CHAPTER VII.
Ongo—Weariness of my Attendants—Bivouac—Alarm of my Horse at the Neighbourhood of Wild Beasts—Terror of the Natives—Their Kindness—Establishment for Mahomedan Converts—Singular Custom—My Anxiety to find Terrasso-weea, who had been present at the Death of Mungo Park—Loss of my Sand-glass—Its Construction—Adofoodia—The Market-Place—Reception by the King—Interview with Terrasso-weea—Ceremony of welcoming me—His Stores—Discovery of an Old Acquaintance—Narrative of his Adventures—Terrasso-weea’s House—His Wives—Inquire of him Particulars of the Fate of Mungo Park—His Relation of the Death of that Intrepid Traveller—Terrasso-weea an Eye Witness of it—Park’s Property seized by the King—His Despotic Character—Flight of Terrasso-weea—My Palaver with the King—Hospitality of the Merchant—Information obtained respecting Timbuctoo—Market of Adofoodia.
Ongo—Weariness of my Attendants—Bivouac—Alarm of my Horse at the Neighbourhood of Wild Beasts—Terror of the Natives—Their Kindness—Establishment for Mahomedan Converts—Singular Custom—My Anxiety to find Terrasso-weea, who had been present at the Death of Mungo Park—Loss of my Sand-glass—Its Construction—Adofoodia—The Market-Place—Reception by the King—Interview with Terrasso-weea—Ceremony of welcoming me—His Stores—Discovery of an Old Acquaintance—Narrative of his Adventures—Terrasso-weea’s House—His Wives—Inquire of him Particulars of the Fate of Mungo Park—His Relation of the Death of that Intrepid Traveller—Terrasso-weea an Eye Witness of it—Park’s Property seized by the King—His Despotic Character—Flight of Terrasso-weea—My Palaver with the King—Hospitality of the Merchant—Information obtained respecting Timbuctoo—Market of Adofoodia.
After leaving the town of Ongo we were met by several women carrying fowls and water yams. Some of these we were fortunate enough to purchase, in exchange for some needles and thimbles. We had now an excellent stock of provision, and we kept the fowls alive till we should require them for consumption. My poor fellows began to complain much of sore feet and fatigue, telling me that “black master only want man go long way when he make war one day;but white man make poor black man walk plenty every day till him belly sore; then soon black man die.” No doubt my poor fellows were extremely tired, as I was myself, though I rode more than half the distance. I felt much for them, and sometimes showed them the wound on my leg, and asked them how they could complain when a white man, and in their hot country, could stand the march with such a wound; but their reply was invariably, “White man different to black man;black man lie down and die, suppose his leg bad like mine.”
At thirty-three miles I proposed to encamp for the night. This proposal was readily assented to by my tired companions. We accordingly selected a convenient spot at some little distance from the path, where we kindled a fire, having plenty of wood close at hand. We soon prepared a good mess, and having also cut some grass for my horse, and given him a few heads of corn, which we had saved from the previous night, we all began, like the natives, to eat at the same table, and in a short time fell fast asleep. Having left a good fire, we were not afraid of wild beasts approaching us while the fire continued to burn brightly, but serpents are very apt to come where there is fire. In fact, the natives often make large fires for the purpose of attracting a certain species of snake,which, when the fire is extinguished, feast greedily on the ashes.
Though snakes did not trouble us, we were, however, about midnight, suddenly alarmed by the snorting and pawing of my horse, who actually bit my foot, to which he was tied, purposely to awaken me. To our great surprise we found that the horse’s alarm had been caused by a large species of wolf, which had no doubt been attracted by the smell of the horse, which had observed it prowling in our immediate neighbourhood; there it still remained, making at intervals most tremendous howls. I fired off one of my pistols; after which we heard no more of him, but took our position nearer to the fire. I was soon compelled to change my position, however, for my horse having a propensity for scratching the fire abroad, scraped some of the fire amongst us, burning some of our clothes. Notwithstanding this we were again soon asleep, and had a tolerably good rest until day-break.
