THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONIALS CALLED KATCINAS[1]
THE GROUP OF TUSAYAN CEREMONIALS CALLED KATCINAS[1]
ByJesse Walter Fewkes
In their use of the word Katcina[2]the Hopi or Moki apply the term to supernatural beings impersonated by men wearing masks or by statuettes in imitation of the same. The dances in which the former appear are likewise called by the same name which with the orthography “Cachena” is used in descriptions of these dances in the valley of the upper Rio Grande. The present use of the term among the Tusayan Indians leads me to consider it as almost a synonym of a supernatural being of subordinate rank to the great deities. Ancestral worship plays a not inconspicuous part in the Hopi conception of a Katcina.
When we endeavor to classify the ceremonials which form the ritual practiced by the Tusayan villagers, the subject is found to be so complex that it can be adequately treated only by the help of observations extending through many years. The plan which I have followed in my work, as will be seen in previous publications, has been to gather and record data in regard to the details of individual observances as a basis for generalization.
My former publications on this subject have therefore been simply records of observations.[3]For various reasons it has seemed well to anticipate a final and general account and interpretation, with tentative efforts at a classification to serve as a stepping-stone to a more exhaustive and complete discussion of the relationship of these observances, which would naturally appear in an elaborate memoir necessitating a broader method of treatment than any yet adopted.
At the present stage of my researches it would be too early to write such an account of the ceremonial calendar of the Tusayan villagers, but it has been deemed well to put on record, with many new observations, this preliminary outline of what may be a portion of a general system, to aid other investigators in kindred fields of study. When I began my work, four years ago, the task of bringing order out of what appeared to be a hopeless confusion seemed well nigh impossible, but as one ceremony after another was studied it was found that the exactness of the ritual as exemplified in ceremonial presentations pertained even to details, and that there was a logical connection running throughout all the religious observances of the Tusayan Indians, the presentations of which were practically little influenced by white races with whom the people had been brought in contact. As these ceremonials were studied more sympathetically I discovered a unity throughout them which, whatever their origin may have been, placed them in marked contrast to those of the nomads by whom they were surrounded. They were found to belong to a type or ceremonial area in which the other Pueblos are embraced, the affinities of which carry us into different geographic regions of the American continent.
But while this type differs or differed in ancient times from those of Athapascan or Shoshonean aborigines, it bears evidence of a composite nature. It had become so by contributions from many sources, and had in turn left its impress on other areas, so that as a type the Pueblo culture was the only one of its kind in aboriginal America. With strong affinities on all sides it was unique, having nearest kinship with those of Mexico and Central America.
The geographic extension of the Pueblo type of culture was no doubt formerly much greater than it is at the present time. What its original boundaries were future investigation will no doubt help us to decide, but the problem at present before us is the determination of its characteristics as a survival in our times. When once this is satisfactorily known, and not until then, can we advance with confidence to wider generalizations as to its past distribution and offer theories regarding its affinities with other ceremonial areas of the American race.
It is doubtless true that we are not progressing beyond what can be claimed to be known when we say that all the Pueblo peoples belong to the same ceremonial type. I am sure that in prehistoric and historic times delegations from the Rio Grande country have settled among the Tusayan villagers, and that many families of the latter have migrated back to the Rio Grande again to make permanent homes in that section. The most western and the most eastern peoples of this Pueblo culture-stock have been repeatedly united in marriage, bringing about a consequent commingling of blood, and the legends of both tell of their common character. It is too early in research to inject into science the idea that the Pueblos are modified Indians of other stocks, andwe outstrip our knowledge of facts if we ascribe to any one village or group of villages the implication involved in the expression, “Father of the Pueblos.” Part of the Pueblo culture is autochthonal, but its germ may have originated elsewhere, and no one existing Pueblo people is able satisfactorily to support the claim that it is ancestral outside of a very limited area.
In the present article I have tried to present a picture of one of the two great natural groups of ceremonials into which the Tusayan ritual is divided. I have sought also to lay a foundation for comparative studies of the same group as it exists in other pueblos, but have not found sufficient data in regard to these celebrations in other villages to carry this comparative research very far. Notwithstanding these dances occur in most of the pueblos, the published data about them is too meager for comparative uses. No connected description of these ceremonies in other pueblos has been published; of theoretical explanations we have more than are profitable. It is to be hoped that the ever-increasing interest in the ceremonials of the Pueblos of the southwest will lead to didactic, exoteric accounts of the rituals of all these peoples, for a great field for research in this direction is yet to be tilled.
