Bridge of Alcantara.
Bridge of Alcantara.
The Benedictine church is extremely fine inside; the bare stone in Gothic arches extremely grand. We view the bridge. Nothing can exceed it. Its venerable air, as well as the inscription over the triumphal arch, declare its structure of antiquity. It was built by the Emperor Trajan, and is about 150 feet high, stretching from mountain to mountain. The stones are immense, and of nearly equal size, with all the roundness of time’s rubbing. Standing on the bed of the river and catching the wild mountains through the enormous arches, it appears like the Bridge of Sin and Death striding over chaos. The piers seem to have been exceedinglywell clamped, and there is a triumphal arch in the centre of the bridge. I should think it as fine and perfect a Roman relique as any that exists, and being in this country it involves a number of inferences very interesting to the antiquary and historian. I wish some of them could see it. There is a striking grandeur of rude yet elegant simplicity in this structure which must always have rendered it most imposing; but that very venerable air that the whole has acquired, from each great stone being mouldered by time, until there are wide joints between them, and the whole inexpressible shade cast over it by a thousand years, give it an impression on the mind (while the light clouds dance over the top of the arch) that is not to be described.
Alcantara,November 5, 1808.My ever dearest Dad—The advanced division of the Army under General Paget is now moving onwards by the shortest route towards Burgos from the Alemtejo. The roads along the frontier into the north of Spain by Alcantara, Ciudad Rodrigo, etc., are so bad that all the artillery on the south side or left bank of the Tagus is moving on by the high road to Madrid. The rest will go from Lisbon to Almeida, and so on.There has been a very irksome interval between the knowledge of our destined entry into Spain and the commencement of the march.The rainy season appears to have commenced, but I devoutly hope that its effects will not be great before thearrival of this division at Ciudad Rodrigo, from which place I believe the roads are not liable to be broken up by bad weather.If we get in time upon the theatre of war, the British Army has every reason to be sanguine. I believe there is no man in the Army who is not confident in Sir John Moore. He has under him as generals as fine ardent fellows as ever breathed, and I believe his particular attached friends. Then the troops are the best quality of British troops, which is as much praise as can be given. So if Buonaparte himself with 50,000 Frenchmen of his best bands will please to oppose himself to the British corps of the Allied Army, we can wish no more. I shall take care that you get a line from me as often as is possible.I rambled a good deal about this part of the country before the division moved, and had some curious adventures. I have been fortunate enough to get an invaluable servant, who is an excellent cook, interpreter, and travelling companion, of tried fidelity and diligence, and more entertaining and conversable on the road than Sancho was with Don Quixote in the same relations and in the same country. I have completed my stud for forty guineas. Two chargers and a baggage pony make my establishment, and in these I have been so fortunate that I would spurn sixty guineas for them, and was offered twenty-five for one that cost me fifteen the other day. However, by the end of the campaign I expect I shall have taken out of them a little of their worth.It is the greatest comfort to me to be with such a man as General Paget. I consider myself as a part of his suite, and shall be very proud if I gain the esteem of such a noble man.This morning before we set off from Brozas it was notlight, and a man was smoking a little paper cigar in the hall. The General said he should like one of all things, so I asked the man if he had one, and one ready made was produced. There was some embarrassment about which end was to be lighted, and which to be taken into the mouth, so the man seized it very readily to show him the way. I endeavoured to redeem it before it was, as I should have thought, rendered unfit for service by being in the man’s mouth, saying with impatience, “He’s going to put it in his mouth.” “No, now let him alone; never mind,” said the General. “He knows nothing about that sort of thing, you know, and I’d rather do that than offend a fellow.”It was said in such a natural, quiet, unaffected way as to be quite delightful.Do let me hear often. I received a letter from dearest Mamsey, which gave me great delight. That Mr. Leckie is a very clever, but rather wild gentleman, who treated me very hospitably at Syracuse. I liked him very much. My friend Lefebure, to my great delight, is in Spain, most creditably employed as a missionary on affairs of very particular importance. The higher his employment is, the more I am sure his energetic mind will do him credit. I have had a very long communicative letter from him. I find he has applied to Lord Chatham for me, among a few others, to assist him in his occupation. I shall send this to headquarters by one of General Paget’s staff, who happens to be going, and hope that it will tell you very soon that I am well and happy.—With greatest love, ever, dearest Dad,Charles.
Alcantara,November 5, 1808.
My ever dearest Dad—The advanced division of the Army under General Paget is now moving onwards by the shortest route towards Burgos from the Alemtejo. The roads along the frontier into the north of Spain by Alcantara, Ciudad Rodrigo, etc., are so bad that all the artillery on the south side or left bank of the Tagus is moving on by the high road to Madrid. The rest will go from Lisbon to Almeida, and so on.
There has been a very irksome interval between the knowledge of our destined entry into Spain and the commencement of the march.
The rainy season appears to have commenced, but I devoutly hope that its effects will not be great before thearrival of this division at Ciudad Rodrigo, from which place I believe the roads are not liable to be broken up by bad weather.
If we get in time upon the theatre of war, the British Army has every reason to be sanguine. I believe there is no man in the Army who is not confident in Sir John Moore. He has under him as generals as fine ardent fellows as ever breathed, and I believe his particular attached friends. Then the troops are the best quality of British troops, which is as much praise as can be given. So if Buonaparte himself with 50,000 Frenchmen of his best bands will please to oppose himself to the British corps of the Allied Army, we can wish no more. I shall take care that you get a line from me as often as is possible.
I rambled a good deal about this part of the country before the division moved, and had some curious adventures. I have been fortunate enough to get an invaluable servant, who is an excellent cook, interpreter, and travelling companion, of tried fidelity and diligence, and more entertaining and conversable on the road than Sancho was with Don Quixote in the same relations and in the same country. I have completed my stud for forty guineas. Two chargers and a baggage pony make my establishment, and in these I have been so fortunate that I would spurn sixty guineas for them, and was offered twenty-five for one that cost me fifteen the other day. However, by the end of the campaign I expect I shall have taken out of them a little of their worth.
