CHAPTER XI.
Quarrel between a Drûze and a Metouály—Buying of medals—Imposition practised on Lady Hester—Punishment of the offender—Illness and death of the Greek patriarch—Funeral ceremonies—Election of a new patriarch—Cottage in the gardens of Sayda—Long drought—Flocks of birds—Hydrophobia—Excursion of the Author to Garýfy—Shems ed Dyn and his father—Purchase of wine—Decline of commerce in the Levant—Mâlem Dubány and his daughters—Extortion of Eastern rulers—Arrival of Miss Williams—Arrival of Mr. Bankes—He copies and removes fresco paintings—Failure of his first attempt to reach Palmyra—Visit of Mr. Buckingham—Locusts—Lady Hester takes a voyage to Antioch.
Quarrel between a Drûze and a Metouály—Buying of medals—Imposition practised on Lady Hester—Punishment of the offender—Illness and death of the Greek patriarch—Funeral ceremonies—Election of a new patriarch—Cottage in the gardens of Sayda—Long drought—Flocks of birds—Hydrophobia—Excursion of the Author to Garýfy—Shems ed Dyn and his father—Purchase of wine—Decline of commerce in the Levant—Mâlem Dubány and his daughters—Extortion of Eastern rulers—Arrival of Miss Williams—Arrival of Mr. Bankes—He copies and removes fresco paintings—Failure of his first attempt to reach Palmyra—Visit of Mr. Buckingham—Locusts—Lady Hester takes a voyage to Antioch.
Nothing particular occurred to interrupt our customary mode of living until a serious dispute happened at Hara, a village on the road from Abra to Sayda, between a Drûze and a Metouály. The Drûze, named Wahab, was watching his olive-grounds, when he observed the Metouály wantonly strike a branch, and knock down several olives. This created some words, which produced a quarrel; and the Drûze, whowore a short battle-axe in his girdle, cut a gash in the Metouály’s leg and in his back. The Metouály fled to Sayda, and complained of the assault to Musa Aga, motsellem of Gebâ, and at this time governor of the Metouály district, who was exasperated to the highest degree that such an aggression should have been committed in his immediate neighbourhood. Armed with a spear, and taking with him some of his people, he rode out blind with rage; and, encountering, near Hara, a mountaineer, who wore the Drûze dress, without inquiring whether this was the offender, he was about to run him through the body: when his secretary interposed, but could not save the man from a most severe beating given him on the spot. The real Drûze, in the mean time, had concealed himself at Heleleyah, a village near Mar Elias.
The fury of Musa Aga created some alarm among the peasantry at Abra: for, although Christians, they would not go to Sayda the whole of the next day. They feared lest, in the absence of the real offender, they might be maltreated: a strange way of doing justice! But on the third day some soldiers came down from the Shaykh Beshýr, and, arresting Wahab, carried him to Mukhtára.
The conversation of the villagers showed what a rancour those of the Drûze districts harboured against the Turks in the plain. They said that the shaykh was unjust, who thus, at the representation of Musa Aga, would punish a Drûze; and it appeared to methat both Christians and Drûzes would ill brook affronts from the Turks, if their leaders were disposed to encourage this disposition in them.
As winter was now approaching, the convent was, as usual, put in repair against the rains. This was a very necessary precaution; but was never a complete remedy: for there was not a year in which the wet did not penetrate more or less through the roofs into the rooms.
On the 21st of November, a young Russian passed through Sayda. The nature of medal-buying in these countries may be understood by what happened between him and a silversmith of the place, who gave me a laughable account of the traveller’s eagerness, and of the advantage which, in a matter of buying and selling, he thought himself authorized to take of it. The Livonian, as most travellers do, had no sooner arrived at Sayda than he inquired if there were any medals to sell in the place. A silversmith, who made a traffic of them, was summoned immediately; and for a silver coin (which, from his description, I judged to be a Jupiter holding an eagle), asked the very reasonable sum of six piasters, the silver weighing nearly to the value of five. The Livonian was not accustomed to have them presented to him so cheap, and, at a word, said I’ll take it: upon which the silversmith asked time to consider. He went to his shop, and was followed by the Livonian, who kept rising in his offers, which were as regularly refused by the silversmith,who now pretended he had been told it was a most rare coin, and demanded fifty piasters. On the third day the Livonian departed; and, in passing the shop where the silversmith, apprized of his going, took care to be, once more made a still greater offer than he had done, of thirty-six piasters, which was taken by the exulting silversmith; who, had the Livonian showed some reluctance to pay the original price of six, would have been glad to have disposed of it, as he had done of some others of the same kind, for even a less sum.
