CHAPTER XXII.CHRISTIANITY IN TURKEY.The Greek or Holy Orthodox Church—Its Character under Ottoman Rule—Its Service to the Greek Nation—Superstitious Doctrines and Rites—Improvement—Revenues—Bishops—Patriarchs—The Higher Clergy—Schools—Parish Priests—Fatal Influence of Connection with the State—Monasteries—Mount Athos—The Five Categories of Monks—Government of the “Holy Mountain”—Pilgrims—The Bulgarian Church—Popular Interest in the Church Question—Sketch of the History of the Schism—The Armenian Church—St. Gregory—Creed—Church Polity—influence of Russia—Contest between the Czar and the Catholicos—Ritual—Clergy.
The Greek or Holy Orthodox Church—Its Character under Ottoman Rule—Its Service to the Greek Nation—Superstitious Doctrines and Rites—Improvement—Revenues—Bishops—Patriarchs—The Higher Clergy—Schools—Parish Priests—Fatal Influence of Connection with the State—Monasteries—Mount Athos—The Five Categories of Monks—Government of the “Holy Mountain”—Pilgrims—The Bulgarian Church—Popular Interest in the Church Question—Sketch of the History of the Schism—The Armenian Church—St. Gregory—Creed—Church Polity—influence of Russia—Contest between the Czar and the Catholicos—Ritual—Clergy.
It has long been the custom to fling a good deal of contumely on the Holy Orthodox or Greek Church. Judging from the descriptions of trustworthy writers, from conversations I have often held with persons of authority on the subject, and from personal observation, I feel convinced that if part of the abuse heaped upon the Greek Church is well founded, the greater portion is due to the rivalry and hatred of the Western Church, and to the antipathy felt by the Reformed Church towards her superstitions and formalities; but a still stronger reason may be found in the errors the church still harbors, and in the ignorance in which her clergy remained so long plunged. Taking this as a general rule, and lamenting its consequences, we should on the other hand bear in mind the great antiquity of the church and its early services to Christianity. Some of its rites and ceremonies are certainly superstitious and superfluous, but there is none of the intolerance of the Romish Church, nor are religious persecutions to be laid to its charge. Its clergy, stigmatized as venal and ignorant tools in the hands of the Turks, have nevertheless had their virtues and redeeming points counterbalancing their evil repute. The rivalry of the upper clergy originated principally in the corrupt system of bribery pursued by them in their relations with the Porte for the grant ofberatsor diplomas installing the Patriarchs in their respective seats, and the practice indulged in by the Patriarchs of selling bishoprics at a price in proportion to the wealth of the diocese. Yet in the midst of this darkness there were still found men to carry on the work of culture and uphold the dignity of the church. Nor have the Greek clergy always been the cringing servants of the Porte, or the go-betweens of the Turks and the rayahs; in the list of the Patriarchs we find many who, in the midst of difficulties inevitable in serving a government foreign to their church and hostile to the hopes and aspirations of their people, hesitated not in moments of supreme need to sacrifice position, fortune, and even life, under most horrible circumstances, for the sake of the church. With memories of such martyrdoms ever present in the minds of a dependent clergy, it is not surprising to find this section of the Greek nation apparently so subservient to their rulers. The past, however, with all its blots, is rapidly passing away; the rules now followed by the Patriarchate in fixed salaries and written regulations with regard to certain contributions have put an end to many former abuses. The theological schools, rapidly increasing in number and importance in Turkey as well as in Greece, have also a beneficial effect on the training of the clergy, who daily attaining a higher standard in morality, mental development, and social position, have of late years been enabled not only to maintain a more determined and independent attitude before the civil authorities, but also largely to increase their influence in promoting the education of their flocks. The old class of clergy is dying out, and gradually a new and different set of men is coming forward.
The commonest charge that is brought against the Greek Church is its accumulation of superstitions. But the people are beginning to drop the more absurd ceremonies and treat the more preposterous superstitions with indifference. It is true that the church itself is not yet taking the lead in this matter, as how should it? I have often talked on this subject with ecclesiastics of the Eastern faith, and they admit both the absurdityof many of the rites practised and the beliefs inculcated, and also the tendency of the people to neglect these rites and to disbelieve these superstitions; but they say that any action on the part of the church would lead to the serious injury both of itself and the Greek nation; for a general synod would have to be held to deliberate on the necessary reforms; schisms would at once arise, and the Greek Church, and hence the Greek nation, would be disintegrated. However, I believe there are too many sensible men among the Greek clergy for this weak position to be maintained long. The church must reform if it is to remain the church of the Greeks.