It is the greatest comfort to me to be with such a man as General Paget. I consider myself as a part of his suite, and shall be very proud if I gain the esteem of such a noble man.
This morning before we set off from Brozas it was notlight, and a man was smoking a little paper cigar in the hall. The General said he should like one of all things, so I asked the man if he had one, and one ready made was produced. There was some embarrassment about which end was to be lighted, and which to be taken into the mouth, so the man seized it very readily to show him the way. I endeavoured to redeem it before it was, as I should have thought, rendered unfit for service by being in the man’s mouth, saying with impatience, “He’s going to put it in his mouth.” “No, now let him alone; never mind,” said the General. “He knows nothing about that sort of thing, you know, and I’d rather do that than offend a fellow.”
It was said in such a natural, quiet, unaffected way as to be quite delightful.
Do let me hear often. I received a letter from dearest Mamsey, which gave me great delight. That Mr. Leckie is a very clever, but rather wild gentleman, who treated me very hospitably at Syracuse. I liked him very much. My friend Lefebure, to my great delight, is in Spain, most creditably employed as a missionary on affairs of very particular importance. The higher his employment is, the more I am sure his energetic mind will do him credit. I have had a very long communicative letter from him. I find he has applied to Lord Chatham for me, among a few others, to assist him in his occupation. I shall send this to headquarters by one of General Paget’s staff, who happens to be going, and hope that it will tell you very soon that I am well and happy.—With greatest love, ever, dearest Dad,
Charles.
November 8.—Start at nine o’clock for Zarza, and arrive about two.
My host is a Spanish gentleman, very civil, and the lady apologises for giving me a tin wash-hand basin, as all the silver ones are buried in the woods on account of the French.
Wait three hours for dinner, and at eight o’clock in comes cold meat.
November 9.—Get up at half-past four to start for Perales.
Shall be glad when we get to Ciudad Rodrigo and emerge from this miserable part of Spain.
We pass remarkable ridges of mountains and Moorish castles, also through great woods and watery tracts, but no towns, houses, or human beings. Perales six leagues from Zarza.
November 10.—Rise at four; very dark. Straw makes a good torch. The guide of the 20th Regiment takes them the wrong road. Error soon discovered. Violent rain.
General starts without a guide. I return for one, and by threats get an old postillion. The road by the Puerte desalto de Perales goes marvellously over the very summit of an exceeding high mountain, excessively steep, and much injured by great rain. Looking back, while climbing, I find the view most extensive and well wooded, half obscured by a heavy cloud, whose watery skirts, as they lift, reveal more and more of the landscape; then looking forward, I see a convent resting in a bunch of rare trees on the bosom of the mountain.
Here was formed a vast abrupt vale, in which better than ever before I could observe the system of waters as they sever the mountains. Many little runs joining, form a larger one, many of these again join, and amass a larger course, which forms a ravine; these ravines, falling into the same bottom, wear a torrent, these torrents brooks, and brooks rivers, and rivers a great river. All this lay with the most interesting development before the eye; but soon, ascending higher, I reached the clouds, and could see nothing but a circle of two yards round me, the bleak, rocky, wretched road, with a black hill on one side, and a precipice on the other, both lost in the impenetrable clouds, and what one could see of them covered with the stumps of heath, which, having been burnt, were quite black, and this, added to the excessive cold, made me feel as if I were travelling on the bare outside of the world, bordered by the chaotic beginning of things.
Soon after, without descending much, one enters a vast oak wood, which continues even to Penaparda, a miserable village. Wait with the postillion at the Alcalde’s house. The General arrives an hour afterwards. Proceed to Gainaldo, a noble city compared to Penaparda. Get good billets, and a happy family by a kitchen fire make me a welcome guest. Go to bed betimes.
November 11.—Gainaldo; halt to-day. Thisplace is two leagues from Penaparda, six from Perales. The happy family now sitting at dinner before me by a good fire. Three fine brats have a little table and a little pot of porridge apiece. There is besides a beautiful omelet. The man and his wife and mother at another table.
The right wing of the 20th Regiment marches into the town. Ride my pony,restivissimo! Sentence him to an immediate hard gallop, and further to carry his master to Ciudad Rodrigo to-morrow.
November 12.—Breakfast at five; start at seven, I on my pony, which starts very docilely to-day. The ground about this place is open and cultivated. Slight hills and enclosures. Part of the ride put me in mind of that part of the walk to Ollerton where there is a sandy hollow and a steep bit of the road. Fine morning, but the huge mountains threaten rain, which attacks us a short league from Ciudad Rodrigo, with sufficient spirit to wet us through completely. On our arrival we meet some officers of the 50th and 28th, and Colonel Ronch conducts the General to his quarters.
I get to a priest’s house, who makes a good palaver; but on seeing my little dungeon-room I sink under the weight of my afflictions. So after taking a glass of Malaga I sally forth, and get an excellent billet with a watchmaker. I intend totell the priest that I am very fond of him, but detest his apartments.
Sir John Moore left this morning, without baggage, for Salamanca.
November 13.—Read papers, and see a great many old acquaintances, and on returning to the house find Engineers’ horses at my door—Fletcher, Burgoyne, and Mulcaster. We call on General Paget, who asks us all to dinner.
Ciudad Rodrigo, a walled handsome town, standing on the river Agueda, which runs beneath.
November 15.—Go on miserable beasts, with Stewart, to Almeida, within six leagues of this place, and arrive at dark, getting horrid dirty billets.