A curious trick was at this time played off on Lady Hester by a needy adventurer. The Pasha of Acre, with a harým full of concubines, had never been blessed but with one son, who died of the plague. It was very well known throughout the pashalik that the birth of another would give rise to considerable rejoicings: and it is customary in the East that whoever brings the first news of any joyful event should be handsomely recompensed. There was not indeed much likelihood of offspring: for the pasha was old, and had abused his constitution in indulgences. One day that I had ridden down to Abra from Meshmûshy, I received a note from her ladyship, in which, among other things, she mentioned that an officer of the pasha’s had been sent to announce to her the birth of a son, and that she had made a present to him in consequence. It happened that Hadj Ali, our old janissary, had called at the convent to see the syt, hismistress (as he always named Lady Hester); and, as he was recently from Acre, I questioned him why he had not brought the news himself. He declared that such an event was not expected and could not have happened: and he immediately guessed that there must have been some imposture practised. I accordingly wrote to caution her ladyship, and kept Hadj Ali until the messenger returned, which was in about nine hours, when he informed me that the officer who had brought the news styled himself Hassan Aga; that he had not only brought tidings of the birth of a son, but had said that the pasha had charged him to add that there was not a village in his pashalik, or a horse in his stable, which Lady Hester might not claim of him on such a happy day. On hearing the name, Hadj Ali knew him to be an adventurer, one Hassan, alias Hassan Nykhu.[84]In El Gezzàr’s time he was captain of a guard of twenty-five men, stationed at the bridge of the Casmia river for the security of the public road: since the death of El Gezzàr he had been out of employ, and lived by his wits.
I immediately sent off this account to Lady Hester, who was highly irritated at the man’s impudence: for it had nearly led her to send a letter of congratulation, and to order rejoicings to be made in her house. Accordingly, Sulymán, the Drûze, was despatched,to try and secure his person, and to deliver him over to Hadj Ali at Mar Elias. Sulymán went in pursuit of him, and traced his route: but, fearing that he might escape from him if he attempted to use force, he inveigled him back to Mar Elias, by saying that Lady Hester had sent after him in order to present him with a new suit of clothes as a farther recompense for his joyful tidings.
No sooner was he arrived at Mar Elias than Hadj Ali and Sulymán seized him, and bound him hand and foot. Hadj Ali reproached him with his lies, and he was locked up in the woodhouse until the morrow. The next day Lady Hester came down from Meshmûshy: and, on alighting at the door, she saw Hassan tied to a tree, with Sulymán keeping watch over him. She desired Hadj Ali to bastinado him, and then went in; but she little thought to what lengths these men would go: for, throwing the poor wretch on the ground on his back, with his hands tied as they were, one held up his feet whilst the other beat him most unmercifully on the soles; and when, at length, Sulymán’s strength failed him from passion, Hadj Ali seized a broom bat which lay near at hand, and struck the helpless man across the legs and thighs in a manner that I thought would have broken them. I had cried “enough!” several times; but at last seeing that they heeded me not, I forcibly held their hands, and with difficulty drew them off, pale, breathless, and trembling. Oh! how vile a being seemed to me thenan infuriate and passionate man! They would have renewed the beating, had not I compelled them to desist.
Hassan was left bound to the tree, and afterwards thrown into the woodhouse for the night. On the following morning Hadj Ali departed for Acre; driving Hassan, lame and bruised, before him. He was furnished with the following letter from Lady Hester to Mâlem Haym. “A certain impostor, called Hassan, came to me at Meshmûshy in the name of the pasha and yourself, pretending that the pasha had been blessed with a son. Hadj Ali knew him, went in search of him, and put him in prison. He will tell you the rest.”
Hassan, however, could not walk so great a distance, and Hadj Ali was compelled to leave him by the way, lying down in the middle of the road. The affair was not made a serious one at Acre; for the Turks hold living by one’s wits to be a fair mode of gaining a livelihood: and they thought that the loss of the money, which Hadj Ali had taken from him, and the beating he had received, were punishment enough. Hassan however limped on, and reached Acre three or four days afterwards. He went immediately to Hassan Aga, a favourite Mameluke of Sulymán Pasha, who knew him, and there complained bitterly of the treatment he had received at Mar Elias. Hassan Aga espoused his cause; and, had the matter been pursued by her ladyship, would have stood forth as his protector.For, in this respect, I observed on several occasions such a relation between client and patron as I suppose to have existed in ancient Rome. Thus, whenever a person of inferior station in life was in jeopardy, from the oppression of the great, it did not follow that he became their victim; for either his cause was espoused by some great man, whose creature he was, or, if he had not the means of interesting such a one directly, he found some channel through which to come at him, and thus would often transfer his own quarrel to the shoulders of the patron. By these means men of consequence in Turkey form parties, which they often use for the furtherance of their own ambitious views, or to repress those of their rivals.
This business was hardly over when a letter came to me from Macarius, patriarch of Antioch, praying my attendance on him, inasmuch as he was very ill. Exclusive of my readiness on all occasions to visit sick people of the country, the patriarch was entitled to my attendance on the score of obligations owed to him for having lent his house to Lady Hester, and for having put the village of Abra under her control. I rode over immediately to the monastery of St. Saviour (Dayr Mkhallas) where he resided; but I had been called in too late to be able to save him.