I now found one of my Sierra Leone men shivering violently from great fatigue, the heavy dew, and the considerable quantity of rain which had also fallen in the former part of the night. I felt rather chilly myself, and sick at the stomach, but dared not let my men know it, lest they should be disheartened. I gave the poor fellow somequinine, and also took some myself. In an hour afterwards I gave him some James’s powder, and twenty drops of Battley’s sedative of opium, which soon caused him to throw out a copious perspiration, and the shivering entirely ceased. Owing to this circumstance we did not commence our journey till we had breakfasted. Having a small calabash of native honey, which we had carried with us in case of illness, I put a portion of it in some hot water, but having no meal we were obliged to use water and honey alone. This materially aided the medicine in promoting perspiration, and we were soon all right again.
On the 1st of August we again resumed our journey, bearingN., and varying during this day’s journey to 10° towardsW., in expectation of soon seeing our long-wished-for friend. This morning’s march seemed rather irksome, as we proceeded full ten miles without meeting any person of whom to inquire which was the right path; and several by-paths communicating with the direct one, we were not aware which to select. Fortunately we had taken the right path, by choosing the one apparently most beaten, as we found by inquiry of a party whom we overtook at the crossing of a path, resting under the shade of a large tree. They seemed much alarmed, and several of them fled, leaving behindthem the loads they were carrying to market; but when they found that we were friends, they soon returned, and seemed pleased to find that we were not robbers, as they at first took us to be.
We sat down under the tree, and entered into conversation, when we ascertained that this party were going in the same direction as ourselves, to a town some few miles distant. The principal of their load were yams and manioc, kolla-nuts and ground beans, plantains and bananas, the latter of which one old woman ventured to ask my interpreter if I would partake of, which of course I readily accepted; and she also gave my men some each. In return I gave her a paper of needles. The rest of the party were then anxious to make me adash, as they call it, upon the same conditions; but as we had now sufficient, we declined to accept of any more. We soon resumed our journey, marching in single file. The women, as they went along, began singing a song, to which they all kept good time. This seemed to give fresh animation to my men, and we went along for a short time as gaily as if we had been in the Dahoman kingdom.
At thirteen miles, we arrived at a small town, or kroom, where there is a large establishment, a sort of convent or residence, for Mahomedan converts, who have either voluntarily or compulsorilyrenounced the Pagan worship. These individuals are never suffered to come outside of the walls till they have strictly conformed in every particular with the Mahomedan religion for the space of thirteen moons, when they are set at liberty, so far as to enjoy the privileges of the other inhabitants; but should they attempt to leave the country for any other kingdom, and be captured any time afterwards, they are sure to be put to death. These individuals are all distinguished by a certain mark, which is cut on the face, in addition to the mark of the tribe to which they belong.
A singular form exists in passing by this establishment. All persons must walk past on their bare feet, or if they wear sandals, they must take them off while they pass; and if riding on horseback, or carried in any other way, they must dismount and walk; nor must they look back till quite past the prescribed mark, when the passersby are again allowed to mount and proceed. All traders carrying a certain quantity of goods are obliged to pay a toll or duty, which goes towards the support of this establishment. Any evasion or breach of these rules is punished by flagellation and forfeiture of the whole of the goods in their possession. We were not allowed to enter, but every inquiry respecting the establishment wasanswered; but whether the account given was true or false, I am unable to determine.
The inmates are permitted to work at their trade, whatever it may be, and are allowed the price of their labour, besides their subsistence while they are within the walls. They are constantly attended by priests, who visit the towns and markets within a certain distance, and there levy contributions upon all articles of consumption, as well as a duty which they demand upon cloths and ornaments, for the support of their establishment. No doubt a great share of this sort of plunder falls to themselves. Our company of trading-women left us here.
