A mercantile agency inquiry form.A mercantile agency inquiry form.To be a recipient of the valuable information afforded by these agencies business men, by paying an annual fee, are enrolled as subscribers and furnished with books of ratings, as they are called. Besides this book specialtype-writtenreports with elaborate details respecting afirm's credit are sent upon the request of the subscriber. The volume of information recorded in these agencies concerning any one's credit is obtained through the effort of officials of the agencies known as reporters. These men of experience, integrity, and discernment are seekers after truths. Usually each reporter has a distinct line of trade assigned him for research and investigation. This brings him into intimate acquaintanceship with every trader in his particular field. He is a constant solicitor of the banker and merchant for facts. His business is not merely to gather information respecting the resources of business men, but to investigate rumours that in themselves may be detrimental to one's credit, and to disprove them where possible and sustain and support the credit of a house. Too often it is supposed that the reporter is seeking evidences of weakness when in reality his business is most frequently that of discovering elements of strength. Information is freely given him as he interviews men whose businesses and experiences are the depositories for a wealth of credit information. He soon becomes a confidant of the merchant himself, who not only tells him all he knows about the customers and their accounts upon his books, but his own business affairs as well. Indeed, the relation becomes so very reciprocal that the reporter often furnishes information to the merchant in the interview on some matter of credit of pressing notice. In this way a corroboration of facts or the denial of a rumour may be effected. He inspects the books of the offices of public record to find the evidence of mortgages, judgments, and transfers of property, and have the same recorded on the agency's books. It is the reporter who finally has gathered the information that determines a firm's ability to have and to hold a line of credit.It is essential to the life of the agency that its reportsbe honest and free from any element of doubt. The public confidence in the reliability of the reports will determine the prosperity of the company. Perhaps at first glance it would seem as if the system of reporting financial information was a serious discrimination against the men of smaller capital and in favour of the wealthy. But mere capital is not the only element entering into an estimate of one's ability to pay. Character and reputation are powerful forces in assisting a merchant in determining credit. An agency discloses facts and not opinions. And it is within the range of possibility of any one to create and maintain his credit. Capital may grow gradually but credit is sometimes established or destroyed by a single act.The facts obtained by mercantile agencies are not public property. They are given in confidence and for the sole purpose of aiding the business with respect to the propriety of granting credit. The private reports are for the eyes of the interested inquirer and not the curious. Whenever some particular item of interest finds its way to an agency that would affect one's credit seriously, such as the giving of chattel mortgage or the confession of a judgment or the sale and transfer of property, it is customary to send unsolicited a special report of these facts to all subscribers on the agency's books who have ever at any time made inquiry concerning the firm. One might expect that these agencies expose themselves to risk of prosecution for libel, but since no malice is ever intended in any report circulated, and since it rarely occurs that damaging reports are sent out by these institutions unless abundantly confirmed, there is little opportunity for litigation of this sort.Another field of usefulness of the mercantile agency is in the exposure of the absconding debtor and his whereabouts, and also the dishonest trader who in arranging a fraudulent failure may be striving to open many new accounts. The unusual demands for reports respecting such a one lead to careful investigation. Instead of a restrictive tendency a mercantile agency promotes the expansion of credit and yet permits of proper conservatism. It opens to the trader as a market for his merchandise every new and trustworthy account. It curbs speculation, stimulates diligence in business, habituates punctuality, and develops character. When we remember that the present annual internal commerce of our country is estimated at about 800,000,000 tons of merchandise carried an average distance of 120 miles, and that this volume of trade is worth over $10,000,000,000, we are forced to admit that the unique system of these credit agencies has done much to further and make possible this commercial prosperity.IX. BONDSUNITED STATES, STATE, AND MUNICIPAL BONDSWhen a country borrows money it gives a guaranty that the money will be returned at a particular time and that interest will be paid at regular intervals at a fixed rate. This guaranty is called a bond. In actual practice, instead of borrowing the money required and then giving bonds for its return, countries usually issue the bonds first, and sell them to the highest bidder. For instance, if our government needed to borrow $1,000,000 it would issue bonds for this amount, stating definitely the rate of interest to be paid, and call for bids. If the rate of interest were four per cent. and a buyer paid more than $1000 for a $1000 bond he would, of course, make less than four per cent. upon his investment. Such bonds are absolutely safe and always marketable on account of our strong financial standing among the nations of the world. Similar bonds are issued by States, cities, towns, school districts, etc. They are not mortgages in the ordinary sense, and their worth consists entirely in the ability of the issuer through its taxing power to meet the obligations incurred. Municipal bonds are issued by cities and other municipalities to raise money for local improvements.BONDS AND CERTIFICATES OF STOCKA bond is evidence of debt, specifying the interest and stating when the principal shall be paid; a certificate of stock is evidence that the owner is a part owner in the company, not a creditor of the company, and having no right to regain his money except by the sale of the stock or the winding up of the company's business. Bonds issued by stock companies and corporations are really mortgages upon their resources. Such a bond is usually secured by a mortgage upon the company's plant, franchises, and assets, or some part thereof. Corporate bonds can only be issued by the consent and direction of the shareholders of the company or corporation.At the present time a mortgage securing the payment of corporate bonds is usually placed in the hands of a trustee—generally some trust company—which is supposed to act in behalf of the bondholders as a unit and which is empowered by the language of the bond, in the event of the failure of the corporation to perform the obligations it assumes in said bond, to foreclose the mortgage and divide the proceeds of sale among the bondholders.