November 16.—In the morning I go with Wilmot round the hexagonal works of Almeida, and also to Fort Conception. The angles of the flank and the ravelin of one front blown up by the French.
Return to Ciudad Rodrigo and desired to report on the place.
November 17.—Get up at six and start on “Blacky” to examine. Try to ford the river, and fail in several attempts. At last he and I part company; he runs home on one side, and I on the other. Walk the rest, and write my report.
Ordered to set out to-morrow for Salamanca.
November 18.—Start at eight, anden routeget a volunteer guide for Cuba de Sancho, who runs amazingly fast and long. On arrival get comfortably lodged, and start at dawn for Salamanca, which we reach by five o’clock, being in all eleven leagues.
Here meet Mr. Fletcher, Mulcaster, and Foster, who tell us that the French had pushed on cavalry to Valladolid, and also that an order has been given to the troops at Salamanca to prepare to march at the shortest notice.
November 20, Sunday.—Breakfast with General Paget and write out report upon last roads.
Salamanca merits particular notice and attention. The church magnificent, and the door of the cathedral the richest, most superb thing I ever saw.
November 29.—Anxiety prevails about the Allies, and I receive orders late in the day to accompany Colonel Offeney on an excursion.
November 30.—We start at six, and after passing Tormerellas meet a sickly-looking man on horseback, whom we stop. He appears a good deal frightened, and confesses to have conducted thirty dragoons to Pedroso. He also delivers up certain papers—a requisition for 50,000 rations of bread and 10,000 of forage; a paper from Besseares to the Spanish people; and another, a bulletin from the grand army, announcingthe total defeat of Castanos, which, added to that of Blake and La Romano, left nothing of a Spanish army but a small corps in the rear of the enemy under Palafax. Send this fellow with his papers to headquarters.
Start again, and having learned that the enemy had abandoned Pedroso, proceed thither, and find they had left the town two hours before our arrival. It was thought they had merely withdrawn into a wood a mile beyond, into which it was not deemed prudent to penetrate.
It appeared they had come for information, asking after us; and hearing that we had 24,000 in Salamanca, they said, “It was nothing; they had 40,000, and would soon settle us.”
December 1.—Enter the wood with some precaution, and strike off to the left, crossing the stagnant Guareña to some houses, and are induced to believe that the French have gone back to Fresno.
Strike to the right to Villa Fuente, a short league distant. Then return to Pitiegua, and sleep at the house of the excellent curé, having made a hideous dinner upon nothing.
December 2.—Start for Mollorido, a mill on the road to Valladolid, and the next day receive intelligence that 10,000 infantry and 2000 cavalry have marched towards Segovia.
Go again to Tarazona, and meet on the edgeof the wood the servant of the Bishop of Coimbra on his way home from Bourdeaux. The Bishop was one of the Portuguese grandees sent as hostages to France, and the servant had been to visit him. He told us that he had both seen and spoken to Napoleon at Burgos, and that he was now at Aranda on his way to Madrid, to which the whole attention of the French seemed now turned, in consequence of the defeat or rout of Castanos.
We send this man with a dragoon to headquarters, and proceed to Mollorido, where we meet some people who advise us of a Don living at Tarazona, a village half a league to the left. Go there, and find Don Jose Mental, who had fled from Rosseda, and here he was in his own farmhouse. We endeavoured to make him a sort of master intelligencer. He promised much, but is actually no great shakes. Leaving him, we return by the sedgy banks of the wild poolly Guareña. I rode ahead with the guide, and whenever we came to a pool he gave a shuddering look thereon, and looking at me and shaking his head, said it was a terrible place, and whoever went in never came out again. This was his impression, as he could not swim, and had probably never been immersed in his life; to me it was no more than a deep pool.
December 4, Sunday.—General Alton calls, andwe ride with him to Bahel FuentaviaVilla Ruella.
Set out on return journey, not knowing the road. The guide says he is sure that the wrong road is the right one. We take the wrong, and wander a long, long time in a heavy impenetrable fog, not seeing three feet before us. At length we shoot into a flock of sheep, and I, thinking there must be a shepherd, begin to whistle as hard as I can; and soon, to my great joy, I behold three upright forms advancing towards me, and make one of them put us on the right road for Pitiegua. We had gone more than our distance, and were still five miles off.
December 6.—Take a walk with the curate. He asks me about my birth, parentage, and education, and finding I had a mother, he says, “Ah, how often does she say to herself, ‘Oh, if he should be dead, my dear child!’” This throws me into the blue devils.
December 7.—Yesterday General Alton intercepted the imperial mail from Burgos to Madrid. It was carried by a Spanish courier, and guarded by two French officers and a French courier. The party was attacked by about twenty peasants a few leagues from Burgos. One French officer and the French courier were killed. The other Frenchman made his escape, and the Spanish courier set off full speed for the English outposts. The mailhad many letters for Napoleon and his dukes and nobles.
To-day we set out for Tarazona, but on meeting some people from Cantalapiedra, they tell us such a parcel of stuff that we determine to go there.
We reach Cantalapiedra, five leagues off, and ask for news. A priest, coming up, asks, “Do they seek for news here?” “Yes.” “Oh,” he says, “the Emperor of Russia has sent his ambassador to Buonaparte to Madrid, to say that unless he desists from his projects against Spain, the Muscovite will declare against him.”
The Marquis Goraze is here in retirement. He is the intendente of Burgos, and made his escape. The people point to an equipage just arriving. ’Tis the Marchioness, drawn in a dung-cart, her daughters and women preceding her on donkeys, and the Marquis himself bringing up the rear.
After a most beautiful sunbright day and clear night there advances suddenly from the north (between Pedroso and Pitiegua) an overwhelming cloud resting on the earth. I kept before it some time, and could see far before me (though it was night), but behind me not an inch, till at last, meeting a man and talking with him a moment, it got ahead, and I found myself in the thickest pudding of a night, and was obliged to grope my way to Pitiegua.