At present, however, the priests are afraid to move. They dare not admit the falsity of parts of their doctrine and the absurdity of their practices, for fear of wider consequences. For example, a miraculous fire is supposed to spring from the supposed tomb of Christ on Easter Sunday. The Greek clergy do not actually assert it to be a miracle—at least not to Westerns—but if questioned about it they invariably give an evasive answer; and the priest still continues solemnly to light his taper from the tomb and present it to the congregation saying, “Take, then, the flame from the Eternal Light, and praise Christ who is risen from the dead.”[38]A similar ceremony is observed on a small scale in every Greek church at Easter, when the congregation light their tapers from the altar and the same formula is used.
It is needless to say anything here about the doctrines of the Greek Church: every one knows the insignificant differences which separate it from the Church of Rome. The rites are less generally known; but unfortunately they are too numerous and various to be described here. The general impression produced by a Greek service is gorgeousness. The rites are essentially Oriental, and have been little changed since the early days of the Eastern Empire. The ceremonies are endless; fast and feast days, with their distinctive rites, are always occurring, and though generally disregarded by the upper classes are scrupulously observed by the peasantry, to whom the fasts (on which they work as usual) cause actual physical injury, and the feasts sometimes produce almost equally disastrous effects. Some parts of the service are very beautiful and impressive; but the prayers are generally intoned in a hurried and irreverent manner, which renders them hard to be understood. These things, however, are mending: the lower clergy pay more attention to the ordinary rules of decorum in the conduct of the services, and bishops are now not consecrated unless they are somewhat educated. Formerly the lives of the saints were the topics of sermons, now they are becoming more practical and exhortatory; but political subjects are strictly excluded.
Since the conquest the Greek Church and its clergy in the Ottoman Empire have never been supported by the Government, nor have its ministers ever received any grant either for themselves or the churches and schools under their care. An imperial order confirms the nomination of patriarchs, metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops. The last received from each family in their diocese a portion of the produce of its fields: from a peasant, for example, from half a kilo of corn and hay to a whole kilo, according to his means. This was considered a loyal donation from each household to its spiritual guide. Besides this the archbishops enjoyed special benefits from the celebration of marriages, funerals, and other religious ceremonies to which they were invited. But unfortunately these emoluments eventually became subject to some abuses, which excited murmurs from the community. Another custom was that a bishop should receive from his diocese, at his consecration, a sum sufficient to defray his immediate expenses during the first year. This sum, as well as the offerings in kind, was fixed by the elders of the town in which the metropolitan resided; the local authorities never interfered in these arrangements, except when the bishops demanded their assistance for the recovery of their dues. These usages continued in force until 1860; Feizi Pasha and his two supporters, Ali Pasha and Fouad Pasha, had previously tried every means to induce the Patriarch of Constantinople and his Synod, together with the higher classes of the Greek nation, to accept the funds of their church from the Ottoman Government. The Porte, in order to obtain the end it had in view, showed itself liberal by promising large fees to the higher clergy. But for religious, political, and social reasons, the patriarch and the nation in general rejected the proposal. After the Crimean War a Constitutional Assembly, composed of bishops and lay deputies from all the provinces, was convened by order of the Porte, to deliberate upon the settlement of some administrative affairs connected with the œcumenical throne of Constantinople, the cathedrals, and the bishops. This assembly also regulated, among other things, the revenues of the patriarch and all the archbishops. Each province, proportionately to its extent, its political importance, and its Christian population, was ordered to pay a fixed sum. The annual minimum is 30,000 piastres, and the maximum 90,000 piastres. The patriarch receives thirty per cent on this. The fees fixed by the elders of each province are paid annually by each family: the maximum of this contribution does not exceed twenty piastres each, which, in the aggregate, constitutes the revenues of the bishops and the pay of their subordinates. The extra revenues are regulated in the same manner, the ancient customs concerning their receipt having been abolished. The fees and extra emoluments of the lower clergy of cities, towns, and villages are received after the same fashion. An annual sum is paid by each family to the priest, which in many villages rarely exceeds three or four piastres. The archbishops also receive their stipend from their diocese, and are very seldom obliged to request the assistance of the authorities, who show great repugnance to interfering in the matter.
The social influence of a bishop proceeds from many circumstances. He is considered the spiritual guide of all Orthodox Christians, presiding over the vestry and corporation intrusted with public affairs—such as schools, philanthropical establishments, and churches. He hears and judges, conjointly with a council composed of laymen, all the dissensions which arise between the members of the community. To a certain extent, and when there is no intervention of the local courts, he judges in cases of divorce, and in disputes relative to the payment of dowries, as well as in cases of inheritance; but the local courts have the right of interfering. In these cases the canonical laws are more or less well interpreted according to the pleasure of the Kadi. The bishop judges all that relates to the aforesaid cases in right of a privilege granted to him by the patriarch. He can also decide other matters which belong to the local courts in a friendly way when the disputants agree to it; but when one of them appears dissatisfied he may refer it to the local court, and the sentence or the bishop is nullified by that of this tribunal.