He had now been ill ninety-five days. His malady had begun in an intermittent fever, which left him, and was renewed in making his annual rounds throughhis diocese in the month of October. A violent purgative remedy, administered to him by one Hanah Zahár, a silversmith of Sayda, who was much in repute as a doctor in the neighbourhood, had reduced him to a state of great debility, from which he never recovered. His subsequent treatment had tended to bring on a dropsical affection, the insidious approaches of which had not been strictly guarded against; and, now that his dangerous state became too apparent, Mâlem Hanah Zahár had been dismissed, and my aid was solicited.[85]
I found him under the influence of a medicine which had been administered as tincture of bark, but which was in fact an opiate. His sister-in-law, Helayny, an Egyptian woman, was supporting his pillow, and two priests were fanning him. There was much simplicity in the appearance of his bed and room.
He died on the Friday following, at midnight, in the arms of Tanûs, an old servant. As soon as the breath was out of his body, he was dressed in his most splendid robes, the mitre was placed on his head, and he was carried in an arm-chair into the church of the monastery. From the time he became my patient I was accustomed to ride over almost every day. On Thursday I had left him in bed with no hope of recovery.On Saturday, what was my surprise, on approaching the monastery, to find a crowd of people assembled at the church doors; and, on entering it, to see the dead patriarch sitting in a chair, with a crosier in his left hand and the New Testament in his right, whilst an incense-pan smoked by his side. Prostrate, before and around him, were men and women, some of whom religiously approached the corpse, plucked a hair from the beard, or kissed the hand.
Messengers had been sent to the bishops of Sayda, Acre, Beyrout, and the other sees in the district. Theodosius, bishop of Acre, happening to be at Beyrout, arrived about eleven in the morning just before me, and was giving the necessary orders for the funeral. I went into the room where he was. It is customary for the Greek catholic church to embalm its patriarchs: and this is generally done by the priests: but, as the offensive smell, which continued to arise from the last patriarch, whose body was deposited under the staircase in the chapel of Mar Elias, had convinced me that little or no care was used by the priests in doing it, I volunteered my services, which were accepted. I expected that some objection would have been made on the score of my being a heretic; but perhaps the priests were glad to get rid of a process so disagreeable to eyes unused to the dissection of dead bodies.
There was a receipt for preparing the drugs used in embalming kept at the see, which was forthwith sentto Sayda to be made up.[86]The corpse was immediately carried into a vault or cellar near the door of the church. I was assisted by two peasants, who, together with the monks, showed as much indecency in the treatment of the body now lifeless as they had manifested obsequiousness and servility to it when breathing. I proposed that a flat table should be put upon trestles (such being the bedsteads of the monks themselves) to lay the corpse on: but their reply was, “Why not on the ground?” I asked for silk thread to sew up the body: but they produced cotton, and said that would do well enough. I required a sponge and hot water: the latter they would not give themselves the trouble to bring, and the sponge they produced was as black as a coal. Who would be the future patriarch, not what would become of the dead one, was now all their consideration.
I opened the body. I removed each viscus, one by one, observing the external phenomena only, fearing to cut into them, lest the bystanders should speak of it among the populace, and I get stoned. Not one monk would attend, each declaring that he could not bear the sight: a lay brother came in once, to askwhen the process would be over, and, having stolen a handkerchief, disappeared. The contents of the abdomen and chest being removed, I rubbed in the powdered ingredients over the interior surface of these cavities just as one salts down meat. Then, stuffing the whole with bran, I sewed up the body with the usual stitch; and, the thread being blue, the suture looked neat, which was the principal thing that excited admiration in the peasants. I took out the brains and filled the skull with powdered drugs. The integuments were then carefully drawn over and sewed up.[87]The body was afterwards washed as clean as I could do it; for the bystanders were extremely indifferent to my reproaches for their irreverent conduct,[88]and would afford me no assistance.
They now dressed the corpse in a pair of drawers, a kombáz (or gown) of white silk, with gold tinsel running through it; a silk band or cope, in the shape of a horseshoe, which came over the shoulders from behind and reached to the ground, and a smaller one of the same kind over it, which two latter are episcopal emblems. To the right side in front was suspended a square board, covered with silk, resembling a dragoon’s despatch bag. The mitre was then placed on his head; and the body, being tied in an arm-chair to keep it erect, was carried into the church, which was lighted up for the mass of the dead. It was eight o’clock in the evening, and I had been employed just five hours. A great concourse of people was assembled from the neighbouring villages. Not sure how some of them might be disposed to consider my interference in the religious rites of their church, I declined to attend the service. On the following morning, I mounted my horse, and rode back to Mar Elias.
I heard afterwards that, having been exposed to the devout and curious all night, he was buried the next day, seated in an arm-chair, in a place excavated beneath the pavement of the church, which was well done; for, in such an imperfect mode of embalming as that just related (in which I had necessarily followed the custom of the monks), there was no reasonwhy a corpse should not corrupt almost as soon as if it had been left to natural decay.