In the use, throughout this article, of the words “gods,” “deities,” and “worship” we undoubtedly endow the subject with conceptions which do not exist in the Indian mind, but spring from philosophic ideas resulting from our higher culture. For the first two the more cumbersome term “supernatural beings”[4]is more expressive, and the word “spirit” is perhaps more convenient, except from the fact that it likewise has come to have a definite meaning unknown to the primitive mind.
Worship, as we understand it, is not a proper term to use in the description of the Indian’s methods of approaching his supernal beings. It involves much which is unknown to him, and implies the existence of that which is foreign to his conceptions. Still, until some better nomenclature, more exactly defining his methods, is suggested, these terms from their convenience will still continue in common use.
The dramatic element which is ascribed to the Katcina[5]ritual is more prominent in the elaborate than in the abbreviated presentations, as would naturally be the case, but even there it is believed to be less striking than in the second group or those in which the performers are without masks.
There exists in Hopi mythology many stories of the old times which form an accompanying body of tradition explaining much of the symbolism and some of the ritual, but nowhere have I found the sequence of the ceremonials to closely correspond with the episodes of the myth. In the Snake or the Flute dramatizations this coincidence of myth and ritual is more striking, but in them it has not gone so far as to becomparable with religious dramatizations of more cultured peoples. Among the Katcinas, however, it is more obscure or even very limited. While an abbreviated Katcina may be regarded as a reproduction of the celebrations recounted in legends of times when real supernatural beings visited the pueblos, and thus dramatizes semimythic stories, I fail to see aught else in them of the dramatic element.
The characteristic symbolism is prescribed and strictly conforms to the legends. Explanations of why each Katcina is marked this or that way can be gathered from legends, but the continuous carrying out of the sequence of events in the life of any Katcina, or any story of creation or migration, did not appear in any abbreviated[6]Katcina which was studied. In this subdivision a dramatic element is present, but only in the crudest form. In the elaborate Katcinas, however, we find an advance in the amount of dramatization, or an attempt to represent a story or parts of the same. Thus we can in Soyáluña follow a dramatic presentation of the legend of the conflict of the sun with hostile deities or powers, in which both are personified.
I must plead ignorance of the esoteric aspect of the Tusayan conceptions of the Katcinas when such exists. This want of knowledge is immaterial, for the object of this article is simply to record what has been seen and goes no further. I will not say that a complete account of the Katcinas can be given by such a treatment, and do not know how much or how little of their esoterism has eluded me, but these observations are wholly exoteric records of events rather than esoteric explanations of causes. It is thought that such a treatment of the subject will be an important contribution to the appreciation of explanations which it naturally precedes.
Although it seems probable that the ritual of primitive man contains elements of a more or less perfect dramatization of his mythology, I incline to the opinion that the ritual is the least variable and from it has grown the legend as we now know it. The question, Which came first, myth or ritual? is outside the scope of this article.
Any one who has studied the ceremonial system of the Tusayan Indians will have noticed the predominance of great ceremonials in winter. From harvest time to planting there is a succession of celebrations of most complicated and varied nature, but from planting to harvesting all these rites are much curtailed. The simplest explanation of this condition would be, and probably is, necessity. There isnot time enough to devote to great and elaborate ceremonials when the corn must be cared for. Time is then too precious, but when the corn is high and the crop is in sight, or during the long winter when the agriculturist is at home unemployed, then the superstitious mind has freedom to carry on elaborate rites and observances, and then naturally he takes part in the complex ceremonies. Hence the spring and early summer religious observances are abbreviated. Although the Pueblo farmer may thoroughly believe in his ceremonial system as efficacious, his human nature is too practical to consume the precious planting time with elaborate ceremonials. But when he sees that the crop is coming and harvest is at hand, then he begins the series of, to him, magnificent pageants which extend from the latter part of August until March of the following year.
It has been proven by repeated observations of the same ceremonials that there is great constancy in the way successive presentations of the ritual are carried out year after year. The inevitable modifications resulting from the death of old priests undoubtedly in course of time affect individual observances, but their ritual is never voluntarily changed. The ceremonials which I have here and elsewhere described were not invented by them to show to me, nor will any religious society of the Hopi at the present day get up a ceremony to please the white man. Each observance is traditional and prescribed for a certain time of the year.