After partaking of some refreshment we again marched. No man could experience more anxiety than I did myself during this part of my journey; for the next town we reached would decide the success of the object I had in view. Many were the doubts and fears that assailed me. Sometimes I thought Terrasso-weea might have gone on, and have taken another direction; and again, even if he were there, perhaps my information at Abomey respecting Mungo Park might be incorrect, and Terrasso-weea might know nothing of the circumstances about which I was interested. At other times my spirits were buoyedup with the idea of seeing the white man, as he was represented to be. But, again, the thought of returning to Dahomey, and of incurring the King’s displeasure, who had been my best friend, and perhaps, also, of being instrumental in causing the caboceer of my guard, an excellent man, to lose his head, oppressed me. However, to balance this trouble, I had the consolation of having visited a country which I should not otherwise have seen; for even if I should survive the climate and dangers incident to travellers in so barbarous a country, I might not again have an opportunity of visiting it.
While thus absorbed in varied reflections I had forgotten my sand-glass, by which I measured the distance we marched, but my poor fellows had been long accustomed to call out the number of quarters, or glasses, which I caused every man to do aloud immediately after myself. My glass was of a very simple construction. I took two small phials, which had contained peppermint essence, which had been given to me by an American captain. I measured my sand by time; then, when I had ascertained the proper quantity, I poured out the remainder from the opposite phial, and again secured the piece of tin between the mouths of the phials, sealing them both togetherhermetically, and fixing them lengthwise into a piece of palm stem, hollowed out on one side, leaving one side of the phials exposed. This allowed me to observe when the glass was run out. The moment we halted any where I slipped the string, which was attached to each end, and hung about my neck, a little round, so as to place the glasses in a horizontal position, and stop their running until I again commenced marching.
On our journey we overtook numbers of people, the female portion of whom were all heavily laden with goods for the market of Adofoodia. Some we met returning, who had already been there and disposed of their goods. Even these people were aware of our coming, and informed us that the King had told his people that I should be there some time in the forenoon. This was considered by his subjects as an act of great condescension on his part, as affording them an opportunity of seeing a white man—a sight they had never witnessed.
At twenty-eight miles we arrived at the anxiously-wished-for town of Adofoodia, which is situated on a dry healthy plain, with a rich red soil, the surface of a sandy nature, as if it had been carried over the surface by water, at some remote period. We were met by the King and his principal men,at a little distance from the outer gates. This town is unlike many others; for it is not fenced with the prickly bush I have before mentioned, though it is partially enclosed by clumps of large shrubs, mixed with cotton and palm-trees.
The town is surrounded by a very thick clay wall, about eighteen feet high. The outer market is held in a large open space on the left after entering the southern gate. It is shaded with large trees, having leaves measuring nine inches across, and about twelve in length. As soon as we entered the market thousands came running anxious to see us, which would inevitably have caused great confusion, had royal power not been exercised to maintain order. We had already told the King our principal object in visiting his country. He had the courtesy immediately to take us to that part of the market (which was some distance) where Terrasso-weea had his goods laid out on large square pieces of carpet, evidently of European manufacture, though of a pattern I had never before seen.
At a few yards from this spot we were desired to halt, and the King’s chief messenger was sent forward to acquaint Terrasso-weea with our arrival. However, he had been already made aware of the fact, and had retired to his quartersto change his tobe. The messenger soon arrived, accompanied by Terrasso-weea, who prostrated himself before the King, who was on my right and a little in advance. The King politely informed him that he had taken upon himself to introduce to him a stranger who had come to see him from a far country. Whereupon the merchant again prostrated himself and kissed the ground. Then he arose and walked slowly towards me, holding out his hand with a smile of satisfaction beaming in his venerable countenance. He said he was truly happy to see me. It was, he said, the second time he had seen a white man in the course of his life. The merchant took from a leather wallet, or spohran, hanging in front of his dress, similar to that of a Highlander of Scotland, a small book written in Persian-Arabic. From this he read some form of welcome. He then begged the King’s leave to depart, which his Majesty, with every show of politeness, agreed to, at the same time remarking that it was his right to have the first of my company, being the principal object of my journey. After a little time he should certainly claim the privilege of a palaver with the white man.