Four patriarchs had now died within the last six years. Agapius, after ruling his flock for twenty years, was succeeded by Athanasius, who died, as has been mentioned, at Mar Elias, a week or two before Lady Hester took possession of that residence. He was succeeded by Ignatius, who was murdered by a band of Greeks, set on by the heads of the Greek church in and about the mountain, on account of his exertions in converting the Greeks to the Catholic persuasion. The death of the last has been just related. This rapid succession had, it was thought, repressed the ambition of some of the bishops: and it was the belief of many that both Athanasius and Macarius had died of slow poison. In consequence of this surmise, I was mysteriously questioned by many persons as to the appearances I had discovered in opening the body.
Amongst those spoken of as likely to succeed to the vacant dignity was Abûna (Father) Saba, now superior of the monastery of Dayr Mkhallas. He had been educated at Rome, where he remained ten years, and was well versed in theology and intrigue; speaking Italian like a native, and reputed of much learning in his own tongue. He was of a remarkable vivacity, most simple in his habits, and of very entertaining discourse: so that Mâlem Häym, the banker of Acre, would often invite him to that city in order to enjoy his society.It is true that a patriarch must be chosen from the synod of bishops, and Saba was only a priest: but it was thought that he would be preferred to a see, and forthwith created head of the church.
To the astonishment of all persons, an obscure and aged curate, an octogenarian, was selected. For party disputes had run extremely high, and the synod not agreeing on any of those who were nominated, it was thought best to elect one who could not remain long; whilst, in the interim, each party would have time to strengthen its separate interests against a succeeding contest.
On the 27th of November, Signor Volpi left us. About this time Mr. William Bankes, an English gentleman, was reported to be on his way from Egypt to Syria: and, as Lady Hester was well acquainted with him, she wrote to St. Jean d’Acre to secure a proper reception for him. Winter now had set in; we had returned to Abra for many weeks. The evenings generally were spent by Lady Hester in listening to me, who read to her, or in regulating the management of her household and stables, the whole of which she took entirely on herself.
On the 5th of December, a lady, the daughter of Mâlem Dubány, my nearest neighbour, died in childbirth. Although her danger was evident to her husband and family for many hours previous to her decease, no inducement could persuade them to call in a physician or surgeon; for the Mahometans are so averse to the interference of men in cases of midwifery,that a Christian, even if he were so inclined, dares not oppose the reigning prejudice. I ought, however, to remark, that this is the only case of death in labour that came to my knowledge during two years that I resided near Sayda.
A cottage, in one of the gardens of Sayda, was fitted up against the approach of spring for Lady Hester, in order that she might occasionally ride down to spend the day. It belonged to a Turk, named Derwish el Seghýr,[89]who was endowed with sagacity enough to see that the way to get well paid was to give satisfaction to his employer. Hence he neglected no means of pleasing her ladyship: and the unremitting attention of this man to her confirmed her in the dislike she had long since conceived to the Christians of the country, whom she treated with open contempt. This cottage was an extremely pleasing retreat: before the door was a row of bananas, and some tall trees threw a delicious shade around it.
A lad, about twelve years old, had been sent to Lady Hester as an object of charity; and as he spoke Italian very well, he was given to me for my servant. His story was—that his brother had been forced to embrace the Mahometan religion; and that he, to avoid the same fate, had been secretly sent away from Cairo, his native place. His name was Mûsa. On arriving in Syria, he had been kept for some monthsin the monastery of the Franciscans at Jerusalem, where he had become apparently a very pious youth.
There had been no rain up to the 22nd of December, since the month of May, with the exception of one shower; consequently the drought, in some parts, was very distressing. The first symptom was in the unusual appearance of immense flights of birds, in Arabickuttâ. The flocks in which they came were truly terrific, covering the sun like a black cloud. This unusual state of the weather called forth many ejaculations from the mouths of the Mahometans as they walked the streets, and a fast of three days was instituted for averting the evils which a continuance of it must bring on.
I had procured for Shaykh Ibrahim a copy of the gospels; also the Psalms of David, and the miracles of St. Athanasius, all printed in Arabic on Mount Lebanon. These I forwarded to him about this time, and in return he sent me a ring, with my name engraved on it in Arabic characters: but here our correspondence dropped until his death.
A person in the country, having got into his possession a certain cure for the rheumatism, was at a loss how to use it. Being unable to get the directions, which were in English, translated into Arabic, he applied at last to me; and I found that he had obtained from the master of a merchantman “Whitehead’s essence of mustard.” He was astonished, when, at the bottom of my translation,(relying on Dr. Paris’s assertion) I added an N.B.—that there was not an atom of mustard in the preparation: the delusion would have proved more agreeable to him than the truth.
M. Beaudin was now frequently going to Acre respecting M. Boutin’s murder, and for other schemes which were constantly floating in Lady Hester’s brain. He was also desired to put himself in readiness for a journey by land to Egypt; and, on Sunday, the 14th of January, departed for Acre on his road thither. He was accompanied by a little peasant boy, named Cabûr, who had been taken from tending sheep into Lady Hester’s service, and had become a great favourite with her from his bold and independent character; so that he was now permitted to go to Egypt to see a little of the world—seeing Egypt being, in the eyes of the Syrians, about what going to Paris is to an Englishman.