The following tabular view of the sequence of ceremonials may aid in the study of the Hopi calendar, and indicate the ceremonials presented to us for classification:
The abbreviated Katcinas commonly come in the interval, and vary somewhat from year to year.
The Katcina chief, Íntiwa, erects his altar every year in the Móñkiva, but different kivas by rotation or otherwise celebrate the dance of the Nimán by their appropriate presentation, thus: The men of the Wikwáliobikiva celebrated the dance in 1891; those of Nacábkiva in 1892; those of the Álkiva in 1893, and probably in 1894 the men of the Tcivatokiva will personate the last Katcina of the summer. It thus will appear that the special supernatural personage represented varies from year to year within certain limits, and the variations mean nothing more than that the members of the different kivas participate in rotation.
The Tusayan names of the months are as follows:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
The second part of the October (Ü′cü) is said to be called Tü′hoe. If this is recognized as a lunar period we would have 14 divisions to the ceremonial year. In the Pamü′iyawû, the Snake ceremony, and the Katcina’s return, the same Nüitiwa (struggle of maids for bowls, etc) occurs.
It will be noticed that the five summer moons have the same names as those of the winter; by that I do not mean to discard the divisions “named” and “nameless,” elsewhere used on good authority. The questions regarding the nomenclature of the different moons and their number are very perplexing and not yet satisfactorily answered.
The determination of the number of moons recognized in the year or the interval between the successive reappearance of the sun in his house (Táwaki) at the summer solstitial rising is a most important question, for a satisfactory answer to which my researches thus far are insufficient. Several of the priests have told me that there were 13, as given above; but others say there are 12, and still others, 14. The comparative ethnologist, familiar with Mexican calendars, would be glad to accept the report that there were 13, in which case there would be introduced a remarkable harmony between peoples akin in many ways. Although, however, there is good evidence that 13 is recognized by some priests, the negative evidence must be mentioned, especially as it is derived from men whose knowledge of Hopi lore I have come to respect. I have, however, provisionally followed the opinion of those who hold that the Hopi recognize 13 ceremonial months in their calendar.
If the second part of the Ü′cü moon be called Tü′hoe, we would have 14 moons, which would give 6 between 2 Pówa, or 2 Pa, Kéle, Kyá, and divide the ceremonial year into two parts of 7 moons each. The Katcina’s return (Ükine), or the beginning of the Katcinas, then occurs in the Pa moon; they end in Kyá at the Nimán (last, farewell). The group of unmasked ceremonials (nine days) likewise begins at the Pa moon in the Snake or Flute, and ends at the winter, Kyá, or Soyáluña.
In endeavoring to find some reason for the similarity of names in the two groups of months which compose the ceremonial year I have this interesting hint, dropped by one of the priests: “When we of the upper world,” he said, “are celebrating the winter Pa moon the people of the under world are engaged in the observance of the Snake or Flute, and vice versa.” The ceremonials in the two worlds are synchronous. “That is the reason,” said my informant, “that we make the Snake or Flute pahos during the winter season, although the dance is not celebrated until the corresponding month of the following summer.”[11]
Among the Hopi Indians there are priests (tawawympkiyas) skilled in the lore of the sun, who determine, by observations of the points on the horizon, where the sun rises or sets, the time of the year proper for religious ceremonials. Two of these points are called sun houses, one at tátyüka,[12]which is called the sun house (táwaki) par excellence, another at kwiníwi, which also is called táwaki, or sun house.
The points on the horizon used in the determination of ceremonial events are as follows:
1. Táwaki (hütca, opening). The horizon point properly called savwúwee marks the cardinal point tátyüka or place of sunrise at the winter solstice. The winter ceremony Soyáluña is determined not by sunrise, but by sunset, although, as a general thing, the time of summer ceremonials is determined by observations of sunrise.
2. Másnamüzrü (mási, drab or gray; namüzrü, wooded ridge). This point is the ridge or crest of the mesa, east of Püp′ce.
3. Pavüñ′tcómo (pavüñ, young corn; tcómo, mound). A point on the old wagon trail to Fort Defiance, a little beyond the head of Keams canyon.
4. Hoñwítcomo (derivation obscure; hóñwi, erect).
5. Nüváktcomo (nüvák, snow; tcómo, mound). When the sun reaches here on its northern journey the Honáni or Badger people plant corn; the other Hopi people plant melons, squashes, and gourds.