December 8.—Stay indoors and determine on what to be done.
December 9–11.—Ride north, reconnoitre, make maps and plans.
Frost and excessive cold. Get a letter from Burgoyne,21dated Salamanca, about my coat. He tells me that General Hope is with them at Alba, and that the French have attacked Madrid in force, and are reported to be repulsed with loss. Also that Napoleon has declared in Paris—“I am now going at the head of 200,000 men to place a prince of my own family on the throne of Spain, after which I shall proceed to plant the Imperial eagles on the walls of Lisbon.”
Napoleon has been at Aranda de Duero some time.
December 14.—Start for headquarters, and find that General Stewart has surprised a valuable convoy of cotton in some town on the Douro, taking thirty-seven prisoners, fine-looking fellows.
Colonel Murray tells me I shall find General Paget at Toro, and that Captain Campbell is going thither. Arrive at Toro. General Paget not there, and I get put up at his old quarters, and am informed that an officer had murdered his landlord, and immediately after, there enters a man with his head all bloody, and people screaming.
My first object was, and always is, with theSpaniards, to make them cease their storm, and then I can redress or excuse their wrongs and talk reason to them. For the passion of the Spaniard rises at the sound of his own voice; he hears it reciting in an angry tone, and his grievances mount to sudden fury and chide the tardy execution of revenge. I take the man to General Beresford.
Noises and knockings at the door all night.
December 15.—In the morning an old woman enters and gives a most humorous description of the night’s disturbances.
Start with Captain Bayley for Tiedra, and there find General Paget, who had arrived with the Reserve.
December 17.—Hard frost, march to Villalpando. Met by the people with enthusiastic exclamations.
The Generals have a confab, Sir D. Baird having joined.
December 18.—Sunday. I am desired to plan the place.
December 19.—Advance to Valderas and make a sketch. The cavalry pass the bridge, and while on the bank, under-run by the river Cea, I was almost blown away and benumbed by the violence of the wind.
Sir John dines with General Paget,—and Battle is the word!!
[The Journal here is omitted from 19th December to 24th December, the details of the campaign being more clearly related in the letter to his father, dated 24th December.]
Grajal,22December 24, 1808.My ever dearest Father—I see so many foolish letters in the papers respecting the operations of armies and the faults or merits of Generals, that however naturally I might be inclined to chat with you and give you in narrative my ideas of our movements, made and required, I have, I believe, pretty generally refrained from entering into the subject more than in a general cursory manner. The enemy was in force at Saldana, and extended to other towns on the river Carrion, which runs from the Asturias through Leon into the Douro. It was determined to beat him here if he would wait, and accordingly by a mutual flank movement right and left, a junction having been formed with Sir David Baird, the whole army advanced towards the Carrion without losing time, taking up at the end of each day’s march such lines of cantonment as were the most secure that the situation of the towns and villages would admit of, keeping the cavalry in our front, then the Reserve, behind which, in three divisions, was the main army, having its flanks covered by the cavalry and flank corps of light troops.As in the advance our patroles fell in with those of the enemy, that superior valour of which the English are so conscious, and which is conspicuous in all descriptions of English warriors in their battles with the enemy, was very strongly and repeatedly displayed by our Hussars. Lord Paget having gained informationthat 700 of the enemy’s cavalry were at Sahagun, conceived it possible to take them by surprise. He therefore moved at midnight with the 10th and 15th. He divided these regiments at a suitable spot, and directing the 10th to move direct into Sahagun, so as to arrive at a stated time, he himself advanced by another road with the 15th, so as to turn the town and prevent the escape of the enemy.This plan, wise as it was, was frustrated by a neighbouring picquet of the enemy, having been attacked in the first instance, perhaps not wisely, for though some were taken, some (as might be expected at night) got off, and put the others on thequi vive, in consequence of which Lord Paget, advancing towards the place with the 15th in a column of division, found the enemy drawn up in line to receive him. He was thus with 400 opposed to 700, and according to all military rules, in a devil of a scrape. His Lordship, however, forming them into line, immediately led them on to the charge. The French are said at first to have stood like a wall and received the enemy with front give point. The impetuosity of the charge broke them, however, and much single-handed work ensuing, the final result was I don’t know how many killed, and 140 taken prisoners, besides which 2 lieutenant-colonels and 20 officers, one of the former being nephew to Josephine and aide-de-camp to King Joseph. The 10th came up too late to make the result of this affair more brilliant.Brigadier-General Stewart with the 18th, both before and since this affair, has been in several instances proportionately dashing and successful, and latterly 30 of the 18th attacked 100 of the enemy’s cavalry, killed 20, and took 6 alive.Our loss has been so trifling that I forgot to give it due place; it does not exceed 3 killed and 6 wounded in all—that is, seriously wounded, and these wounds have evinced (sufficiently, I hope) that the muff Hussar cap is no defence to the head, all the wounds being in consequence of their non-resistance, while our fellows hacked at the brass casques of the enemy in vain. As it was found that the chief body of the enemy under Marshal Soult, Duke of Dalmatia, was at Saldana, behind the Carrion, it was resolved to cross this river at the bridge of Carrion, five leagues distant, and to march upon Saldana with the left flank upon the river. Arrangements were accordingly made, in pursuance of which the Reserve under General Paget moved from this place at six o’clock yesterday evening, and was to take its place with respect to the rest of the army at a given time.The bridge of Carrion was to be forced at daylight, and a subsequent battle was fully expected and ardently desired by all ranks of the army, from Sir John Moore to the junior drummer—at least so I believe, and spite of the severe frost and night cold, with snow upon the ground, the spirits of the troops beat high; they enjoyed the night march, for they thought that at last they had caught this “Duke of Damnation,” whom they believed they had been running after from the neighbourhood of Lisbon. No men, they think, did ever go so fast, for they never saw anything of them, and almost despaired of coming up with them.The Reserve had moved about four miles when an officer met General Paget, and the division was marched back to Grajal, its former cantonment. This is all I know. I suppose the enemy was found to have bolted,and that it will not do for us to play with them in the middle of this continent.I therefore think that we shall get away as soon as we can. I think our Chief very wise, very brave, and very disinterested.—God bless you,Charles.