We were then desired by the merchant to follow him. He first led us to his stalls in the market, by the side of one of which was seated, cross-legged,a dark swarthy man, but not much darker than some of the Spaniards residing at Whydah. I was struck with the expression and quick intelligent eye of this man, and could not help fancying that I had seen the same individual at some previous period. The man eyed me for some minutes with great interest, and at last suddenly advanced towards me, holding out both his hands, and clasping his arms round waist.
I did not much relish this sort of embrace from a stranger; but, by his expression, I could observe that the salute was friendly. He then passed his hands down each side, pressing my person gently, in a similar manner to the searchers in the docks. Then he explained himself, to my great though agreeable surprise. He proved to be a merchant whom I met with when we were at the town of Egga with the late unfortunate Niger expedition. He was then accompanied by another man, and was on a trading tour from Rabba, attending the market at Egga. I was invited by the malaam of Egga to dine with him, for he invites all strangers to take refreshment. It was in his house that I met these two individuals, who seemed quite delighted to meet me. They stated themselves to be natives of Tripoli.
This man possessed great intelligence, and seemed anxious to afford any information likely to be interesting to me. He informed me that his companion was still at Rabba, trading from thence to Bornou. He was himself employed by Terrasso-weea. While thus engaged in conversation, a tall fine-looking man advanced towards us, with a very pleasing and expressive smile on his countenance. To my great astonishment, this man made me a bow, and addressed me, first in Spanish and then in English.
I can scarcely remember any occurrence in my lifetime that gave me, for the moment, more pleasure than this; such an incident being so little anticipated by me in a region so distant from civilized intercourse. This poor fellow gave me a brief but interesting account of himself, which I here set down in as few words as possible. He was a native of Bornou, but, in the wars, was taken and sold as a slave. From one party to another he was disposed of, till he was brought to Whydah, where he remained some months, and was well treated. He was then shipped from thence to Bahia, and remained there as a slave for the space of twenty-one years. During ten years of that period he was principal or head cook to the firm of Boothby and Johnston, of Liverpool.
When I told him I was well acquainted with Liverpool, he seemed quite delighted, and expressed great anxiety to accompany me thither. He spoke very highly of his former masters, and of the time of his bondage as the happiest days of his life. I asked him how he came to leave them. He informed me that he was liberated at the emancipation of slaves held by British subjects, and that the early dreams of his childhood were still so strongly imprinted on his memory that he preferred visiting his birth-place to remaining a hired servant in Bahia. Well, he returned in a Brazilian schooner to Whydah, where he was landed, and there fell in with several of his acquaintances of Bahia.
At Whydah he remained some months, then went to the Yarriba country, and after some months arrived at his native town. But now the spell was broken, and all his happy dreams of more than twenty years had vanished. His native town had twice been burnt down by the enemy, and was chiefly inhabited by strangers from a far country. He was now an obscure stranger, and looked upon with suspicion, and his long-cherished home was to him a desolate waste. With a lonely heart, he again turned from the place, and when on his journey, intending to return to thecoast, and to Bahia if possible, he happened to meet Terrasso-weea, at a town where he was trading. He was readily employed, and had since travelled a great deal in different directions with his master, whom he described to be an excellent man. Before leaving my friend I ought to mention that he wrote his name, and described in Spanish the time he remained in slavery, and also the names of Boothby and Johnston. The date of his liberation is also noted. I have this paper still in my possession.
To return to Terrasso-weea, who had retired to a short distance as soon as my Bahia friend had entered into conversation with me. Observing a pause in our conversation he again came up to me, and shewed me all his goods in the market. He had a great number of carriers, who convey the goods on their heads. This was the only place where I had seen the camel used for burden since leaving Tangiers. Terrasso-weea had eight of these animals, besides a great number of men.