—Carroll.CLASSES OF CORPORATION BONDSCorporation bonds are of many classes, differing widely in their value as securities. Only a few of the more important classes can be mentioned here.First mortgage bondsconstitute, as the name implies, a first lien upon the property of the company issuing them. It is important in estimating the value of such securities to know whether they include only the property of the corporation at the time the bonds were issued or whether they are so worded as to include all property owned or acquired by the corporation. Second and third mortgage bonds are second and third liens. The interest upon second and third mortgage bonds is paid only after the interest upon first mortgage bonds is satisfied.When bonds are issued to take up and put into one fund all previously issued mortgage bonds, the new bonds are sometimes calledconsolidated mortgage bonds. Holders of previously issued bonds are not obliged to exchange them for any new securities.Income bondsare usually secured by a mortgage on the earnings of the corporation issuing them. Interest on such bonds must be paid before dividends are declared to stockholders. It is customary when such bonds are issued to set aside a percentage of the earnings as a sinking fund to meet the bonds at maturity.Bonds are issued against all conceivable kinds of securities. Not only are properties of many kinds used to issue bonds upon, but many kinds of bonds are often issued upon the same properties. This is especially true of railways, where mortgages of various kinds often lap and overlap in almost endless confusion.SINKING FUNDSMoney set aside by a municipality or corporation tosinka debt at a certain future time is called asinking fund. For instance, if a city should issue twenty-year bonds for $100,000 to secure money for street improvements the entire debt would fall due in twenty years, but to avoid having such a large amount fall due in one year, a proportional sum is set aside each year as a sinking fund—that is, tosink, or reduce, or wipe out the indebtedness when the bonds mature. Bonds are not paid in advance of maturity.INTEREST COUPONSSpecimens of interest coupons.Specimens of interest coupons.Specimens of interest coupons.Most bonds haveinterest couponsattached. These are cut off and presented for payment as they mature. For instance, a four per cent. bond for $1000 would draw $40 interest yearly. This sum would be paid in two instalments of $20 each. If the bond were for twenty years there would be at the date of issue forty interest coupons, each calling for $20 and collectable at intervals of six months.X. TRANSPORTATION BY RAILTHE GROWTH OF OUR RAILROAD SYSTEMA railway map of the United States shows that most parts of our country have a thickly woven net of railroads. The mileage of our railroad lines is now 184,000 miles, the actual length of track on these roads being about 245,000 miles. The significance of these large figures becomes more manifest when a comparison is made between the length of our railroads and the length of those of Europe and those of the world. The railroads in the United States comprise over four ninths of the total railway mileage of the world, and are considerably longer than the railroads of all the countries of Europe combined. The facts are shown graphically by the following diagram:Mileage in Europe 155,000, Mileage in U. S. 184,000, Total for the World 434,000The history of the construction of American railroads covers a period of seventy years. The greater part ofour mileage has been built since 1870. The following table and diagram illustrate the growth of our railway net during each decade:Year 1830, 23 miles; 1840, 2,800; 1850, 9,000; 1860, 30,600; 1870, 53,000; 1880, 90,300; 1890, 163,600; 1898, 184,000.It will be noted that the decades of most rapid railway development were the one from 1850 to 1860, following the discovery of gold in California, and the two between 1870 and 1890. We added 70,000 miles to our railway net between 1880 and 1890—a record that no other country has equalled. By 1892 we seem to have met the more urgent demands for new lines, and we are now annually building less than 2000 miles of new roads. The face value of the capital now invested in American railroads is $11,000,000,000. The number of persons employed in the railway service is 850,000.THE RAILWAY CORPORATIONThe agents that do the work of transportation by rail are the railway corporations. These "artificial persons"are created by the several States and intrusted with the performance of services of a public nature. In all the German states and to a large degree in many other European states, the governments themselves provide the means of transportation by rail; but in the United States the ownership and management of the railroads is rightly regarded to be a task of greater magnitude than the administrative department of our government is as yet able to cope with.The growth of the railway corporations of the United States has been typical of the evolution of industrial organisation in this country. The early railway corporations were small. The Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, for instance, comprised the lines of four companies. In 1850 the road connecting Albany and Buffalo included the lines of seven companies. During the last fifty years most of the small companies have united to form the corporations which now operate our large railway systems. Though the last statistical report of the Interstate Commerce Commission—the one for the year ended June 30, 1896—contains financial reports from 1985 companies, there were only 782 "independent operating roads," the remainder of the companies being subsidiary organisations. This report shows that forty-four of these operating companies have an aggregate mileage that equals nearly six tenths of the total railway mileage of the United States. Indeed, the statistician to the Interstate Commerce Commission declared in 1894 that "over 83 per cent. of the business of the railways and 82 per cent. of their earnings fall under the control of less than forty associations of business men."The Pennsylvania system affords a good concrete illustration of railway consolidation. That corporation, with