Grajal,22December 24, 1808.
My ever dearest Father—I see so many foolish letters in the papers respecting the operations of armies and the faults or merits of Generals, that however naturally I might be inclined to chat with you and give you in narrative my ideas of our movements, made and required, I have, I believe, pretty generally refrained from entering into the subject more than in a general cursory manner. The enemy was in force at Saldana, and extended to other towns on the river Carrion, which runs from the Asturias through Leon into the Douro. It was determined to beat him here if he would wait, and accordingly by a mutual flank movement right and left, a junction having been formed with Sir David Baird, the whole army advanced towards the Carrion without losing time, taking up at the end of each day’s march such lines of cantonment as were the most secure that the situation of the towns and villages would admit of, keeping the cavalry in our front, then the Reserve, behind which, in three divisions, was the main army, having its flanks covered by the cavalry and flank corps of light troops.
As in the advance our patroles fell in with those of the enemy, that superior valour of which the English are so conscious, and which is conspicuous in all descriptions of English warriors in their battles with the enemy, was very strongly and repeatedly displayed by our Hussars. Lord Paget having gained informationthat 700 of the enemy’s cavalry were at Sahagun, conceived it possible to take them by surprise. He therefore moved at midnight with the 10th and 15th. He divided these regiments at a suitable spot, and directing the 10th to move direct into Sahagun, so as to arrive at a stated time, he himself advanced by another road with the 15th, so as to turn the town and prevent the escape of the enemy.
This plan, wise as it was, was frustrated by a neighbouring picquet of the enemy, having been attacked in the first instance, perhaps not wisely, for though some were taken, some (as might be expected at night) got off, and put the others on thequi vive, in consequence of which Lord Paget, advancing towards the place with the 15th in a column of division, found the enemy drawn up in line to receive him. He was thus with 400 opposed to 700, and according to all military rules, in a devil of a scrape. His Lordship, however, forming them into line, immediately led them on to the charge. The French are said at first to have stood like a wall and received the enemy with front give point. The impetuosity of the charge broke them, however, and much single-handed work ensuing, the final result was I don’t know how many killed, and 140 taken prisoners, besides which 2 lieutenant-colonels and 20 officers, one of the former being nephew to Josephine and aide-de-camp to King Joseph. The 10th came up too late to make the result of this affair more brilliant.
Brigadier-General Stewart with the 18th, both before and since this affair, has been in several instances proportionately dashing and successful, and latterly 30 of the 18th attacked 100 of the enemy’s cavalry, killed 20, and took 6 alive.
Our loss has been so trifling that I forgot to give it due place; it does not exceed 3 killed and 6 wounded in all—that is, seriously wounded, and these wounds have evinced (sufficiently, I hope) that the muff Hussar cap is no defence to the head, all the wounds being in consequence of their non-resistance, while our fellows hacked at the brass casques of the enemy in vain. As it was found that the chief body of the enemy under Marshal Soult, Duke of Dalmatia, was at Saldana, behind the Carrion, it was resolved to cross this river at the bridge of Carrion, five leagues distant, and to march upon Saldana with the left flank upon the river. Arrangements were accordingly made, in pursuance of which the Reserve under General Paget moved from this place at six o’clock yesterday evening, and was to take its place with respect to the rest of the army at a given time.
The bridge of Carrion was to be forced at daylight, and a subsequent battle was fully expected and ardently desired by all ranks of the army, from Sir John Moore to the junior drummer—at least so I believe, and spite of the severe frost and night cold, with snow upon the ground, the spirits of the troops beat high; they enjoyed the night march, for they thought that at last they had caught this “Duke of Damnation,” whom they believed they had been running after from the neighbourhood of Lisbon. No men, they think, did ever go so fast, for they never saw anything of them, and almost despaired of coming up with them.
The Reserve had moved about four miles when an officer met General Paget, and the division was marched back to Grajal, its former cantonment. This is all I know. I suppose the enemy was found to have bolted,and that it will not do for us to play with them in the middle of this continent.
I therefore think that we shall get away as soon as we can. I think our Chief very wise, very brave, and very disinterested.—God bless you,
Charles.
December 24, Sunday.—March to headquarters at Mayorga. Make a sketch. A dragoon officer of the 10th begs to be let into our billet. I cannot say no. His horse kicks Lutgins’, who rows me like blazes for letting the dragoon in.
December 27.—Ammunition waggons without number, and the tag, rag, and bobtail of all the other divisions here fall to the convoy of General Paget, a tremendous string, which makes the Reserve a baggage guard. He executes this with patience, mastery, and accomplishment. Guns being posted so as to rake the road.
We get no billets at Benavente, but Lutgins perseveres and gets an excellent one, and Lord Paget and Colonel V. dine with us.
December 28.—At ten o’clock Lutgins and I, sitting at breakfast, hear a row in the streets. Ask what is the matter. “Turn out, sir, directly! The French are in the town.” Oh what confusion, what screaming and hooting and running and shoving and splashing and dashing! My sword, spurs, and sash mislaid. Olla! Mount my horse and ride to General Paget’s quarters. Find him just sallying forth. He at once takes up hisground and gets his people under arms. False alarm. Nobody knows the cause of the row, but the people of the house had fled in despair. Unhappy people! Such are the miseries of war, that the unoffending inhabitants, despoiled of the sanctity of their homes, find every social tie jagged to the root, and then enters cold, desponding indifference.