6. Pülhomotaka (pülü, round, hump; hómo, obscure; táka, man; possibly many hump-back men). When the sun reaches here the Pátkior Water people plant corn. When the sun returns here the Snake-Antelope fraternities assemble for the Snake dance.
7. Kwitcála.[13]When the sun rises at this point on his northward journey general planting begins, which continues until the summer solstice. When the sun returns to this point on his southerly journey the Nimánkatcina is celebrated.
8. Taíovi (?).
9. Owátcoki (owa, rock; tcóki, mound house).
10. Wü′nacakabi (wü′na, pole; cáka, ladder).
11. Wakácva, cattle spring, 12 miles north of Keams canyon.
12. Paváukyaki, swallow house.
13. Tüyüka, summer solstice.
We are justified in accepting the theory that sun and moon[14]worship is usual among primitive men. Whether that of the sun or of our satellite was the earlier it is not in the province of this article to discuss, but it is doubtless true that sun worship is a very ancient cult among most primitive peoples. The Pueblos are not exceptions, and while we can not say that their adoration is limited to the sun, it forms an essential element of their ritual, while their anhydrous environment has led them into a rain-cloud worship and other complexities. I think we can safely say, however, that the germ of their astronomy sprang from observations of the sun, and while yet in a most primitive condition they noticed the fact that this celestial body did not always rise or set at the same points on the horizon. The connection between these facts and the seasons of the year must have been noted early in their history, and have led to orientation, which plays such an important part in all their rituals. Thus the approach of the sun to a more vertical position in the sky in summer and its recession in winter led to the association of time when the earth yielded them their crops with its approach, and the time when the earth was barren with its recession. These epochs were noticed, however, not by the position of the sun at midday, but at risings and settings, or the horizon points. The two great epochs, summer and winter, were, it is believed, connected withsolstitial amplitudes, and the equinoctial, horizontal points, unconnected with important times to agriculturists, were not considered as of much worth. There is every evidence, however, that the time of day was early indicated by the altitude of the sun, although the connection of the altitude at midday with the time of year was subordinated to observations on the horizon.
In attempting to make out the annual cycle of ceremonial observances, as determined by observations made during the last three years, I recognize two groups, the differences between which may be more or less arbitrary. These groups are called—
The former of these groups, which is the subject of this article, begins with the Katcinas’ return,[15]and ends with their departure (Nimán). It is not my purpose here to do more than refer to the latter group, as a short reference to them may be of value for a proper understanding of the Katcinas.
There are significant likenesses between different members of the series of nine days’ ceremonials, and they may be grouped in several pairs, of which the following may be mentioned:
The likenesses are built on the similarity of the rites practiced in both members of each pair. The Hopi priests recognize another kinship which does not appear in the nature of the ceremonies as much as in the subordinate parts. Thus, Lálakoñti and Pálülükoñti, Wüwütcímti and Mamzraúti are brother and sister ceremonials, according to their conceptions. This kinship is said to account for certain events in the ceremonials, and friendly feeling manifested between certain societies, but much obscurity envelops this whole subject of relationships.
The term “Nine days’ ceremonies” refers to the active[17]ceremonial days, including those in which the chiefs perform the secret observance and the open dance of the last days. Strictly speaking, the ceremonial smoke to determine the time is a part of the observance, and fromthis date to the final public exhibition there are sixteen days, a multiple of the omnipresent number four.
Some of the Katcinas have nine days of ceremonials, counting the assembly and the final purification.
The inception of the ceremony is called tcótcoñ yüñya, smoking assembly, in which the chiefs (moñ′mowitû) meet together in the evening at a prescribed house. The meeting places are as follows:
On the day following this smoke the speaker chief (tcaákmoñwi) at early sunrise announces to the public that the ceremony is to begin, and to the six direction deities (nananivo moñ′mowitû) that the priests are about to assemble to pray for rain. Eight days after the announcement the chiefs gather in the kiva, and that day is called yüñya, assemblage, but is not counted in the sequence of ceremonial days. The first ceremonial day is Cüctála, after which follow the remaining days as already explained in my account of the Snake ceremonials. Counting the days from the commencement, the Snake, Flute, Nimán, Lálakoñti, and Mamzraúti are always celebrated in extenso sixteen days, or nine days of active ceremonies, as shown in articles elsewhere. When Naácnaiya is not celebrated, Wüwütcímti, Powámû, Soyáluña, and Pálülükoñti are abbreviated to four days of active ceremonials.