The bishop enjoys the political position of Ἐθνάρχη and permanent member of the Government Council of the province. In addition to his spiritual duties, in the fulfilment of which he has sometimes to call in the assistance of the local authorities, the bishop acts as intermediary between the Christians and the civil government when they ask for his intervention and counsel. But this is not always successful, as the bishop is invested with no regular power, and the local authorities, as well as the central administration, make use of it as they choose and when convenient to them, always acting for the direct interest of their government.
In the Council the influence of the bishop isnil; for his vote, as well as those of all the other Christian members, is lost in the majority gained by the Mussulmans, to which is added the arbitrary influence of the Pasha and the President. Very small benefit is derived from the presence of these Christian representatives at the councils. Liberty of speech, reasonable discussion, and all that might contribute to the proper direction of affairs, are entirely unknown.
The Greek Church is governed by four patriarchs residing at Constantinople, Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria; the last three are equal and independent, but the authority of the first is supreme in the regulation of spiritual affairs, and in his hands rests the power of appointing, dismissing, or punishing any of the prelates. He is elected by a majority of votes of a synod of the metropolitan and neighboring bishops, and is presented to the Sultan for institution, a favor seldom obtained without the payment of several thousand pounds—a long-standing instance of the habitual simony of the Church. The Sultan, however, retains the unmitigated power of deposing, banishing, or executing him. These penalties were frequently inflicted in former times, but the ecclesiastical body within the last half century has gained much in influence and substance.
In spite of the general ignorance and corruption of the higher clergy since the occupation of the country by the Ottomans, their ranks have never lacked men who were as famous for their knowledge as for their virtue and piety. There were many who shunned ecclesiastical dignity in order to pass their lives in instructing the rising generation of their time.
No religious schools then existed: the ecclesiastics received their elementary education in the Ottoman establishments, and were subsequently sent to the colleges of Germany or Italy to complete their studies. It was only about the year 1843 that the first school for the teaching of theology was founded in the island of Chalcis, so that most of the present archbishops in the Empire studied there; but many priests still go to Athens to complete their education. Schools were also established for the lower clergy, but the teaching in them was so deficient that most of the priests were sent to study only in the national schools, where they learn next to nothing.
The higher ranks of the clergy are entirely recruited from the monastic order: hence they are always unmarried, and hence the too often vicious character of their lives. An attempt, partly successful, was made to put some check upon their conduct by the law that no bishop or archbishop can hold more than three sees during his lifetime. If, therefore, he scandalizes the population of two dioceses, he is at least bound to be prudent in the third.
No distinction exists between the priests of the cities and those of the country villages. All are equal; nominated and elected in the same manner; remunerated for their services after the mode already explained. Nearly all of them are married; but those who are not stand on the same footing as those who are. Historically, these parish priests have done some service to the Greek nation: they helped to remind it of its national existence, and by their simple, hard-working lives taught their flocks that the Greeks had still a church that was not wholly given over to cringing to the Turks, that had not altogether bowed the knee to Baal. But that is all that can be said for them. Itis impossible to conceive a clergy more ignorant than these parish priests; they are not only absolutely without training in their own profession, knowing nought of theology, but they have not a common elementary education. If, on the one hand, this ignorance puts them more on a sympathetic level with their parishioners, it must not be forgotten that it renders them incapable of raising their flocks one jot above the stage of rustic barbarism in which they found them. There is no ambition (unlike the rest of the Greek race) in these homely priests; for they cannot attain any high position in the Church. Their association seldom benefits the people with much religious instruction, for their studies are restricted to the external formalities of their services. Many of the abuses attributed to them for exactions are exaggerated: their condition of poverty and modest way of living, in no way superior to the common people, is the best proof of this fact. They are accused of bargaining for the price of performing certain rites, but any abuse of the kind can be prevented by consulting the established table of fees for all such matters; so that this infringement cannot be carried on to any great extent.
There is no manner of doubt that the only hope for the Orthodox Church lies in its separation from Moslem government. So long as its high dignitaries have to purchase their appointments from Turkish ministers and Sultans, so long will it retain its character for truckling and corruption, so long will it lack the one thing needful in a church—moral force. Not less are the lower clergy affected by this unhappy connection between church and state. The government puts every obstacle in the way of the establishment of schools for priests: it is aware that its influence over the mass of the clergy can last only so long as that clergy is ignorant and knows not the energy for freedom which education must bring. Let the Church be severed from the control of the Porte, let it be assured of the integrity of the Greek nation, and the end of the necessity for conciliating the Turks, and then we may hope for reforms—for the regeneration of the priesthood and the destruction of the web of deadly superstition which it has so long found profitable to weave round the hearts of the people.