Ride to the bridge, where preparations are making to destroy the same. A very wet, cold night. I am sent with a message to Sir John Moore, and ride back again through devilish rain and numbing wind. A party of the enemy’s cavalry come to reconnoitre this operation, and exchange a few shots with our pickets. All the people having withdrawn, the houses on the other side the bridge and piles of timber are set on fire, and make a most superb and interesting appearance in spite of the inclemency of the night; the mounting blaze, bursting through the crackling roofs, glares sunlike upon the opposite promontories and sub-current waters. The teeth of thecursed saws refuse to do their duties, and hours are spent in sawing the woodwork. I leave the business at 5A.M.
December 29.—Get to bed at six o’clock, wet, cold, and shivered to death. The Reserve marches at eight. The bridge having blown up, the enemy’s cavalry in one part swim, and in another ford the river, and fall in with our pickets under General Stewart. The enemy 500, we 300. A great deal of sharp fighting ensues, in which the enemy are worsted, and seeing other bodies of cavalry coming on them, disperse and re-swim the river with loss both in drowned and killed; but the ground was so excessively heavy that our horses were blown, or their destruction would have been complete.
I post myself on a hill with Captain Eveleigh’s troop of horse artillery, and see a large body of cavalry advance towards us from a neighbouring village. We make all dispositions to receive them well, and they appear to design to take our cavalry in flank, edging off towards the river. When they come within reach, and Captain E. is just going to give them a round shot, we find them to be the 15th Dragoons!
Ride to the river, where the enemy attempt to form again on the other side and fire at our videttes with their carbines; but the horse artillery soon come up, and give them a few shrapnels, which disperse them and send them up the hill.Result (of the whole engagement) about twenty on each side killed and many badly wounded, about twenty French prisoners of the Imperial Guards, their General, Colonel of the 2nd Imperial Guards, and several officers.
I go on the bridge to see the effect of the explosion, which was complete, then ride in again, and on towards Baneza. Overtake Captain Griffiths, and converse much with him. Get pretty well put up with Lutgins, but the Scotch make inroads upon us.
December 30.—Cavalry arrive at Baneza. Start for Astorga (four leagues). The town excessively full and stinking.
On the road talk with French officers. They say that the Spaniards never fought at all, and that Buonaparte must have been looking at the action yesterday from the heights on the other side the river.
I and Gos billet together and receive orders from headquarters. Major F. Gos and Mul.23ordered one way, myself and Foster another.
This night tramp about the town to Q.M.G.’s and C.G.’s, etc., and am franticated about guides.
Mr. Boothby will be pleased to proceed this night by Castracontrigo, and endeavour to reach Sanabria to-morrow evening, or early on the following morning.
Mr. Boothby will be pleased to proceed this night by Castracontrigo, and endeavour to reach Sanabria to-morrow evening, or early on the following morning.
The object is to obtain correct information of any movements of the enemy from Benavente towards Orense, and to transmit the same by the most expeditious and secure route to Sir John Moore. Also to endeavour to induce the Spanish troops now at or near Sanabria to defend the passes as long as possible, and also to defend the fortress of Puebla and that of Monterey, and throw every impediment in the way of the advance of the enemy.A detachment of the 76th is at Monterey, which must be ordered to retire in time to Orense, where it will find another detachment and wait for further orders.Should there be any provisions at Monterey, and the Spaniards not be disposed to defend it, they must be, if possible, sent to any place on the road from Orense to Villafranca for the use of the column in that line of march, or else they must be consumed or otherwise destroyed to prevent their falling into the hands of the French.Headquarters will be at Villafranca till the 3rd, and afterwards towards Lugo.All intelligence must be also put to the column marching on Orense.Guides must be procured this night, and whenever wanted, and care taken to get intelligence whether the enemy have pushed any parties of cavalry towards Sanabria.Geo. Murray, Q.M.G.Headquarters, Astorga,December 30.
The object is to obtain correct information of any movements of the enemy from Benavente towards Orense, and to transmit the same by the most expeditious and secure route to Sir John Moore. Also to endeavour to induce the Spanish troops now at or near Sanabria to defend the passes as long as possible, and also to defend the fortress of Puebla and that of Monterey, and throw every impediment in the way of the advance of the enemy.
A detachment of the 76th is at Monterey, which must be ordered to retire in time to Orense, where it will find another detachment and wait for further orders.
Should there be any provisions at Monterey, and the Spaniards not be disposed to defend it, they must be, if possible, sent to any place on the road from Orense to Villafranca for the use of the column in that line of march, or else they must be consumed or otherwise destroyed to prevent their falling into the hands of the French.
Headquarters will be at Villafranca till the 3rd, and afterwards towards Lugo.
All intelligence must be also put to the column marching on Orense.
Guides must be procured this night, and whenever wanted, and care taken to get intelligence whether the enemy have pushed any parties of cavalry towards Sanabria.
Geo. Murray, Q.M.G.
Headquarters, Astorga,December 30.
December 30.—Start at twelve o’clock.
December 31, Saturday.—Very cold, leagues infernallylong (5 = 7), freezes very hard. Enter the mountains, my horse weak and broken down. Arrive at Castracontrigo at six o’clock, seven long leagues.
Hunt up the Alcalde, and desire to be taken to the curé’s house. He proposes our waiting till daylight.
Knock up the curé. Get fire and chocolate, and lie down at seven. Rise at ten. Breakfast and start again at twelve. Our guides tell us we shall not arrive at La Puebla till midnight.
This is all mountainous, and snow on the ground. Arrive at seven. Taken to the Governor’s, who secretly places a sentry over us, as I had not shown him my passport.
