CHAPTER XI.
My continued Illness—The Koffo—The Langhbo—Bivouac—Keep Sentinel—Shea-butter Trees—Springs impregnated with Iron—Gijah—Poverty of the Caboceer—Hospitality of Atihoh, the Merchant—Doko—Met by the Avoga of Whydah—Etiquette with regard to the Time of entering a Town—Enter Abomey—My Servant Maurice takes to his Bed—Sudden Change in the Temperature—Visit to the King—His gratification at my safe Return—My Conversation with his Majesty—His Views with regard to the Slave Trade—His desire to cede Whydah to the English Government—Dictates a Letter to me to that effect—His Costly Tobes—Singular Piece of Patch-Work.
My continued Illness—The Koffo—The Langhbo—Bivouac—Keep Sentinel—Shea-butter Trees—Springs impregnated with Iron—Gijah—Poverty of the Caboceer—Hospitality of Atihoh, the Merchant—Doko—Met by the Avoga of Whydah—Etiquette with regard to the Time of entering a Town—Enter Abomey—My Servant Maurice takes to his Bed—Sudden Change in the Temperature—Visit to the King—His gratification at my safe Return—My Conversation with his Majesty—His Views with regard to the Slave Trade—His desire to cede Whydah to the English Government—Dictates a Letter to me to that effect—His Costly Tobes—Singular Piece of Patch-Work.
August 21st.—Early in the morning I got up to prepare for the march, but although the attack of ague had been lighter than on the previous night, I still felt extremely weak and in low spirits. To remedy this, I again resorted to another dose of sedative of opium, which in a short time operated effectually. The caboceers and a great part of the population accompanied me some distance out of the town, during which the Jallakoo soldiers kept up a constant but irregular fire of musketry. The old man then shook hands, expressing every good wish for my future success, hoping that I should soon return to his countryagain, that he might see me once more before he should die. This solemn expression made for a time a deep impression on my mind. Though in a comparatively savage state this venerable patriarch was conscious that the hand of death would soon be upon him.
Our bearing was now SS.W.and the plain thickly wooded with shea-butter and other trees. The road was extremely bad, with rocks resembling petrified wood of very fine grain with iron-stone rock. The grass was eight feet long and resembled reeds. At ten miles and a half we crossed the river Koffo, running NN.E.and at seventeen and a half we crossed the river Langhbo, running eastward. Being much fatigued, and still suffering from fever, and no town or village near, we resolved to encamp on the plain, near this river, where we were sure of obtaining water. The grass being extremely long, we were obliged to cut it down, wherever a party of ten or a dozen men selected a place to lie down. Watch fires were also kindled around the camp, and fortunately, from the ample means afforded at Jallakoo, we were pretty well stocked with provisions for one night at least.
This place not being far distant from theAnnagoo country, which people in former times had frequently sent kidnapping parties stealthily into the outskirts of the Dahoman kingdom, it was considered necessary to keep sentinels and outposts during the night. Every man also examined his piece to ascertain if the priming were good. I also examined the caps of my own piece, but this seemed the reverse of satisfactory.
The caboceer asked me if I was afraid to trust myself with him, assuring me that my guard, he knew, would perish to a man before they would allow me to be molested. I admitted his assertion, but reminded him that it was always prudent to be, as far as possible, prepared for the worst. Still he assured me that his men were quite sufficient for our protection. My cook immediately commenced preparing my supper of boiled fowls and rice, with a few shalots, which made an agreeable soup. This, although suffering much from fever, I relished much. I then took another dose of opium, and soon under its powerful influence fell fast asleep.
August 22d.—Early in the morning we again prepared for the march. Several of my men felt the effects of sleeping on the wet ground. I alsofor a time felt a cold, shivering sensation, but before mounting my horse, I took some James’s powder, and, as soon as the sun arose, I got into a copious perspiration, which considerably relieved me. Our bearing was now SS.E.; the plain still studded with shea butter-trees and small shrubs; the road still bad, and worn very deep, like narrow sheep-tracks.
After marching for twelve miles very rapidly among small rocks, and across several deeply sunken streams, we passed a great number of shea butter-trees, which had been lately scorched to destroy the fruit. Here we found several excellent springs, impregnated with iron, strongly carbonized, of which I took a copious draught, which proved very refreshing to me. The road now began to improve, the surface changing into clay and sand of a drab colour. The stream, for the distance of two miles, ran along the path, which formed a channel. This gave my poor fellows an opportunity of cooling their feet, now much cut and bruised from the bad roads. I halted here for nearly an hour to give them an opportunity of refreshing themselves, and filling their calabashes with this water, which was much superior to that which wewere carrying. During the whole of this time, many of my men remained standing in the water.