Any account, however brief, of the Greek church would be very incomplete without some notice of the monasteries which the traveller sees scattered over the country in the most beautiful and commanding positions, perched on the summit of precipitous rocks, on the steep slopes of hills, or nestled in the shady seclusion of the glens. The most renowned are the twenty monasteries of Mount Athos, called Ἅγιος Ὄρος, or Monte Santo. The population of this peninsula is quite unique of its kind. The community of monks is divided into five classes. The first comprises those who are as it were independent, and are subjected to no severe rules. It is impossible for a man without fortune to live in these monasteries, because the common fund provides only the rations of bread, wine, oil, etc. Every other outlay in the way of dress or the choice of better food is at his own expense. Each prepares his meals in his cell and need not fast unless he chooses, but cannot indulge in meat, as its use is strictly prohibited.
Eight monasteries are called independent (Idiorrhythmic), on account of the manner in which their occupants live. The greatest of these and the first founded is Μεγίστη Λαὺρα, or Great Lavra: and the others are Xeropotamu, Docheiareiu, Pantokratoros, Stavroniketa, Philotheu, Iveron, and Vatopedi. But these monasteries occasionally change theirrégimefrom the stricter to the laxer discipline, or again from the Idiorrhythmic to the Cenobite.
The second category comprises the monasteries in which the recluses live in common. This life, which is one of great austerity, was founded by the organizers of the religious orders of the Orthodox Church, and represents, as nearly as possible, the rule of the ascetics of ancient times. Community of goods is the regulation in these convents: all is equal, frugal, and simple. There is but one treasury, one uniform, one table, one class of food, and the discipline is very rigid. Whoever wishes to enter one of these monastic establishments must give all that he possesses in the way of money or raiment to the Father Superior or chief elected by the members of the institution. The neophyte is submitted to a year’s noviciate; and if, during this time, he can bear the life, he is admitted into the order and consecrated a monk. If, on the contrary, the rigid and austere life disheartens him, he is allowed to retire. Each monk possesses a camp-bed in his cell, besides a jug of water and his clothing; but he is strictly forbidden, under pain of severe ecclesiastical punishment, to have money or any kind of food, or even the utensils necessary for making coffee.
Should a monk find some object on his path, he is obliged to deliver it to the Father Superior, to whom he ought to carry all his sufferings, physical and moral, in order to receive consolation and relief. Every monk belonging to this order must, without shrinking, execute the commands of the Father Superior concerning the exterior and interior affairs of the monastery. One third of the night is consecrated to prayer in the principal church, where all the brotherhood are expected to attend, with the exception of the sick and infirm. The ritual of prayers is the same as in all the monasteries of Mount Athos, except those of the communal ascetics. Vigils are very frequent, the prayers commencing at sunset and continuing till sunrise.
The following may be mentioned as belonging to this class: St. Paul, St. Dionysius, St. Gregory, St. Simopetra, and St. Panteleemon, called the Russian monasteries on account of their being principally inhabited by Russian and Greek monks. Xenophu, Konstamonitu, and Zographu, are inhabited by Bulgarian monks, and Chilandari by Bulgarians and Servians. The other monasteries are Sphigmenu, Karakallu, and Kutlumusi.
The third category is composed of monks who live in solitude. Their rules resemble those already described, but they may be considered to lead a life of still greater austerity. Their groups of small houses, which contain two or three little rooms and a chapel, are called sketés (σκητή); they are surrounded by gardens of about an acre in extent. In the midst of these groups of, buildings is a church called Κυριακόν, where mass is celebrated on Sundays and feast-days, at which service all the monks are expected to be present; on other days they perform their devotions in their own chapels. In each of these habitations two or three monks lead a very frugal life; their food consists of fresh or dry vegetables, which can only be prepared with oil on Saturday and Sunday, when they are allowed to eat fish, but very seldom eggs or cheese. The inhabitants of the σκητή support themselves entirely by their manual labor; each monk is required to follow some trade by which he can earn sufficient for his food and clothing. This consists mostly in the manufacture of cowls, stockings, and other articles of dress, which are sold in the neighborhood; with the addition of carvings in wood in the shape of crosses, spoons, etc., with which a small commerce is carried on with the pilgrims that visit the peninsula. Each σκητή ought to go to Karias once a year, where a fair is held, to sell his wares, and with the proceeds buy his supply of food. There are a great many monks who, with the exception of this annual journey, go nowhere, and possess not the remotest idea of what is passing in the world outside the restricted limits of their mountain. On the whole, their life is a time of continual toil in order to procure what is strictly necessary for their support, and of endless prayer for the eternal welfare of their souls.
The fourth category comprises the recluses known as Κελλιώται. Their pretty houses are sometimes sufficiently spacious and kept in good order. Each contains from four to five rooms and a chapel, besides possessing large extents of garden planted with vines, and olive and nut trees. These dwellings are tenanted by five or six recluses, and belong to convents that sell them to the monks. But the right of possession is not complete, as the purchasers are subjected to the payment of a small rent, and are not allowed to transfer their purchase to other persons without the consent of the monastery. The buyer, being the chief of those who live with him, considers them his servants or subordinates, and they can acquire no privileges without long years of service. The Superior may inscribe the names of two other persons on the title-deeds, who succeed according to their order in the hierarchy. Such property is never made over to persons of different religions, the law on this point being very strict. A new regulation is, that no Greek monastery should be granted to foreigners, such as Russians, Bulgarians, Servians, or Wallachians; as they, being richer than the Greeks, might easily make themselves masters of the whole.