The afternoon was now far advanced, and in consequence of my presence Terrasso-weea ordered all his goods to be taken into his stores; so that an opportunity might be afforded my friends, as well as himself, of a palaver with a white man. Terrasso-weeathen invited me to his house, which was always occupied by some of his wives and an agent, whether he were present or not. His dwelling and those of his domestics formed a quadrangle of considerable extent. His own apartment was richly ornamented with various rude designs, painted in different colours upon the walls. Curiously carved stools were placed around the apartment, and a clay couch, which was covered with several finely worked mats of varied colours, over which was a richly worked native wove cloth, bordered with a fringe of red and yellow silk. He was less scrupulous than most Africans as regards the introduction of his wives, though probably more with a view to gratify their curiosity than my own. Some of them were considered as very handsome Africans, although they varied very much in colour. A great many of them were Bornouese.
After drinking water with the merchant, I handed him the paper entrusted to me by the Mahomedan priest at Abomey. Upon this he immediately started to his feet, and seemed almost frantic with joy. At the receipt of the epistle, which was written in the Persian-Arabic, I availed myself of this opportunity to inform him of my object in coming to this country: but theperusal of the note had already made him aware that the object of my inquiry was to learn something respecting the fate of the lamented Mungo Park. He said he was anxious to give me all the information in his power respecting the death of that intrepid traveller. His account I shall here narrate as nearly as possible as he related it to me.
Terrasso-weea stated, that when he was a young man and living in Yaouri, with the king of that place, as third malaam, or priest, a very tall white man came down the great river Joleeba, having a very large canoe, the centre covered over with matting in the form of a tent. He was accompanied by several black men, and had one sheep and several goats, with a few fowls, in the canoe, which they carried with them for food. Amongst the crew was one man, a native of the neighbourhood of Yaouri, whose name was Amadi Fatuma. This man had accompanied Mungo Park from a town at a considerable distance higher up the river, where he had gone with a trading caravan. As soon as this man arrived at Yaouri, his native place, he of course left the canoe, but had previously received payment. This cunning fellow advised Park to stop at Yaouri to purchase some necessary provisions, declaring that he couldprocure them cheaper by his assistance. Park accordingly went on shore, and was introduced to the King, who supplied him with what he required for subsistence, for which he paid him his full demand.
Soon after he retired to his canoe, to prepare for sailing; but on his way, one of the King’s messengers overtook him, stating that Amadi Fatuma had complained to the King thatMr.Park had not paid him any wages, nor had he given him any thing as a dash; and that the King had sent officers to detain Park till the demand was paid. Park indignantly denied the truth of this assertion, and determined not to yield to the imposition, but immediately stepped on board his canoe, accompanied by the party who had been with him on shore. He desired the messenger to return, and bring Amadi Fatuma to make his claim in person. Amadi did return, accompanied by the malaam priest, that is, the chief of the priesthood, Terrasso-weea being already present. He then in person boldly demanded his wages, declaring that he had not been paid according to his agreement, although all Park’s people stated they saw him paid a great deal more than was agreed. Terrasso-weea says he is doubtful whether the King, who was a despotic tyrant, had notencouraged or urged Amadi to make his dishonest demand, for many people believed the white man’s tale.
However, the King’s orders were directed to be enforced; and when Park’s people were in the act of loosening the painter of the canoe, which was made fast to a stump of a tree, or a post driven into the bank for that purpose, one of the King’s officers seized hold of the gunwale of the canoe to detain it, when Park, with a sabre, at one blow cut the officer’s hand off. This exasperated the natives, who raised a continuous yell, and at the same time threw a number of stones into the canoe. Whereupon Park fired many times into the crowd, killing several and wounding many.
It was not till then that a general attack was made, for many of the people were in favour of Park, if they had dared to show it. Soon after the attack Park was killed, or at least mortally wounded, so that he died soon after he was taken into the presence of the King, who pretended to feel regret that the charge had not been paid without resorting to such a measure. Nearly all who were in the canoe were killed or mortally wounded. Park with his own hands fired the guns, while the others were loading the several muskets in theirpossession. The arms used by the natives were bows and spears.