At twenty miles we arrived at the town of Gijah, which is a fine open town of considerable size. The caboceer, though represented to be a very good and generous character, was extremely poor, consequently, after calling upon him, and the usual forms of reception had been observed, we accepted the kind invitation of a wealthy merchant named Atihoh, who entertained us in a most courteous manner, and in less than an hour supplied us with abundance of provisions ready cooked, with a calabash filled with the finest gwabas I ever saw, and plenty of very good peto. During the evening the caboceer, Agballah, and his head men, sent me ten large calabashes filled with provision. He did not visit me till I sent for him, assigning as a reason that he was ashamed of his poverty.
The poor old man seemed much pleased when I assured him that I was as glad to see him, as if he had been the richest caboceer in the Dahoman kingdom. He replied, “White man must be good man, for black man don’t want to see poor caboceer.” I presented him with a piece of clothand some little articles of hardware, which appeared to give him great satisfaction. I also gave each of his head men some trifling presents.
They were conscious of their master’s poverty, but seemed anxious to assist him as much as possible, for they sent me, in the caboceer’s name, twenty-three very large calabashes, filled with provision; so that with several smaller presents from some of the principal inhabitants, myself and people were amply supplied with every thing necessary. During the evening we were visited by great numbers of the inhabitants, who seemed much gratified with an opportunity of seeing a white man.
August 23d.—Early in the morning my host paid me the usual morning visit, bringing me a few choice dishes for my own breakfast, and also a present of one goat, several fowls, one large African duck, and a number of rare pigeons with feathered legs and toes, and ten large dishes of provision for my soldiers. Soon after breakfast we marched for Doko, accompanied for a short distance by the caboceer and head-men, attended by about twenty of his soldiers, who kept up an irregular firing of muskets as far as they accompanied us.
After leaving the town the distance of three miles, the road again became very bad, and my little horse lost one of its shoes, and soon began to show its loss. However, this day’s journey was a very short one, and we marched at a very rapid rate, which, in short journeys, we always found less fatiguing than marching at a slow rate, and remaining long on foot, exposed to the sun. At twelve miles we arrived at Doko, where we were met by the caboceer and his elder brother, the caboceer of Whydah, who had remained at Abomey ever since I had left that capital for the Mahee and Fellattah country. He had been sent this stage to meet me by order of his Majesty.
The caboceer of Whydah is called the avoga, or captain, caboceer of white men, which accounts for his being sent instead of Mayho, to meet me. He being an excellent fellow, I felt much gratification in thus unexpectedly meeting him. Awassoo, the caboceer of Doko, having already been acquainted with my intended visit, had prepared dinner for myself and party, which consisted of twenty-two large dishes of provision. The avoga had also brought with him plenty of liquors of different descriptions, which were very freely distributed among the people. I was now considerablerecovered from the effects of my fever, so that I could take part in their merriment and jest. My guard were now near home, and, although two days before, the poor fellows were worn out with fatigue and foot-sore, they were now all life and jollity over their peto-pots, in which they indulged very freely. Merriment was kept up till a late hour, and this being a small town, nearly the whole of the inhabitants came to bid us welcome.
Aug. 24th.—About sunrise we began to prepare for marching, but as our journey was a very short one, we remained several hours longer, so that we might arrive at Abomey about mid-day. It is a custom in Dahomey for all strangers of note visiting that capital to enter the town when the sun is at its meridian. This is considered to be a necessary observance for all distinguished visitors.
Upon entering the outer gates of Abomey, we were met by Mayho, and several distinguished members of his Majesty’s household, with an additional band of music, which played till my arrival at my old quarters. Upon entering, I must confess I felt great satisfaction, and a feeling of gratitude to the Great Ruler of all things flashed over mymind. My first inquiry was, whether my white servant, Maurice, whom I sent back from Baffo, was still alive, not finding him in the apartment formerly occupied by him. I was told he was still alive, and until he heard the sound of the drums announcing my return was walking about occasionally, and giving directions respecting his cooking; Mayho having appointed a cook and other attendants to wait on him. But on our entering the gates he took to his bed, and never again seemed to rally. I visited him immediately, but found him much reduced. He told me that every attention had been paid to him, and that the King had appointed a native doctor to attend him, but he was now suffering from dysentery and quite exhausted.
I used the prescribed remedies as far as my means extended, but having no European provision, I was compelled to do the best I could with him upon native diet. I had great difficulty in convincing him of my forgiveness for his conduct, which I have already mentioned. He fancied that my intention was upon my return to the coast to deliver him up to the authorities for punishment; and I cannot help thinking that inspite of my assurance to the contrary, the poor fellow would never believe that I should not do so.
