with Samba for his non-compliance with the terms of Toro, and wishing, in consequence, for an opportunity to fall out with him, granted to some of the Bondoo people a piece of corn-ground in Samba’s territories, and, when remonstrated with, gave an answer not at all satisfactory.
This, added to some difference which arose shortly after about a horse, gave Samba such an opinion of Almamy’s injustice and wish to quarrel, that he sent him word not to meddle with his affairs in future.
In this state things remained until the year 1815, when Modiba sent his messengers to Bondoo to receive the customary tribute, which was refused by Almamy, and who, to crown his other barbarous atrocities, put to death the two chief messengers, and sold all their attendants as slaves, with the exception of one, whom he sent back to let Modiba know that the only tribute he might ever expect to receive from him,would be bullets from the muskets of Bondoo.
Almamy, however, did not give the messenger time to reach Modiba’s town in Karta, but assembled his army and marched to Kasson, for the purpose of being joined by the forces of Hawah Demba, and entering Modiba’s territories with as little delay as possible.
Modiba, being advised of this movement, also assembled his army, and, instead of waiting to receive Almamy, left a detachment to defend the frontier, and made forced marches to Dramanet, where he crossed the Senegal, and rested a few hours in order to give Samba time to collect his forces and accompany him.
On entering Bondoo they found nearly all the villages had been deserted by the few men Almamy had left behind, and the women and children; they, therefore, met no opposition until they arrived at Boolibany, and even then so little resistance was made, that they soon laid the whole town in waste, with the exception of Almamy’s palace, which was so resolutely defended by a handful of men that all attempts to reduce it proved fruitless.
They had, however, made a great number of slaves, particularly women and children, and had collected immense herds of black cattle,sheep, and goats, together with an abundant supply of corn for their horses, all which they secured within the half-ruined walls of a part of the town; and, having repaired that part of them, and supposing that Almamy would never dare to face them, sat down to amuse themselves with their captive ladies, occasionally sending small parties in different directions through the country to collect cattle, corn, &c., and pick up all stragglers. In this state they thought of nothing but plunder, in their pursuit of which, and their wanton and barbarous cruelties to the poor defenceless inhabitants who came within their merciless grasp, they expended their small store of ammunition.
Modiba, whose avarice was as great as his cruelty, made many attempts to reduce Almamy’s palace, but always failed, in consequence of an ill-judged threat to all those he brought against it, that if any of them should lay hands on the smallest particle of the treasure he fancied it contained, he would take off their heads.
This, instead of urging his men to great exertions, had the very opposite effect, and deterred them from exposing their lives for an object, the attainment of which could be of no advantage to a people who enter the field of war from no other motive than that of acquiring riches. The consequence was, the chiefs gave it as theiropinion the thing was impossible, and dispersed themselves through the country in search of every thing they could remove.
It was in this situation that Almamy, who got intelligence of Modiba’s leaving Karta for Bondoo, found them on his return (a circumstance so unexpected by the Kartans that they did not even secure the prisoners they had taken by sending them to Toobab-en-Canê[19]whence Almamy could never have recovered them), and succeeded in gaining possession of his own palace, being but feebly opposed by those who remained as a sort of body-guard over Modiba.
In this situation both armies remained some days, exchanging shots from the turrets of their respective stations, but the Kartan army having totally expended their ammunition, and a supply sent for to Toobab-en-Canê not having arrived, Almamy made so spirited and determined an attack on their position, that they were unable to withstand it, and retreated in the utmost confusion, leaving such an immense number of stragglers all over the country, so ignorant of what had taken place, that the very women of Bondoo made some of them prisoners, all of whom, on this occasion, and in retaliation for similar conduct on the part of Modiba towards everymale his army had taken, were inhumanly butchered. This affair took place in the spring of 1817.
Early in the following year Almamy, taking advantage of the absence of the Kartan army, laid siege to Toobab-en-Canê, having first fruitlessly attempted to storm two of Samba’s towns. So active were the besiegers, that the besieged found it impossible to obtain water from the river, although distant only thirty yards from the walls of the town, and so great was their want of that necessary article, that they dug wells within the walls upwards of forty feet deep.
Samba, feeling that a much longer continuance in that state must become insupportable from the want of provisions, contrived means to despatch two horsemen by night to demand relief from Modiba, and, in eight days after, four hundred horse made their appearance on the opposite bank of the river.
Almamy supposing the whole Kartan army had again made its appearance, did not think prudent to wait their nearer approach, raised the siege, and retreated to Lanel, a strong town of Samba’s, commanded by his brother-in-law, who basely gave it up, allowing the enemy of the country to defend himself in it.
When the Kartans had crossed the river, they advised Samba to attack Almamy without delay,and accordingly marched, amounting with his force to about nine hundred or one thousand men. On their arrival before the town they found Almamy so well defended, not only by the strong mud walls of the place, but his superior numbers increased by the men of it, that they thought it impossible to dislodge him, and returned to Toobab-en-Canê to wait the arrival of a large body of foot which was hourly expected from Karta. Almamy, on his side, sent to require reinforcements from Toro and Hawah Demba, but nearly a month elapsed before the reinforcements on either side arrived.
Samba’s army was then composed of all his own men, the Gedumahas of three towns on the right bank of the river, the Kartan army, and a detachment under Saferi, a prince of Kasson, in all amounting to about two thousand five hundred or three thousand men.
Almamy’s, which was said to be nearly double that number, consisted of his own army, strong detachments from Foota Toro, and Lower Kajaga, and a considerable body under Hawah Demba, who was nephew to Saferi, and the same who has been mentioned before.
They met in April 1818, when a bloody conflict ensued, ending in the defeat of Almamy, who made a hasty retreat to Foota Toro, leaving upwards of a hundred muskets on the field.The Kartan horse immediately entered Bondoo, where they again laid every thing waste that came in their way, and, making some prisoners, returned to their home.
Almamy, on his side, did every thing in his power to induce the chiefs of Foota Toro, to employ all their force, and oblige Samba to quit his own country, and retire to Karta. They were, however, too well aware of the difficulty of such an undertaking, and, instead of giving him any hopes of assistance from them, advised him strongly to think rather of making peace with that chief than to prolong a war, the issue of which must be very doubtful. A general assembly was consequently called to meet at Marsa, and one of the Foota chiefs was sent to commence a negociation with Samba for peace, which was concluded during the time we were in the country.