Terrasso-weea was during the whole time an eyewitness of this scene, and he declares it to be his opinion, that had Park, after severing the hand, pushed off his canoe, and proceeded down the river, he might have got off without any more injury than the pelting with the stones. I questioned him respecting the falls represented to have been the cause of his canoe upsetting; but he declared that there are no such falls as to impede in any way the navigation of a canoe of any size for more than two hundred miles higher up; but merely a rapid current passing between some large boulders of granite, between which he had himself passed nearly the number of days in two moons.
He further stated in reply to questions from me, that Park was taken out of his canoe alive, but would not speak when taken before the King. All the property in the canoe was claimed by the King, and some of it distributed in presents to his courtiers. Terrasso-weea was presented with a small box, which, by his description, was either a tobacco-box and stopper, or a snuff-box and tooth-pick, but I should suppose the former.
I made minute inquiry respecting his papers, and was informed that about twenty-six moons afterthe occurrence, a white man came from Tripoli and purchased some large papers with crooked lines and much of writing upon them. These papers were secured in a long metal tube. I asked if he were not mistaken in the man who purchased the papers coming from Tripoli, and whether it was not from Constantinople. At this question, the merchant seemed a little offended, and again asserted that the man came from Tripoli. He said he purchased the papers at a high price, and when he had departed, a messenger was sent after him by the King to recall him, when another demand was made upon him, equal to the first payment before he was allowed to depart.
The other books in Park’s possession were sold in parts to the different priests and malaams, to make into amulets, which consist of slips of the paper rolled up hard, and sewn into a piece of fancy-coloured and stitched leather, and are suspended by a neatly plaited or twisted thong of goat-skin round the neck. He believed that some amulets had been carried more than two hundred leagues, or sixty days’ journey. I asked him how he came to leave the service of the King of Yaouri. In reply he told me that he had been six years without receiving any pay, and had ventured to solicitpart payment, when the King told him that his insolence deserved death, which punishment he would certainly inflict, threatening the same fate to the priest I had seen at Abomey. Upon this threat, the two priests determined on making their escape, which they with difficulty effected; and had they not been in favour with the people, and the King disliked for his barbarity, their escape would have been impossible.
Having some pecuniary means they retreated to the kingdom of Bornou, where they remained for some years, living in the capacity of priests, and there they gained the favour of the sheik or king; but, unfortunately, the country becoming involved in war, and their master beheaded, they were compelled again to retreat, and ever since had been travelling as merchants, sometimes remaining four or five moons in one town. Terrasso-weea was also a dealer in slaves, when it suited his purpose. The goods in which he traded were chiefly Bornou ornaments—armlets, bracelets, and anklets, very heavy and richly chased or carved; native razors and beads, cloths of various manufacture and colours, various-coloured tobes, and neatly carved wooden bowls, bows and arrows, some brass rods, no doubt of European manufacture.
During our conversation my friend, the Bahia cook, seemed very anxious to ask some questions. I could not help admiring the difference between the sagacious behaviour of this man and that of his uncivilized brethren around him. He asked me a great many questions respecting Boothby and Johnston, and begged me to call on the firm, and deliver certain messages on my return to England. He intended to embrace the first opportunity of returning to Whydah, where he had some acquaintances, for he was not now comfortable, being entirely shut out from the civilized world. If he could only hear of any of his old master’s family being still alive in Liverpool, he would yet endeavour to get a passage thither.[16]The King had sent provision to us, and our host had also furnished us with more than a sufficiency; my excellent friend the cook begging to perform the cooking, declaring that it did his heart good to wait on a white man, but more especially an Englishman.
My friend and old acquaintance, the Tripoli man, seemed anxious to learn something of the steamers composing the Niger expedition. It appeared that he was quite acquainted with the disastrous fate of that expedition, and also withthe abandonment of the model farm, which he says he himself visited after he saw me at Egga. He says that the natives regretted much the abandonment of the farm, but the people are still in hopes of our again returning to trade with them. So that though the lives of many good men were sacrificed, the expedition has excited an inclination to trade, which must always be the leading means of civilization.