The following diagnosis may be made of these great nine days’ ceremonials: Duration of the ceremony, nine consecutive days and nights; no masked dancers in secret or public exhibitions; no Katcinas; no Tcukúwympkiyas.[18]Altars and sand mosaics generally present. Individual ceremonials either annual or biennial, but in either case at approximately the same time of the year; sequence constant. Típoni[19]generally brought out in the public dance. Many páhos,[20]ordinarily of different length (Snake, Flute, Lálakoñti, Mamzraúti), to deposit in shrines at varying distances from the town. Ceremonial racing, generally in the morning of the eighth and ninth days.
The following are the important nine days’ ceremonies:
1. The Antelope-Snake celebration, alternating biennially with the Lélenti or Flute observance.
2. The Lálakoñti. This ceremony lasts nine days and as many nights, and is celebrated by women. The details of the celebration at Walpi in 1891, together with the altars, fetiches, and the like have already been published.[21]It has some likenesses with the Mamzraúti, which follows it in sequence. There are four priestesses, the chief of whom is Kótcnümsi. Three típonis were laid on the altar in the celebration of 1891, although it is customary for each society to have but one típoni, which, with the other paraphernalia, is in the keeping of the chief priest.
Fig. 39—Tablet of the Palahíkomana mask.
Fig. 39—Tablet of the Palahíkomana mask.
3. The Mamzraúti. This ceremonial has likewise been described.[22]In some celebrations of this festival girls appear with tablets on their heads personifying maids called Palahíkomanas. In 1891 these personages were represented by pictures[23]of the same on slabs carried in the hands of girls. In this way the variations of their celebrations in different years may be explained; sometimes women are dressed to impersonate the Palahíkomanas, at others only pictures of the same are carried.
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4. The Wüwütcímti. The Naácnaiya, of which this is an abbreviated observance, has been described.[24]One of the most prominent events is the ceremonial making of the new fire; and as this is in a measure distinctive of these two, it is proper to designate them the New Fire ceremonies.
In essentials the Naácnaiya and the Wüwütcímti are the same, but the former appears to be of less constant appearance and more complicated. In it, as elsewhere described, the statuette of Talátumsi is brought into the pueblo, but in the abbreviated form offerings are made at her shrine down the trail. During the making of the new fire Ánawita,[25]personifying Masauwûh, is hidden behind a blanket held by two assistants.
The second group, called the Katcinas, which may be divided into two smaller divisions, known as the elaborate and the abbreviated, fills out the sequence of religious ceremonials between the Soyáluña and the Nimánkatcina. These celebrations are distinguished from those of the former group by the presence of masked personages to whom is given the name of Katcinas. By the use of these masks or helmets the participant is supposed to be transformed into the deity represented, and women and children avoid looking at Katcinas when unmasked. The main symbolism of the deity is depicted on the helmet or head, and varies in different presentations, but the remaining paraphernalia is constant, whatever personage is represented.[26]
The mask (kü′ĭtü, head) is often addressed as íkwatci, “my friend or double.” Prescriptively it must be put on and taken off with the left hand.[27]It is of helmet shape, fitting closely to the head and resting on the shoulders. These masks or helmets are repainted at each presentation with the symbolism of the personage intended to be represented. They are ordinarily made of leather, portions of boot legs or saddles, and in one or two instances I have found on their inside the embossed or incised markings characteristic of Spanish saddles. Old felt hats are sometimes used in the manufacture of the simpler masks and those of the mud-heads are of coarse cloth. Few of the helmets now used give evidence of very great antiquity, although some are made of the skin of the bison. One can seldom purchase these helmets, as their manufacture is difficult, and instead of being discarded after use in one ceremony they are repainted for other presentations.
There is a similar uniformity year by year in the time of the celebration of the extended or elaborate Katcinas called Nimán, Powámû, Pálülükoñti, Soyáluña, and the Pa or Katcina’s return. Their sequence is always the same, but in the abbreviated Katcinas or masked dances this uniformity is not adhered to. A certain number of these are celebrated each spring and summer, but the particular abbreviated Katcina[28]which is presented varies from year to year, and may or may not be reproduced.
While Katcinas or masked dances do not generally occur during the interval of the nine days’ ceremonials (autumn and early winter), I have notes on one of these which indicate that they sometimes take place in this epoch.