On the 29th of January, I was requested to give assistance to a man attacked with hydrophobia, who had been bitten some weeks before (I think five) by a dog running by the sea-shore; it was suspected that the dog was rabid, and he was pursued and killed; and the leg of Mohammed (that was the man’s name) was enclosed in his reeking skin, this being a supposed cure for the bite. The man died six days after the symptoms manifested themselves. He appeared to be about thirty-five years old. It was expected that I should have suggested some remedy for a cure; but Ihad none to offer. I sat in the room with him for about twenty minutes: a native doctor proposed administering onions. The man tried in vain to swallow a piece, and then some water, which he equally rejected; not being so much terrified at the sight of it, for he carried it to his mouth, as having a dread, apparently, of the painful effort which he was compelled to make in attempting to swallow anything. The season of the year is the most remarkable part of this case.
On the 14th of February, I made a very agreeable excursion to the village of Garýfy, situate between Abra and Dayr el Kamar, in a very romantic glen, through which runs a river that empties itself into the Ewely. The vineyards and olive plantations around Garýfy are not to be exceeded in beauty or extent by those of any other village of the mountain.[90]
On my arrival about sunset, I rode straight to the menzel, or room assigned for the reception of travellers, who are entertained at the expense of the shaykh of the village with a supper and night’s lodging. My horse was taken to the adjoining stable. On entering the menzel, I found it to be a large, square, paved room, with a fire in the centre, around which were seated some poor travellers. I lighted my pipe, and joined in conversation; when, afterabout ten minutes, I was told that the son of the shaykh was coming to welcome me; and I was shown into an adjoining room. A handsome young man soon afterwards entered, whose name was Shems-ed-Dyn. He very civilly gave me to understand that he had often heard my name mentioned, and, for my own sake, and for the sake of her ladyship, he was bound to make my stay agreeable. Supper was served up, which, after all his fine speeches, proved to be a dish of pilau only. We then smoked our pipes, and he left me to go to rest. I was here greatly tormented by fleas.
On the following day, almost at daylight, his father, an aged and venerable-looking Drûze, came down to see me, and we drank our coffee and smoked our pipes under some fir-trees in front of the house, where we overlooked the valley beneath. It appeared that the Honourable Frederick North[91]had once paid a visit here, with two other Englishmen, Mr. Gally Knight and Mr. Fazackerley. The object of my visit was to make a purchase of wine, for which Garýfy was in repute. I went into several peasants’ houses, where I found jars, some four or five in a row, each holding from eighteen to thirty-six gallons, full of wine, and merely covered with a piece of board, roughly cut to the shape of the mouth, and luted with clay. These they would break open, and lade out the wine in a calabash, cut longitudinally, so as to representa ladle, for me to taste. There was both red and white; and, having purchased two ass-loads, each ass carrying two goat-skins full, I departed from Garýfy on the following morning.
I was much entertained with the conversation of Shaykh Shems[92]and his father Beshýr. But the greatest amusement was derived from a native of the village, who had when young quitted the country with a European priest, and spent twelve years at Rome; having brought away, as the sum total of the benefit derived from his travels, about as many words of Italian, and the love of drink, which his present employment of taster allowed him fully to gratify.
The wines of Mount Lebanon are rarely exported to Europe, with the exception, occasionally, of a cask of the golden wine, which is the growth of certain villages, and is now and then sent by merchants to their correspondents. Lady Hester shipped a few casks for England, as presents to two or three friends; but some of it soured on the voyage; and that which retained its taste had not flavour and body enough for the climate of England. Yet, with proper preparation,there are many wines which would suit the English market as well as the wines of Sicily.
It was impossible to mix in European society in Tripoli, Acre, or Sayda, without hearing continual lamentations on the low ebb to which the commerce of the Levant with Europe had sunk. We have only to look into the journals of travellers, who visited these countries a century ago, to find them at every town recording the hospitality of some English merchant. Aleppo had a flourishing factory, and even maintained a chaplain and physician; and several English houses of commerce existed at Laodicea, Tripoli, Beyrout, Sayda, and Acre. But, for some years before the French revolution, this state of prosperity had been manifestly declining, and the commodities formerly sought for in Turkey were brought at a less expence from our colonies and by other routes. The French, however, still maintained large establishments at all the above mentioned places, and Marseilles was enriched by the Levant. Even the coasting trade of Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, was performed by French vessels, and called the caravan trade. A master of a merchant vessel would sail from Marseilles, Toulon, Cette, or some one of the ports of Provence or Languedoc, and would remain two or three or more years at a time in the Turkish seas, until he had made a considerable sum for his owners and himself, when he would return home forawhile, and again make another voyage with the same views.
When the French revolution broke out, and war was declared between England and France, the English cruizers in the Mediterranean rendered it impossible for the French merchant-ships to traverse that sea; and the factors of that nation at Acre, Sayda, and Aleppo, found themselves so utterly ruined, that many were obliged to descend to occupations for which they were never intended, to save themselves from want. To this might be added the vexations of Ahmed Pasha, el Gezzàr, of Acre, who indulged himself in a singular hatred and persecution of the French who dwelt in his pashalik.