The recluses live on the produce of their lands and seldom by the labor of their hands. Many among them have amassed a little fortune by the sale of their oil, wine, and nuts. Their mode of living and their food and clothing are the same as in the other monasteries; their ritual is also similar, with the exception that their devotions are performed with more brevity.
Take away their solitary life and their continual prayers, and they then might be considered as industrial companies belonging to the world.
The fifth category comprises the anchorites, whose rules are the most sublime and severe. These holy men do not work, but pass their time in prayer, the hard earth serves for their bed, and a stone for their pillow; their raiment consists only of a few rags.
Never quitting their grottoes, they pass their days and nights in prayer; their food is always dry bread, with fresh water once a week. If the abode of the anchorite be situated in an inaccessible spot, he lets down a basket, into which the passers-by throw the bread which is his sole nourishment. Others have friends in some distant monastery, who alone know the secret of their retreat and bring them provisions. These solitary beings shun the sight and sound of man, their life having for its sole object the mortification of the flesh, meditation, and prayer. The population of Mount Athos is estimated at between six and seven thousand souls, two-thirds of whom are Greeks from different parts of the Ottoman empire, and the other third Russians, Bulgarians, and Servians. Their government is a representative assembly in which deputies from the twenty monasteries take part, except the σκητή and the κελλιώται, who are dependants of the others. The twenty monasteries are divided into four parts, which are again subdivided into five. Each year a representative from each division is called upon to take part in the government of the peninsula. Their duties consist principally in superintending the police and the administration of justice. These four governors are callednazarides, a Turkish word which signifies inspectors.
Twice a year regularly, and each time a serious case occurs, a kind of parliament is called, consisting of the twenty deputies, who, with the four nazarides, occupy themselves with current affairs and common wants. Each monastery acts independentlyof the others in the administration of its affairs. The chief inspector, judge, and spiritual chief, who decides all disputes that arise in the monasteries is the Patriarch of Constantinople. The authority of the Turkish government is represented by a Kaimakam, who acts as intermediary between the parliament and the Porte; he fulfils rather the duties of a superintendent than that of a governor. There is also a custom-house officer to watch over the importations and exportations of “The Holy Mountain.”
Some of the monasteries contain fine libraries and rich church ornaments, which are the only wealth they possess. Each convent is under the protection of a patron saint, who is generally represented by some λείψανα, or relics. The anniversaries of these patron saints are held in great veneration by the Greeks, crowds resorting to the convents to celebrate them. Caravans may be seen wending their way along the mountain paths leading to the convent, some mounted on horses or mules, some on foot, while dozens of small heads may be seen peeping above the brims of large panniers carried by horses. On entering the church attached to the edifice the pilgrims light tapers, which they deposit before the shrine of the tutelar saint, cross themselves repeatedly, and then join the rest of the company in dedicating the evening to feasting and merry-making. These gatherings, though blamable perhaps as being occasioned by superstitious rites, are otherwise harmless, and even beneficial to the masses; to the townspeople in the break in their sedentary habits, and to the country-people in introducing among them more enlightened and liberal ideas, and in facilitating social intercourse between them in these Arcadian gatherings under the shade of spreading plane-trees, and stimulated by the circulation of the wine-cup. I have often visited these Panaghias and experienced real pleasure in witnessing the happy gambols of the children and the gay dances and songs executed by the young people, and in listening to the conversation or those of more mature years. At meal times all the assembled company unite in an immense picnic, feasting to their hearts’ content on the good fare with which they come provided, and to the special profit of the numerous hawkers of “scimitiers,” “petas,” parched peas, popped corn, stale sugar-plums, gum mastic, fruits, flowers, little looking-glasses, rouge, etc.; the last two articles for the benefit of the young beauties, who may be found adding to their charms hidden behind the trunk of a tree. The merriment is kept up to a late hour, and at dawn the slumberers are awakened by the sound of the monastery bell calling them to mass. This is generally read by the Egumenos, or Prior, except when the bishop of the diocese is invited to celebrate it, in which case the ceremony is naturally more imposing and the expenses incurred by the community increased to a slight extent. Money, however, is not extorted from the worshippers, each individual giving to the monastery according to his means and his feelings of devotion. Kind and open hospitality is afforded to all by the good monks, whose retired and simple mode of life receives no variety but from these gatherings.