Aug. 25th.—The weather now suddenly became alarmingly cold for an African climate. This was accompanied with heavy rains. During the night the thermometer fell to 70°, and at noon on the following day did not rise higher than 77° Fahrenheit. In the night many of my people caught cold, as well as myself. My poor servant Maurice was still extremely low, and without any hopes of recovery. I ordered some warm water and soap to be brought to me, and with my sponge I washed the whole of his person. At the same time I changed the whole of his clothes and had them washed.
The King now sent for me to the palace, where he received me with every mark of kindness and respect; and after shaking me heartily by the hand, immediately proposed the health of the Queen of England and all the royal family. In return, of course, I proposed the health of himself. My own health was next drank, after which the King gave me a familiar slap on the back with his open hand, saying, “White man don’t know proper fear, nor take proper care. In black man’s country,” hesaid, “I make him much fear, when he hear I go into far country beyond Mahee,” meaning the Fellattah country. This was conveyed to me by my own interpreter. He asked me, what the Queen of England would say if I had been killed, when in his care or under his protection. He added, that all white men would say, his own people had killed me, and that would bring shame upon his head.
He, however, expressed his great satisfaction at my safe return, and put a thousand questions to me respecting the Fellattah country, and whether they mentioned his name there, together with numerous questions respecting their soldiers. He next spoke upon the Slave Trade, and asked if I could not make intercession with Her Majesty of England to send an order to our men-of-war not to take any slave ships till they had entirely left the coast. I told him that it would be more for his advantage that the slaves should be captured by English men-of-war, as a greater number would be required to fill their places.
His reply was very different to what I had expected. He explained, that although he supposed many white men believed he sold the greater part of the slaves sent from that country, he couldassure me it was not the case; but the caboceers, whose soldiers captured them, were always considered to be the owners of slaves taken in war, when the enemy were the aggressors, with the exception of those who were considered unfit for the market. These latter were considered to be his (the King’s) property, and were sent to the different palaces to assist in the duties of those establishments; but he admitted that all prisoners taken by his wives, or female soldiers, were his property, and that the caboceers always pay a nominal duty upon all slaves taken in war when sold. From various inquiries I was informed that by far the greater number of slaves transported from this country are either the property of those on whose establishments they are bred, or are purchased from the parents who are free; though at the decease of any caboceer, the whole of his property is considered as belonging to the King. The present King, however, seldom exercises his authority on these occasions.
They asked the reason why Englishmen had abandoned the Slave-Trade, and how we obtained people to perform labour. I told him that Englishmen were now disgusted with the conduct of their forefathers in making a property of the poor blackman, who, because he was uneducated, was sold like sheep, and sent to a far country, and there compelled to labour for the remainder of his life in bondage; that Englishmen had paid an enormous sum of money for the liberation of their slaves, and were determined that the black man should be considered on an equality with a white man, and were endeavouring to teach them “sense,” the term he used for education. He had reminded me, that he had sent some boys and girls to the Mission-school at Cape Coast to learnsense, like white men, saying that he could (when they returned) communicate directly with the English governor at Cape Coast without sending his messages through the Spanish or Portuguese.
To the next question, I replied, we could get plenty of labourers to work voluntarily, by paying them sufficient to keep them in food and clothing; but he declared that unless a slave, black man would never do any work except on his own plantation. However, he expressed his high opinion of Englishmen for condescending to put themselves upon the same level as black men, at the same time remarking that it was no wonder his father always taught him to respect an Englishman.
He admitted our principles to be very humane and just, but remarked, that it would be difficult to abolish slave-holding in his country, as the children of all slaves were the property of the owner of the parent, and were treated as one of his own family; and that if a king were to interfere and abolish this law, it would cause a revolution in the kingdom, as it would affect all his head men and half heads, besides rendering those domestic slaves homeless and destitute.
I told him it was not domestic slavery that we so much objected to, as the forcing them from their homes and kindred, separating them for ever from all relatives, and dooming them to incessant labour all their lives. He asked me whether, when parents voluntarily sold their children, they would then feel any regret. I replied, if the parents did not, they were unnatural, and I was sure that the children would; and to illustrate this, I pointed out a she-goat with two kids, and asked him if one were taken away, whether the young would not show symptoms of regret as well as the mother. At this he laughed heartily, but remarked, that the he-goat, the father of the kids referred to, would feel quite indifferent. I could not help smiling in return.
The King touched his forehead with his fingers, saying, Englishman was wonderful and good man. He then declared that for his own part he had no wish to maintain the Slave-Trade, neither did he wish to store riches. All he required was to have sufficient income to pay his officers and caboceers the usual quantity of cowries to present his people with, as is usual at the annual custom. This was the full extent of his ambition.