Upon the restoration of Louis XVIII. to the throne of his ancestors and the pacification of Europe, many of the old captains resumed the Levant trade, but without any great success. Formerly, the exports consisted in raw silk, cotton, gall-nuts, scammony, drugs, wax, old copper, wool, &c.; but, in 1815, the few French houses which had attempted to revive the trade had hitherto shipped nothing but cotton, a little wheat, and some drugs. With regard to England, I think I may affirm that scarcely a single vessel had gone to that country direct, freighted from Cyprus or Syria. Several reasons were assigned for this. One was, as I have said above, that the articles derived heretofore from the Levant were now obtained from a different quarter of the globe; asecond, that the restrictions of the Levant Company were oppressive; a third, that there was unusual risk incurred, in long quarantines, by exposure of goods to damp and rot in the quarantine houses; and that much inconvenience arose from the necessity of employing hireling interpreters,[93]by which ways were opened for cheating, and for collusion between the native merchants and the interpreter; whilst constant danger attended the vessels and crews from the insecurity of the ports and the frequency of the plague.
At the time that this was written, the imports most saleable were said to be hardwares, American coffee (which the natives mixed with Mocha coffee in adulteration, or sold separately as a cheap article), sugar, cloth, English printed cottons, muslins, fire-arms, watches, Geneva jewelry, peppers, cochineal, indigo, lead, iron, tin, French earthenware, German glass, &c.
It is to be observed that, so totally does the sale depend, especially in articles of jewelry, fire-arms, and Manchester goods, on an adaptation to the taste and usages of the people, that no person who has not resided among them can judge what is saleable merchandize; for example, the best duelling pistols, brown barrelled, and unornamented, without knobs at the ends of the stocks, would not fetch five pounds; whilst a brace of trumpery pistols, made by the directionof a person who knew what the Turks fancied would sell for treble that sum: yet, with this exception, one general rule with them is to prefer solid to fancy goods.
I did not hesitate to ask shaykh Shems many questions respecting his religion. From him I was confirmed in the received opinion that Hakem by Omrhu was the founder of their sect, and beyond this I could get no new light. But it was evident that he had read with attention the Bible and New Testament, and was as well versed in the Koran as the Mahometans themselves.
My neighbour, Mâlem Dubány, had two daughters, Tuckly and Haneh; the eldest, Tuckly, was about seventeen years old. As I was a doctor, and an old friend, I was admitted into the family upon all occasions, and the young ladies were suffered by their mamma to remain when I entered the room, and would sit down by me unveiled. Tuckly was grave and majestic, and of dazzling beauty, her skin being of a higher polish than I had ever seen: Haneh, on the contrary, was a laughing girl, with large black eyes, lips somewhat thick, but as red as coral: and all the decorum which custom required of females before men could scarcely keep down her natural vivacity.
I had at this time a patient from Aleppo, named Gibrael el Anhury, a merchant, who had brought a letter of introduction to me from Mr. Barker, our Consul at that place. With him came his nephew, ayoung man about twenty-three or twenty-four years of age, who had resolved on demanding one of Mâlem Dubány’s daughters in marriage. As he never was permitted to see either, of course he could only judge by report as to the respective merits of the two. His go-betweens were a female cousin, who lived at Sayda, and his uncle, a respectable priest, living at Sayda also, both of whom (for priests have the privilege of entering the harýms) were in habits of intimacy with Dubány’s family. They united in extolling Haneh, the youngest, and Haneh was finally demanded in marriage.
But there is a custom among the Levantines of never allowing a younger sister to marry before an elder.[94]In the marriage of Mâlem Surûr, the British consul at Damietta, to the second daughter of Batrus Anhûry of Mount Lebanon, this custom was violated, it is true, inasmuch as he took the younger, the elder being yet unmarried. But this was considered as conduct worthy of blame in the father, and he was said to have been induced to do so from the fear of losing so good a match in his family. Mâlem Dubány, therefore, refused his consent. It must be observed that the Benat Dubány (or the Misses Dubány) were never consulted; and the father, whilst relating to me the negociations which had taken place, suffered his daughters to listen to the conversation, withoutimagining for a moment that his omnipotent decrees could ever excite a murmur in their bosoms.
Young Anhûry was, therefore, driven to take Tuckly or neither. But it had been whispered to him by his matronly cousin, that she suspected Tuckly was of a complexion too much like alabaster to be in sound health, and that she was well assured that something was wrong in her constitution, as my lady’s doctor had been prescribing for her. This was true; although the cousin’s alarm was groundless as to anything seriously faulty in the state of her health, for she was possessed of an excellent frame of body. One day, therefore, Anhûry, the nephew, called on me, and, after many roundabout questions, asked me what I thought of Miss Tuckly, and I, as in truth I might, eulogized her in the discreetest manner I could.