Women and animals of the feminine gender are not allowed to enter the precincts of the “Holy Mountain.” This prohibition seems to be in some way connected with the curiosity of Lot’s wife, whose punishment is expected to befall the adventurous daughter of Eve who should thus transgress. This superstition has, however, lost much of its force since Lady Stratford’s visit to the monasteries during the Crimean War, when some of the monks tremblingly watched for the transformation, till they had the satisfaction of seeing her Ladyship quit the dangerous precincts in the full possession of the graces that characterized her.
It is difficult to say whether the adoption of the Orthodox Creed by the Bulgarians has been a blessing or a curse to them; for the friendly union that sprang up from the assimilation of faith between the two rival nations was not of long duration. Their amicable relations were often disturbed by jealousies, in the settlement of which Christianity was often used as a cloak to cover many ugly sins on both sides, and its true spirit was seldom allowed free scope for its sublime mission of peace, light, and charity. Religion was the subject that occupied, after the Crimean War, the minds of the small enlightened class of the modern Bulgarians, spread over all parts of Bulgaria, but existing in greater numbers in the eyalet of Philippopolis, where the honest, wealthy, and educated men who had in foreign lands imbibed the progressive ideas of the day, raised their voices against the then subjected condition of their church to that of Constantinople, and put forward a just claim for its separation or independence. As already mentioned, the religious ties existing between the Greeks and Bulgarians do not appear at any time to have formed a bond of union between the two nations, or promoted social or friendly feelings among them. After the Turkish conquest, Bulgarians and Greeks, crushed by the same blow, ceased their animosity; but bore in mind that one was to serve in promoting Panslavistic interests, and the other those of Panhellenism. The proximity of these two distinct elements, and the mixture of the one people with the other by their geographical position, render the two extremely diffident of each other and jealously careful of their own interests, although direct and open action on either side has not been prominent.
The Bulgarians, during the 13th century, had separated themselves from the Church of Constantinople. This was a serious measure which the mother church naturally resented and used every means in her power to abolish. In this she finally succeeded in 1767, when the Bulgarian Church was once more placed under the immediate spiritual jurisdiction of the See of Constantinople. The Bulgarian bishops were dismissed and their dioceses transferred to Greeks, the monasteries seized and their revenues applied to the Greek Church. This was doubtless an unjust blow which the nation never forgot, nor did they cease to reproach the Greeks with the injury done to them. The latter had, no doubt, a double interest in the act, and the first and less worthy was the material profit the clergy and Greek communities obtained by the appropriation of the Bulgarian Church revenues. The second was a strong political motive; for the right of possessing an independent Bulgarian Church and cultivating the Bulgarian language meant nothing less than raising and developing the future organ of Panslavism in districts the Greeks consider they have a hereditary right to; their national interests were, in fact, at stake. The men to whom was intrusted the duty of protecting these interests were unscrupulous as to the means they used in the fulfilment of their task, and a perpetual struggle ensued, resulting in persecution and other crimes besides the unjust dealing with which the Bulgarians charge their rivals. Both parties, from their own point of view, are right; and there is nothing for them but to keep up the conflict till some decisive victory, or perhaps arbitration, settles the dispute.
The Bulgarian Church question re-commenced in 1858 and lasted until 1872, during which time the bitter strife was renewed between the two nations, inducing the Bulgarians to demand from the Porte the fulfilment of the promises made in decreed reforms to guarantee liberty of religious worship and the church reforms indicated in the Hatti-scherif of Gulhané.
These demands were just and reasonable, and at first limited to the request that the Porte would grant permission that Bulgarians, or at least men capable of speaking their language, should alone be appointed bishops; that the service in their churches, instead of being performed in the ancient Greek, a tongue unknown to the Bulgarians, should be performed in the native language, and other similar demands, which the Greek patriarch very unwisely refused to listen to. Previously to this, in 1851, the Porte had obliged the patriarch to consecrate a Bulgarian bishop.
In a church which the Bulgarians had erected by permission of the Porte at Constantinople, in 1860, during the celebration of Easter, the Bulgarian bishop, at the request of the congregation, omitted from the customary prayer the name of the patriarch. This was the first decisive step towards the accomplishment of the schism that took place subsequently. The example set by this bishop was followed in many parts of Bulgaria; occasionally the name of the Sultan was substituted for that of the patriarch. The excitement this movement caused in Bulgaria was intense, and acted upon the dormant minds of the people with a force that pushed them at least ten years in advance of what they had been, and opened their eyes to things they had failed previously to observe.
The Porte, alarmed by this sudden effervescence of public feeling in Bulgaria, despatched the Grand Vizir on a tour in that country to study the feeling of the people. At his approach the inhabitants of every town flocked to his presence and brought their grievances under his notice. The Vizir’s action was as just and impartial as circumstances would allow; he listened to the grievances of the people, righted many of their wrongs, imprisoned some officials and dismissed others; but, notwithstanding, the Bulgarians failed to obtain on this occasion any great material amelioration either of their condition or with regard to the Church question.