On September 20, 1893, a Katcina called Áñakatcina[29]was performed in Hano after the Nimán had been celebrated in Walpi. Theoretically it would not be expected, as the farewell Katcina is universally said to be a celebration of the departure of these personages to their distant home, an event which does not occur at Hano. It would be strange if later observations should show that Katcinas are celebrated in other villages between the departure and return of these personages.
Our exact knowledge of the character of the Hopi Katcinas dates back to Schoolcraft’s valuable compilation. While the existence of these dances was known previously to that time, and several references to similar dances among the other Pueblos might be quoted from the writings of Spanish visitors, our information of the Katcina celebrations in Tusayan previously to 1852 is so fragmentary that it is hardly of value in comparative studies. In the year named Dr P. S. G. Ten Broeck visited Tusayan and published a description of what was probably a Katcina dance at Sitcomovi. Although his account is so imperfect that we can not definitely say what Katcina was personated, his description was the first important contribution to our knowledge of the character of these dances among the Hopi Indians. It will be noticed in a general way that the personation differed but slightly from those of the present day. Ten Broeck noted that the male dancers, Katcinas, wore on their heads “large pasteboard towers”(náktci?), and “visors[30]made of small willows, with the bark peeled off and dyed a deep brown.” He recognized that the female dancers (Katcinamanas) were men dressed as women and that they wore yellow “visors” and dressed their hair in whorls as at the present time. He described the musical (?) accompaniment of the dance with the scapula of an animal rubbed over a “ground piece of wood.” He likewise noticed the priests who sprinkled the dancers with sacred meal, and speaks of two small boys painted black with white rings who accompanied the dance. The latter may have been personifications of the Little Fire Gods.
The Hopi clowns, Tcukúwympkiyas, were likewise seen by Ten Broeck, who described their comical actions. From his description of the byplay of their “assistants,” I find very little change has taken place since his time. In the Katcina which he observed food was distributed during the dance, as I have elsewhere described is the case today. Although much might be added to Ten Broeck’s description, his observations were the most important which had been made known up to his time, and continued for forty years the most valuable record of this group[31]of dances among the Tusayan Indians.
Before considering the various ceremonials in which the Katcinas appear, it may be well to say something of the nature of these supernatural beings which figure in them as made known by the testimony of some of the best-informed men of the tribe. The various legends which are told about them are numerous and can not be repeated here, but a few notions gathered from them may render it possible for the reader to better understand the character of the ceremonials in which they appear.
These deities are generally regarded as animistic and subordinate to the greater gods.[32]They have been called intercessors between manand the highest supernatural beings. There are misty legends that long ago the Katcinas, like men, came from the under world and brought with them various charms or náhü with which the Hopi are familiar. By some it is said that a Honáni (Badger) chief came up from the Átkyaa, or under world, in the center of a square whose four sides were formed of lines of Katcinas, and that he bore in his left hand a buzzard wing feather and a bundle of medicine hats on his back. The Katcinas recognized him as their chief, and became Katcina Honáni, Badger Katcinas.
The legend runs that in ancient times Hahaíwüqti[33]emerged from the under world followed by four sons, who were Katcinas, each bearing in his arms a pet called pálülükoñûh, plumed serpent. Following these four came other Katcinas with pets (pókomatü), of whom the following are mentioned:
One bearing pákwa, frog (water-eagle).
One bearing pátsro, water-bird.
One bearing pawíkya, duck.
One bearing pavákiyuta, water on the backs bearers, aquatic animals.
One bearing yüñ′ocona, turtle.
One bearing zrána, bullfrog.
One bearing pavátiya, young water bearer (tadpole).
The others with kwáhü (eagle), parrot, crow, cooper’s hawk, swallow, and night hawk.
The Súmaíkoli pets for the six directions are:
The first four Katcinas bear a startling yet foreign resemblance to the Navaho Etsuthçle.[34]The word pókomatü is difficult to translate, but “pets” seems a good rendering. Its usage is similar to that of certain Navaho words. A Navaho woman speaks of a favorite child as cilin; a man calls his pet horse cilin, and the shaman designates his fetich-emblem of a nature deity bĭlin; a Hopi calls his dog póko. The pet of Tuñwup is depicted on the altar as elsewhere mentioned in my account of the reredos of the farewell Katcina at Walpi.[35]