I then proposed to him that he should extend agriculture, and establish a permanent trade, which would be encouraged by all civilized nations; and observed, that by imposing a slight duty upon all articles of trade, besides the profits he might obtain, a revenue would be created for him much superior to what he derived from the slave-dealing. He replied, that he was very willing to adopt the proposed measure if England would only make some proposals to him on the subject. I explained at some length the nature and system of trade, with which he was quite unacquainted. He remarked that he had been informed, we had condescended to make treaties with and had sent missionaries to the Calabar and Bonny rivers, to the petty chiefs of those places, whose treaties could be of no permanent duration or benefit, asthey possessed no territory, nor had they any fixed laws; besides, they were always involved in wars with the petty neighbouring states; so that they were often chiefs to-day, and had their heads cut off the next; that they could neither ensure any permanent trade with us, nor afford us any protection in the event of our establishing factories at any of these places.
He said he should be ready and very glad to make any reasonable arrangement with the English Government for the abolition of slavery, and the establishment of another trade, and added, that though he had invited us to send missionaries to his country to advise with him, none but one English fetishman,Mr.Freeman, the Wesleyan missionary (of whom he spoke highly), had visited him; that all he wanted was to see plenty of Englishmen in his kingdom, and especially in his capital. He also offered to build them houses to live in, without any charge, and give them as much land as they chose to cultivate.
He expressed his ardent desire to encourage cultivation and a system of agriculture; and reminded me, that he had long ago issued orders that all the spare land in and round the town of Griwhee (Whydah) should be cultivatedwith a view of lessening the chances of epidemic diseases. He also expressed his earnest desire to give up Whydah to the English Government, with full powers to exercise our own laws and customs; and also declared his readiness to afford us every necessary assistance and protection, and to give us any quantity of land in the vicinity of that settlement we might require for agricultural purposes.
He added, that when we should have obtained possession of Whydah, we should have power to use our own discretion respecting the Slave-Trade; and that, as Whydah was the principal residence of the greatest slave-dealers on this part of the coast, we could with much more propriety exert our authority to prevent slave traffic than he himself, particularly as he was under great obligations to a certain large slave-merchant in that settlement. He said, moreover, that he had always entertained a hope that some day or other the English would again establish themselves in Whydah, in consequence of which he had always kept a temporary governor in the English fort since our abandonment of the place.
He declared that he would build us a new fort, either on the old site, or on any other spot, uponour own plan, and at his own expense. He had, he said, refused possession of Whydah to the Prince de Joinville, stating his determination to treat with none but the Queen of England, who was the greatest of all white sovereigns; that he had for a length of time been endeavouring to establish, as far as he was able, a code of laws similar to those of England; for he considered them to be more just in most cases than the old Dahoman laws, which he confessed to be very absurd. But, though he thought so, still as many of the old, absurd customs, which still existed, were of a comparatively harmless nature, he had hitherto permitted them to remain, as he considered it dangerous amongst a people so long accustomed to these usages to revolutionize the whole at once; but he approved of commencing with the most unreasonable and injurious, and gradually progressing, as in fact he had done. He also assured me that the good effects of his new laws were manifest even in the Mahee country, for within the last two years several petty kingdoms in that and the Annagoo country had voluntarily been ceded to his government.
He dictated to me a letter to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, in which he formallyceded Whydah to the English Government. After this letter was concluded, he requested me to read it over, lest any mistake should have occurred; and when he found it satisfactory, he held the upper end of the pen while I signed his name. We then drank to the health of her Britannic Majesty, during which a constant fire of musketry was kept up. I next proposed the King of Dahomey’s health, which was followed by his drinking my own health. He then ordered an immense quantity of variegated umbrellas, or rather canopies, to be brought out for my inspection, and requested me to make a memorandum of several of their patterns, desiring me to order a number of them to be sent from England.
He afterwards showed me about forty tobes of the most costly embroidery in gold and silver, on a ground of silk velvet of various colours. I was also shown a piece of patch-work, which I believe I have previously alluded to, which the King boasted was composed of remnants or specimens of cloth from every country of the civilized world, as well as every country in Africa. This piece of patch-work, I was informed, measures one thousand yards in length, and eight yards in breadth. I was next desired to take a drawing ofthe King’s throne or chair of state. This is a very handsome and ingenious piece of carving, from one solid piece of wood. It has three seats, one elevated about two feet above the other, the first and second forming steps to the highest; on the highest the King never sits except on state occasions. Three skulls form a foot-stool to the first seat being those of three kings killed in battle.
A skull on a stick and skulls on a podium