January 1, 1809, Sunday.—Go out to speak to the Governor. He is now very civil and frank, and tells me his intelligence, which I forward to headquarters.
Get a better house belonging to a man, who tells us afterwards that he has devoured at a sitting seventy-two eggs with their corresponding bread and butter.
Colonel Chabot, charged with despatches, arrives.
January 2.—Colonel Douglas, A.Q.M.G., and York and Hutchinson arrive on their way to the army.
I despatch spies to Benavente.
January 3.—Breakfast these people, and theystart for Monterey. Go three leagues on the road to Monbuey. Hear a lie, that the French are at Castracontrigo.
Colonel Peacock comes in late, his party halting a league behind at Otero.
January 4.—A Spanish ensign endeavours to turn me out of my quarters. I turn him out instead.
The inhabitants of Otero send to beg the Spanish soldiers may protect them from the plunder of Colonel P.’s stragglers. I write to Colonel P. to apprise him of this.
Mr. Murray, Com. G., arrives.
Commissaries, officers and soldiers, mules and devilment arrive all day. Spies return.
January 5.—Mr. Murray departs. Conceiving my commission to be performed, I determine to start for the army to-morrow, and the Governor writes to Marquis Romano and encloses my despatch to Sir John. A Colonel of Spanish Artillery arrives with the cadets of Segovia in charge. Poor little fellows! he is to take them to Corunna.
Don Alonzo Gonzalis tells the people that the English are going to embark. They do not believe it. “What,” says he, “if the English have not so many men as the French that follow them, would you have the poor English stay and be destroyed?” “God forbid.” In the evening I go to theGovernor’s, and find round the brazier many Spanish officers, principally Artillery. They talk of the destruction of the bridge of Benavente, and speak theoretically of the line of least resistance, etc., and I am asked if we do not carry with us some new and extraordinary machine of destruction. I cannot make out what they mean for a long time, so they send for the officer who had seen it.
He describes to the wondering circle a terrible machine, in which I recognise the wheel car! Then have we, is it true, an invention for carrying musketry to the distance of round shot? It was incredible. Describe shrapnel shells. A little black fellow starts up and swears it is no new invention. He is scouted and silenced. Take my leave.
January 6, Friday.—Start for Villarviejo. Freezes hard, and the ground is a sheet of ice. As the sun gets up, however, it thaws.
Pass numerous villages, and at three leagues encounter the first Portilia, where the road goes over a high mountain, which is sometimes impassable, and at this time bad and dangerous, not so much on account of the quantity of snow, but because the road, undermined by the run of waters in a thaw, becomes like the worst of rabbit warrens. And besides this, the beaten path is so narrow that two mules meeting could not keep it, and the one that leaves it floundershalf buried in the snow. Pass the other Portilia, not in so bad a state, at six leagues, and reach Villarviejo, on the other side, at seven leagues. The general and busy run of waters, as if to their appointed stations, calls forcibly to my mind the description given by Milton of the assemblage of waters at the great command to let dry land appear.
Scenery wild and very high.
Get put up at the curé’s house, which stinks excessively.
While cooking in the kitchen the whole family assembled round the fire, pop on their knees as the curé rises, and say the Rosary aloud. “Santa Maria! Madre de Dios!” is chimed out at the beginning of almost every prayer.
Foster and I sleep in the same room with the curé, who blows like a whale.
January 7.—Start for Monterey. Excessive, heavy, and continued rain. Overtake Colonel Peacock, in charge of £130,000, about four leagues from Verin, which is at bottom, while Monterey is at top, almost adjoining. Converse a good deal with him. Arrive at Verin completely drenched.
These two days’ journeys, though each called seven leagues, are at the lowest calculation eight.
About a league from Verin we are on a hill commanding a complete view of it and the Valdi mountains, most beautiful and romantic, a finewinding stream with green meads, and in the midst villages, woods, groves, pastures, houses, gardens—the garden of Eden.
Find Mr. Murray at Verin. Consult. He has learned that the army was at Lugo on the 5th, on which same day the English entered Orense. It is therefore doubtful whether or no the English will be found there when we arrive, the distance being ten leagues.
Get billets on an apothecary and go to bed. Much disturbed. Knocked up. Sick and ill, and what rest soever my illness allowed was snatched away by voracious and innumerable jumpers that bit me in all directions, and where they did not bite they ran and hopped about my feverish body.
January 8, Sunday.
Because I dare not touch them for my life,Enticing grapes and honey were produced,And when my parched palate prompts my hand,My qualmish stomach sends its veto up.Baboon-faced John projects my certain cure,And gives me burnt bread sopped in scalding wine.I go to the Corregidor, and thereFind Murray’s information is confirmed.I write to Colonel Peacock, and resolveTo take the shortest road to Vigo Bay,Passing the Minho, by a ferry boat....Engage a mounted guide, and disfatigueOur weary bodies with two hours’ repose.Then, rising in the dark of night, we goAnd wonder how the practised guide can findThe labyrinthine way, how he can tellThe rocks and waters manifold (from snowJust thawed, and pushing for the lowest place)With such sure step to evitate at night.
Because I dare not touch them for my life,Enticing grapes and honey were produced,And when my parched palate prompts my hand,My qualmish stomach sends its veto up.Baboon-faced John projects my certain cure,And gives me burnt bread sopped in scalding wine.I go to the Corregidor, and thereFind Murray’s information is confirmed.I write to Colonel Peacock, and resolveTo take the shortest road to Vigo Bay,Passing the Minho, by a ferry boat....Engage a mounted guide, and disfatigueOur weary bodies with two hours’ repose.Then, rising in the dark of night, we goAnd wonder how the practised guide can findThe labyrinthine way, how he can tellThe rocks and waters manifold (from snowJust thawed, and pushing for the lowest place)With such sure step to evitate at night.