The following day, when visiting Mâlem Dubány, he, in his turn, interrogated me whether I was not of opinion that bad eyes argued bad humours in the constitution, and whether Mr. Anhûry did not seem to me to have bad eyes. Here, too, I endeavoured to say nothing that might hurt the young man’s suit; but Mâlem Dubány was so often recurring to the sore eyes of Anhûry, that he persuaded himself a person so afflicted could not have healthy children; and the suitor was finally dismissed.
Will it, after this, be thought wonderful that there should be a purity of blood in the different races of people in Syria and other parts of the East, unknownto Northern climates, when so slight a motive as this could cause a young man, respectable, rich, and comely, to be rejected?
I cannot dismiss the subject of Dubány and his family without saying a few words on an incident in his life, which explains the meaning of the termavany, a word that has been adopted into the English and French languages, by travellers in the Levant, to express the extortion of money on frivolous pretexts. Mâlem Dubány acquired his little fortune in Egypt, and, whilst a resident merchant there, was, with eight others, made the subject of anavany, under the following circumstances, during the reign of Mûrad Bey. He was reputed rich; and the bey, desirous of appropriating a portion of his wealth to himself, was not long in inventing a crime whereof to accuse him.
There was a place in Damietta, which had been used as a French chapel; and, after the evacuation of the French, some few persons, Greek Catholics, were accustomed to resort to it, to worship. It had beneath it a dwelling or magazine, used by some Mahometans. One day an officer of justice seized on Mâlem Dubány, and hurried him to prison, where he found himself in company with seven others, his acquaintances, and respectable merchants like himself. They were accused of having said prayers over the Turks’ heads, which was construed into an arrogation of superiority; and of having heard mass in the French chapel, without afirman from the Porte, authorising them so to do; for which offences they were ordered to pay eighty thousand piasters among them, or about £500 each.
They naturally protested their innocence of the charge, and that they had not such a sum at their command; and, persisting in their assertions, they were taken out and bastinadoed,ten paireach[95]. They were then remanded to prison, and given to understand that this was only a prelude to what would follow, if they did not produce the money. During this time, although in confinement, they were treated with much attention. Their meals were as good as if at home. Coffee and pipes were regularly served to them, and the domestics stood before them, with crossed hands in the attitude of respect. At last, being threatened with a second bastinadoing more severe than the first, they raised the fine, and, having paid it, were liberated with a polite message from Mûrad Bey, that they might now go and hear mass if they pleased, and not fear any molestation from him. But they did not think it advisable to expose themselves to be beaten and avanized a second time.
In the middle of March of this year, Lady Hester received information that Miss Williams, a young person strongly attached to her, had ventured from Malta to Cyprus, in a vessel alone, on purpose to join her. Miss W. owed her education and the care ofher younger years to the protection of Mr. Pitt. Lady Hester afterwards took her near her person, and she left England with her ladyship in 1810.
At Malta she found her sister married to an officer of the commissariat, with whom, at Lady Hester’s departure from that island, she remained; but her attachment was so great to her protectress, that, after residing at Malta four years, she determined to follow her into the East. She accordingly embarked on board an Italian merchant-vessel, and alone braved the hazards of a voyage which proved particularly distressing; for the autumnal gales were so violent that the ship sprung a dangerous leak, and the captain was obliged to put into Rhodes to refit. Here Miss Williams remained two or three months, whilst the ship, which was found to be much damaged, underwent a thorough repair.
They sailed from Rhodes at the commencement of the new year. The captain, named Fanuggia, was a man of violent language and conduct; so that his crew, which was composed of very bad subjects, mutinied. The two parties came to blows more than once; and Miss Williams, oppressed with sea-sickness, and lying in her cot, from which she was unable to move, often heard upon deck the clashing of swords, and thought every moment that murder was perpetrating. At length they reached Cyprus, where some of the crew were put into prison; and, other men being shipped, they crossed to Beyrout, in the middle of March.Here Miss Williams landed, after a voyage of three months and a half, and was entertained by Mr. Laurella, the British agent, until recovered from her fatigue. Mrs. Fry was sent immediately to her, to instruct her how she was to dress herself—how wear her veil in travelling—and how conduct herself in this new world. About the 10th of March, she left Beyrout, escorted by Mr. Laurella, and I went to meet them on the road.
The day was exceedingly fine and warm. I was riding along in the wash of the sea; and, the sands being broad hereabout, there was a mirage playing along them, which seemed somewhat to lift objects above the ground and to confuse them. I had passed several small parties of travellers; and, tired of looking at what was coming, I let the bridle fall on my mare’s neck, and began to muse on the effects of my long residence in Syria. When first I entered the country, had I undertaken a day’s journey in any direction, it would have been thought necessary to have with me an interpreter, a janissary, and a mule or two for my baggage. My bed would have been indispensable, and my portmanteau loaded with the numerous articles which a European carries along with him. Now I was alone, a fowling-piece, lying across my saddle-bows, was my only protection; I, my own interpreter; I had no bed but my cloak; and all the articles of my dressing-box were reduced to a comb for my beard, and my tooth-brushes, whichgenerally I concealed from the view of Mahometan natives, lest the materials, being of hog’s bristles, should render me unclean in their eyes. And this is the unencumbered way in which everybody travels in Turkey.