The King now sent his messengers to ask if I had finished my palaver, as he wished me and the merchant to pay him a visit at his palace. Thither we accompanied the messenger, and found his Majesty seated cross-legged on a square piece of Turkey carpet. He had two large brass pans beside him, without any contents, consequently I suppose they were merely used as ornaments. He had two of his principals sitting close by him; these were his principal malaams. Upon my approach he rose from his position, and shook hands with me, and then reseated himself on a low, richly-carved stool, the malaams each nursing a leg on their lap.
The sun was now set, and this interview was by torch-light. The King asked a great many questions about the sovereign of my country, and when told that the monarch was a woman he seemed confounded. He next asked me if she had manyhusbands, and when I told him that she had only one, he shrunk up his shoulders. He then inquired if she went out to war in person. In fact, his inquiries were endless. Our palaver lasted about an hour, at the end of which we were allowed to retire.
We returned to the house of the merchant, where we had supper, and were afterwards accommodated with a comfortable mat and cloth to sleep upon. I slept very soundly, and did not awake till aroused by the noise of people getting their goods ready for the market. There are several markets in this town, consequently they are held on different days. I arose, and the Bahia cook had prepared some delicious dishes for my breakfast. The poor fellow seemed quite delighted to attend to my wants.
At breakfast I ate by myself, the merchant preferring other dishes. I made inquiry respecting the distance to Timbuctoo. He said that he had come from Timbuctoo in ten days, by commencing his journey before the sun, and travelling all day, only stopping to eat once. I found by comparing the day’s journey that he had come from the Dabadab Mountains. Thirty miles was about his day’s journey. He described Timbuctoo as not nearly so large as Adofoodia, and that it was onlyremarkable as a mart for the exchange of goods as being convenient for that purpose. It is a great salt market, but has no manufacture.
The natives are chiefly employed in loading and unloading goods for the different traders, who assemble here to meet the various caravans and canoes, which arrive there at certain periods. A high duty is imposed upon every article of trade carried thither, in consequence of which great disturbance has been caused of late years, by the merchants refusing to pay it. Timbuctoo is described as being a considerable distance from the Joleeba, or Niger, up a tributary stream. Terrasso-weea informed me, as also the Tripoli merchant, that there are thirty-six branches or tributary rivers. All of these within one league run into the Niger, or Joleeba, near the Timbuctoo branch. Adofoodia is as large as Abomey, and its trade nearly equal in native merchandise. It is by observation, in latitude 13° 6ʹN.and by reckoning 1° 3ʹ East longitude.
The market at Adofoodia is well supplied with nearly every article already mentioned, except tobacco, which I did not observe. Slaves are here sold in great numbers. During my stroll round the town I was followed by dense crowds of people wherever I went. Upon my return to myquarters, I was visited by the King, who expressed a wish to see me fire out of my gun.
To gratify his curiosity I shot a pigeon which was flying past. This excited great surprise. He sent me a head of cowries to treat my men on my return to Dahomey. I had now only a few knives left, two of which I gave him, as well as some needles. I also gave some presents to my other kind friends, with whom I felt myself quite at home. They pressed me hard to stop another day, but circumstances would not permit me, and after being furnished with another head of cowries by Terrasso-weea, we marched on our return for the Kong Mountains, during which nothing very extraordinary occurred further than a slight fever; and on the 13th August, in the evening, we once more, to my great joy, arrived at Baffo, where I found my guard and the captain almost in despair.
FOOTNOTES:[16]I have, since my return, called on the firm of Messrs. Boothby and Johnston, and found this story perfectly correct. His old masters gave him an excellent character.
[16]I have, since my return, called on the firm of Messrs. Boothby and Johnston, and found this story perfectly correct. His old masters gave him an excellent character.
[16]I have, since my return, called on the firm of Messrs. Boothby and Johnston, and found this story perfectly correct. His old masters gave him an excellent character.