Because I dare not touch them for my life,Enticing grapes and honey were produced,And when my parched palate prompts my hand,My qualmish stomach sends its veto up.Baboon-faced John projects my certain cure,And gives me burnt bread sopped in scalding wine.I go to the Corregidor, and thereFind Murray’s information is confirmed.I write to Colonel Peacock, and resolveTo take the shortest road to Vigo Bay,Passing the Minho, by a ferry boat....Engage a mounted guide, and disfatigueOur weary bodies with two hours’ repose.Then, rising in the dark of night, we goAnd wonder how the practised guide can findThe labyrinthine way, how he can tellThe rocks and waters manifold (from snowJust thawed, and pushing for the lowest place)With such sure step to evitate at night.
Because I dare not touch them for my life,
Enticing grapes and honey were produced,
And when my parched palate prompts my hand,
My qualmish stomach sends its veto up.
Baboon-faced John projects my certain cure,
And gives me burnt bread sopped in scalding wine.
I go to the Corregidor, and there
Find Murray’s information is confirmed.
I write to Colonel Peacock, and resolve
To take the shortest road to Vigo Bay,
Passing the Minho, by a ferry boat....
Engage a mounted guide, and disfatigue
Our weary bodies with two hours’ repose.
Then, rising in the dark of night, we go
And wonder how the practised guide can find
The labyrinthine way, how he can tell
The rocks and waters manifold (from snow
Just thawed, and pushing for the lowest place)
With such sure step to evitate at night.
At last a little village we descry, and thunder at a cottage door, but, alas! the inhabitants of this cottage persist in a death-like silence and a dread repose. Thus we remain, we know not where, in a very cold night. At length the guide goes to another house by himself, and gets a Galician with straw torches, which are very pretty and convenient.
The road is very dreary and unpleasant, and still three leagues to Villadita. On arriving we get a woman to show us the way to the Corregidor’s. It was three o’clock in the morning. Corregidor looks out of his window and says with a loud voice, “Alguacil.”24The old Alguacil leads to one and another, but we make him give us a smart-looking house with windows to it. The mistress makes a rail, but first the maid comes to the balcony and says, “Good morning, gentlemen.” “A curse, you ugly witch,” says Bernardo, “is this a time for the compliments of the morning?” When we get into this house it is so mouldy, forlorn, and faded fine that, late as it is, we try another, where we find a man in bed in every nookand corner. Get very comfortably lodged, and find that we are only nine leagues from Vigo.
January 9, Monday.—Get a most excellent breakfast, and, notwithstanding my increasing malady, I venture to swallow a quart of rich new milk, which I have not tasted for a long time.
The people come and bother and say, “Behold here are two dear Englishmen that don’t know what good news we have for them. The English, pursued by the French, have headed round at Betanzos and driven the French before them sixteen leagues, and orders are come to halt the troops at Orense that were going to Vigo.”
Although I did not think this account entitled to credit, coming from the Spaniards, who give and take lies with greater assurance and credulity than any other people, I thought that I might so far trust it as to the intelligence which respected Orense, only two and a half leagues distant; and they said the ferry across the Minho was not always passable.
Not feeling safe in the hands of the precarious, headlong Spaniards, I was rather anxious to get to a British column, as the circumstances of the evacuation would not be much longer in spreading, and who could tell the impression it might create.
[A break occurs here in the Journal, but we know that Captain Boothby was now on his way to join Sir John Moore at CorunnaviaVigo Bay, and the nexttidings we hear from him occur in the letters to his father and brother after the battle of Corunna.]
[A break occurs here in the Journal, but we know that Captain Boothby was now on his way to join Sir John Moore at CorunnaviaVigo Bay, and the nexttidings we hear from him occur in the letters to his father and brother after the battle of Corunna.]
* * * * *
On Board the “Barfleur,”Jan. 18, 1809.My ever dearest Father—I am very anxious that you should have a line from me as soon as you will hear of the action of the 16th, the result of which, had it not deprived us of Sir John Moore, would have been everything that could be wished. He was killed by a cannon shot early in the action, which tore away his shoulder. He, however, lived till nine o’clock, being perfectly collected, sensible, and great to the last.The French in attacking us had at last complied with his most earnest wishes, and the battle had the effect which he foresaw, that of ensuring to us an unmolested and complete embarkation, which took place the night of the action and yesterday, the French contenting themselves with throwing a few shot among the shipping, which, operating on the fears of the masters, caused two or three transports to be lost. Otherwise it had the beneficial effect of getting the fleet under way most expeditiously.The action was very obstinate and warm, and lasted three hours. It is the first I have been in. Our loss in killed and wounded, particularly in officers, has been very severe, considering the number of troops exposed to fire, which was not more than half the army.I have no more time, as the bag is closed. God bless you,Charles.
On Board the “Barfleur,”Jan. 18, 1809.
My ever dearest Father—I am very anxious that you should have a line from me as soon as you will hear of the action of the 16th, the result of which, had it not deprived us of Sir John Moore, would have been everything that could be wished. He was killed by a cannon shot early in the action, which tore away his shoulder. He, however, lived till nine o’clock, being perfectly collected, sensible, and great to the last.
The French in attacking us had at last complied with his most earnest wishes, and the battle had the effect which he foresaw, that of ensuring to us an unmolested and complete embarkation, which took place the night of the action and yesterday, the French contenting themselves with throwing a few shot among the shipping, which, operating on the fears of the masters, caused two or three transports to be lost. Otherwise it had the beneficial effect of getting the fleet under way most expeditiously.
The action was very obstinate and warm, and lasted three hours. It is the first I have been in. Our loss in killed and wounded, particularly in officers, has been very severe, considering the number of troops exposed to fire, which was not more than half the army.
I have no more time, as the bag is closed. God bless you,
Charles.