At this stage all true Bulgarians, including those of the rural districts, were fully aroused; and, reminded by their respective chieftains, or heads of communities, of the importance of the pending question, and the necessity of united action, they determined to fight the battle with the patriarch and overcome the opposition they continued to meet with from that quarter. Help of any description was desirable for them, and even foreign agency was prudently courted. The Porte was given to understand that it possessed no subjects more faithful and devoted than the Bulgarians, and that the rights they demanded could be only obtained from it, and if their Sultan decided in their favor he would secure their eternal gratitude and devotion. Rome began to take an interest in the matter, and the Government of Napoleon III., stimulated by the Uniate Propaganda, headed by some Polish dignitaries established in Paris, endeavored to secure a hold upon the people by means of the priests and agents sent into Bulgaria, and people were made to believe that the whole of Bulgaria was ready to adopt Roman Catholicism and place itself under the protection of France. (See the next chapter.)
Russia, alarmed by these rumors, also began to show signs of active interest in the matter, and by her promises of assistance, her efforts to counteract the Uniate movement, and the pressure she finally began to enforce upon the Porte in favor of the Bulgarian church movement, ended in gaining to her side a small but influential body of Bulgarians in the Danubian districts. There was a critical moment when the Bulgarians, thinking all was lost for them, turned their hopes and even appealed to England for help, promising that if this were granted they would become Protestants. The missionaries of the Evangelical and other Protestant societies were led to believe in the possibility of such a conversion, and became doubly zealous in their efforts to enlighten the people.In the midst of this conflicting state of affairs, when each party tried to enforce its own views and derive the most profit, the church of Constantinople remained inflexible, the Porte took to compromising, and the Bulgarians, doggedly and steadily working on, by degrees became more venturesome in their action, more pressing in their demands, and more independent in their proceedings. Greek bishops were ejected from their dioceses in Bulgaria and driven away by the people. In Nish and other places monasteries were seized, and their incomes reappropriated by the Bulgarian communities. Personal encounters and struggles of a strangely unchristian nature were frequent between the contending parties, sometimes taking place even within the precincts of the churches. The struggle for independence continued, in spite of the anathemas hurled against the Bulgarians by the Patriarchate, and was encouraged by the desertion of two Bishops to their side. The exile of these by the Porte, at the instigation of the Patriarch, and a variety of other incidents ensued, until in 1868 Fouad and Ali Pashas took up the Bulgarian cause, and the exiled Bishops were recalled (February 28th, 1870).
Through the instrumentality of the latter a Firman was issued constituting a Bulgarian Exarch, and permission was given to the Bulgarians to elect their spiritual chief, the election to be confirmed by a Berat of the Sultan.
Ali Pasha’s death, however, in 1871, caused new difficulties, and the enforcement of this measure was, under different pretexts, delayed during the ministry of his successor, Mahmoud Pasha, and ultimately only fulfilled in consequence of the proportions the question had assumed, and the active interest taken in it by Russia as shown in the policy of General Ignatieff. This policy was not approved of by the majority of thinking Bulgarians, who, with good reason, dreaded the consequences of Russian influence based on the solid assistance it had rendered to the Bulgarian church. Russia from all times has made use of the churches and monasteries in Bulgaria, largely endowing them with sacerdotal gifts, in order to consolidate her influence and gain the faith and confidence of the people.
All now is confusion, darkness, and uncertainty in Bulgaria. Their churches, inaugurated with so much hope and confidence, have been polluted with every crime and stained with the blood of innumerable victims. Centuries must pass before the wrongs and misfortunes of late years can be forgotten by this unhappy people.
There is yet another Christian Church in Turkey which must have a place in this chapter. St. Gregory the Illuminator, the patron saint of Armenia, is looked upon as the effective bearer of that heavenly light that was to extinguish the beacons of the fire-worshippers and found the Armenian Church. In the beginning of the fourth century of our era this saint preached in court of Tiridates, who, evidently little disposed at the time to accept the new faith, vented his ill-humor against it by ordering the martyrdom of its preacher. The most agonizing tortures, say the Armenian annals, inflicted upon St. Gregory failed in the desired effect. Finally, after having been made to walk on pointed nails, and having melted lead poured down his throat, he was cast into a cistern, among snakes and scorpions, where he lived fourteen years, daily fed by an angel, who brought him bread and water. At the end of this period he was allowed to issue from his dismal abode, and was called upon to baptize the penitent king and his nobles, converted through the instrumentality of the king’s sister, to whom the Christian religion was revealed in a vision. Such is the legendary origin of Christianity in Armenia. The new faith enforced by royalty was soon spread through the country. St. Gregory was appointed Patriarch of Armenia, and after creating a number of churches, bishoprics, and convents, and regulating the canons of each, he retired into the solitude of a hermitage, where he was put to death by order of the king’s son. It was the beginning of a long course of misfortunes. There is something grand in the sacrifice that the ignorant and stout-hearted Asiatics made in the cause of religion. Nowhere was persecution so long or so cruel, martyrdoms so terrible, self-denial so complete as among the people of the land where the human race is fabled to have had its origin.