A mile or two beyond the river Damûr I met them. Mutual salutations having been exchanged, I turned back with the party. We stopped to sleep at Nebby Yunez. Whilst at supper, a circumstance occurred, which must have seemed somewhat extraordinary to a new comer. Mr. Laurella’s servant had furnished the provision basket, but had neglected to put up a candlestick; and such things are not to be met with in Turkish caravanseries, where oil is generally burnt. He therefore invented a substitute: cutting off the crown of a loaf of bread, part of our meal, and, making a hole in the crumb with his finger, he stuck the candle in it. Miss Williams stared in astonishment.
The next day we resumed our journey, and about noon reached Mar Elias. Lady Hester was very sensible to this mark of attachment on the part of Miss Williams. It was shortly afterwards, although I neglected to note down the day, that Mr. W. J. Bankes[96]came to Mar Elias. Lady Hester had been long in expectation of him. Of all the travellers whohad passed that way previously for many months, he was the only one who could give her any news of her friends and acquaintance. When he arrived, he was lodged at Mar Elias. A day or two afterwards, I took him on a two days’ tour round by Meshmûshy, Gezýr, and Gebâ, three villages on the heights of Mount Lebanon, situated so romantically that Mr. Bankes professed not to have seen any thing like them elsewhere.
On another occasion, I accompanied him to Dayr Mkhallas, to see the monastery, and to make the acquaintance of Abûna Sâba, the superior or räis. In going, Mr. Bankes’s horse, probably unused to our mountain tracks, slipped up on his side on a rock, and it was a fortunate escape for that gentleman that he received no hurt.
When Mr. Bankes had favoured me with a sight of the drawings which he had made in his progress through Egypt and Syria, I conceived him to be a fit person to lead to the sepulchre discovered at Abu Ghyás, as has been related, since he could copy the paintings, and thus preserve a memorial of a valuable monument of antiquity. I accordingly provided a couple of peasants and some tapers, and took him to the spot.
The paintings appeared to him of considerable excellence, and he made two large drawings of them. Mr. Bankes, when in Italy, had seen paintings in fresco removed from the walls entire, and he conceivedthat he could pursue the same method with these. I witnessed with regret his preparations and success in removing two, because I feared that succeeding travellers would blame the act: and yet, on the other hand, two such pieces of antiquity would be highly esteemed in England, and I knew that an idle boy or a fanatic Turk might destroy them for ever, if left where they were.
Mr. Bankes left Mar Elias immediately afterwards for Dayr el Kamar, to pay a visit to the emir Beshýr. He had brought with him from Egypt a renegado Italian in the Albanian costume, who acted as his interpreter. As a private soldier is not a proper person to come into the presence of people of rank, Mr. Bankes was advised to obtain the services of M. Bertrand in his interview with the prince, which he did. They proceeded to Btedýn, the emir’s residence. After visiting the emir, Mr. Bankes pursued his journey, and M. Bertrand returned to Sayda.
Soon after Mr. Bankes’s departure, we heard that he had made an attempt, in the month of April, to go to Palmyra, but had failed. Lady Hester had told him how many difficulties he would have to encounter in the passage of the Desert, unless he went under the escort of the Bedouin Arabs; and, to secure him a favourable reception from them, she offered him letters of introduction to Muly Ismael of Hamah and to Nasar, son of Mahannah; soliciting him likewise, for his own sake, and for the sake of his parents, whowould lay much to her charge, should any misfortune happen to him, which a prudent foresight on her part might have prevented, to take as a guide her servant, Pierre, who had already been twice into the Desert, and was personally known to all the Arabs. But Mr. Bankes seemed inclined to trust to his own resources and management, which had hitherto brought him thus far in safety: and unwillingly accepted both the letters and the man.[97]
Soon after Mr. Bankes’s departure, I had one night retired to bed in my cottage, when I heard the trampling of horses near my door, with a talking, as of persons who were strangers. To this succeeded aknocking, and then a parley with my servant: the result of which was that a voice, in English, made known that it was Mr. Buckingham, who was bending his way to the monastery, where he had been expected some days, yet was afraid to present himself, as it was so late. Finding, however, on looking at my watch, that it was only two in the morning, and knowing that Lady Hester was seldom in bed at that hour, I urged him to go on, which he did.
On the morrow I found him safely housed. Mr. Buckingham’s Turkish dress became him, and he looked very much like a Mahometan. Lady Hester found much pleasure in his conversation, and detained him until the 18th of April.
As soon as Mr. Buckingham was gone, Lady Hester, who had deeply reflected on the then recent events which had anew convulsed Europe, gave vent to her indignation in a letter which is couched in such energetic language as to be worthy of standing as arecord of her opinions on men, whom, perhaps, she had a better opportunity of knowing than most persons of her times.