St. Gregory was succeeded in the Patriarchal chair by his son Aristogus, who, having taken part in the Council of Nice in 335A.D., brought back with him some of its decrees, and caused the first schism in the church. The terrible religious dissensions that raged for so many centuries made themselves as deeply felt in Armenia as elsewhere. Every dogma of Christianity was in turn examined, adopted, or rejected, until the Monophysitic views, gaining the majority of the people, caused the schism that finally separated the Armenian from the primitive church.
The two parties, though differing but slightly from each other, cease not, even to the present day, their antagonism. The schismatics affirm the absorption of the human nature of Christ into the Divine—the procession of the Holy Ghost from the Father alone—redemption from original sin by the sacrifice of Christ, redemption from actual sin by auricular confession and penance. They adhere to the seven sacraments, perform baptism by trine immersion, believe in the mediation of saints, the adoration of pictures, and transubstantiation, and administer the sacrament in both kinds to laymen; they deny purgatorial penance and yet invoke the prayers of the pious for the benefit of the souls of the departed.
The Armenian Church differs from the Latin in seven points. Its doctrine is contained in the following formula, which the candidates for priestly office are obliged to profess before ordination: “We believe in Jesus Christ, one person and a double nature, and in conformity with the Holy Fathers we reject and detest the Council of Chalcedon, the letter of St. Leon to Flavian; we say anathema to every sect that denies the two natures.”
In Church polity, after long quarrels and bickerings between three patriarchs, each following his own interest, rivalries, and rites, the supremacy has at last been vested in one who is called Catholicos, chosen from among the Armenian archbishops and appointed by the Emperor of Russia. The seat of the Patriarchate is the famous convent of Echmiadzin at Erivan, in Russian territory. This convent contains a magnificent library, is extremely wealthy, and exercises supreme power over the others in spiritual matters. It alone has the right to ordain archbishops to the forty-two archbishoprics under its control, and to settle points of dogma. Among the pretended relics it possesses are the dead hand of St. Gregory, used for consecrating his successors in the Patriarchate, and the lance with which Christ was pierced. This convent of Echmiadzin is to the Armenians what Mount Athos has been to the Greeks. In both, Russia has spared neither expense nor effort to establish her influence and spread it by means of these channels all over the Christian populations of the East. Her too stirring policy at Mount Athos, as shown by the publication of “Les Responsabilités,” and her attempt to enforce upon the Catholicos of Echmiadzin the decree for the suppression of the Armenian language in the churches and schools, and replacing it by Russian, had an equally unfortunate result.
The efforts of the Russian Government to improve the condition of this country are said to have met with a certain amount of success; commerce and industry, encouraged by the creation of roads and other facilities, have been the principal temptations held out to emigrants from Turkish territory. Of all the European powers Russia alone could help to civilize and improve the degraded condition of the Christians of those distant regions. Her influence would have been stronger and more beneficial to them if her policy had been a more straightforward and liberal one, and more in accordance with the national rights of the people whose good-will and confidence she will fail to secure so long as she follows the old system of trying to Russianize them by the suppression of their privileges.
The Armenian churches are not unlike those of the Greeks; they are similar in decoration—pictures of Christ, the Virgin, and the saints being the principal ornaments of their altars. These pictures are slightly superior to the expressionless ones used by the Greeks. The pious often decorate parts of these with a silver or gold coating on the hands, or as an aureole, and sometimes over the whole body. The Armenians have faith in the efficacy of prayers addressed to these images, as well as in the laying of hands on the sick or distressed, who are often taken to the church and left through the night before the altar of some special saint. The Armenian patriarchs and bishops enjoy the same rights and privileges as the Greeks, and administer justice to their respective communities on the same conditions.
Like the Greek, the Armenian clergy are of two orders, secular and monastic; the former are allowed to marry, but never occupy a high position in the church. They are usually very poor, even poorer and more retired than the Greek parish priests, living like the lower orders of the people, who look upon them as their friends. Although ignorant, they are much respected for the morality of their lives, but knowing nothing more than the routine of their office they are unable to give any religious instruction to their parishioners beyond that contained in the books of prayer used in the church; a passage from the lives or writings of the saints is read in place of a sermon.
This drawback to the propagation of more practical religion is being by degrees removed since the introduction of excellent religious books published by the Mechitarist College at Venice, and by the American Missionary societies. The latter especially have done much to stimulate the dormant spirit of inquiry; the large circulation of Bibles, which by their low price are brought within the reach of all, encourages the propensity shown by the Armenians to admit Protestant ideas, which are being daily more extensively spread among the community. “In Central Turkey alone there are now no less than twenty-six organized churches, with some 2500 members, and audiences amounting in the aggregate to 5000 or 6000 steady attendants.”