its 9000 miles of road, was built up by the union of over 200 railroad companies, and it now comprises within its organisation 177 corporations—most, though not all, of which are subsidiary railroad companies. This one railway system does one seventh of the entire freight business performed by all the railroads of the United States and handles one eighth of all the passenger traffic.THE FREIGHT SERVICE OF RAILROADSThe freight business of the railroads of the United States is much larger than their passenger service, the earnings from freight being nearly three times that from the passenger traffic. It is only in some of the New England States, the most densely populated parts of the United States, that the passenger receipts equal the freight earnings. The industrial conditions of the United States necessitate the movement of great quantities of bulky freight long distances. Our principal grain-fields are from 1000 to 1500 miles from the manufacturing districts and seaboard cities. Our richest iron deposits are in the States adjacent to Lake Superior hundreds of miles from the coal-beds of Illinois, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Most of the cotton crop is moved long distances to reach the mills of New England and Great Britain. In fact, most of the products of our fields, forests, mines, and factories are marketed over wide areas. The average distance travelled by each ton of freight moved during the year ended June 30, 1896, was 124.47 miles; and, as the railroads carried 765,891,385 tons that year, the number of tons carried one mile was 95,328,360,278.A comparison of the revenues received from the freight and passenger services by the American, German, French, and British railways is instructive. For each dollar received from the passenger traffic the American railroads earn $2.95 from their freight business, the Germanroads $2.40, the French $1.31 and the British railways $1.17. The United Kingdom has the greatest volume of passenger traffic per population of any country in the world.AMERICAN PASSENGER TRAFFIC ON RAILROADS RELATIVELY UNDEVELOPEDThe long distances of the United States necessitate a large freight traffic but act as a hindrance to travel. It is a generally accepted but erroneous supposition that Americans travel more than any other people. A comparison of the passenger traffic in the United States with that in the United Kingdom, Germany, and France reveals some surprising facts. The figures are for 1896. The number of passengers carried one mile per mile of road upon the railroads of the United States was 71,705, in France the number was 273,315, in Germany 315,399, and in the United Kingdom 440,000. The average distance which the Briton travels per year by rail is 244 miles; for the American the distance is 209 miles, for the Frenchman 176 miles, and for the German 165 miles. The Englishman takes 24.4 trips per year on an average, the German 11.3, the Frenchman 9.6, and the American 8.2. Americans travel extensively, but it is evident from the foregoing comparisons that the possibility of developing the passenger service in this country has by no means reached its limit.RELATION OF TRANSPORTATION ON RAILROADS TO ECONOMIC ORGANISATIONThe economic changes which have accompanied the great development of transportation that has taken place during the last fifty years have revolutionised our industrial and social life. Among the effects of developed transportation upon the economic organisation may be noted: First, that relations of producers and consumers have been fundamentally changed by placing a larger market at the service of both. Many classes of commodities are now bought and sold in a world market that were formerly restricted to local trade. Second, improved transportation has made the prices of commodities more uniform for different producers and consumers. The variations due to situation have been lessened. In a like manner there has been a decrease in those time variations in prices that result from changes in the supply of commodities. Improved transportation also makes prices lower—not only because it reduces the costs of moving the raw materials of manufacture and the finished products of industry, but also because it enables the merchant to turn his stock oftener and thus do business with less expenses for capital.As a third effect of improved transportation may be mentioned the acceleration which it has given to the growth of cities. Cheap and efficient transportation has led manufacturers to locate their plants where they can command a large supply of labour and where they have the greatest advantages for the distribution of their products. The great manufacturing establishments are now located in Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and the other large cities. Conditions of transportation have become a stronger factor than even the location of the sources of raw materials in determining where an industry shall be established. The effect of the railroad upon the location of agriculture has been no less potent. The railroad has brought new agricultural regions into cultivation and destroyed the profits of cereal agriculture in many parts of the Eastern States.Another important consequence of improved transportation and communication has been that of bringing the nations of the world into closer economic and social relations. With the growing solidarity of the economic interests of the countries of the world, with the multiplication of the intellectual and other social ties that unite the nations, their political relations inevitably change, and for the better. Nothing is doing more to advance the attainments of the cherished ideal of international amity than is the development of transportation.XI. FREIGHT TRANSPORTATION BY RAILTHE ORIGIN OF RAILROAD TRAFFIC ASSOCIATIONSThe performance of the transportation services necessitates the co-operation of carriers. When the government owns and operates the railroads of a country they are managed by a single authority, and the different parts of the railway system are fully co-ordinated; but when the railroads are operated by a large number of independent corporations, co-operation can be secured only by means of traffic associations composed of representatives of the railway companies, and intrusted with the power of making arrangements affecting joint traffic, and settling questions involving the interests of two or more companies.Two distinct causes brought about the establishment of railway traffic associations. The first cause was the necessity of co-operation to facilitate the joint business of connecting lines. Through tickets, joint fares and rates, through bills of lading, the interchange of cars between connecting roads, and the settlement of joint accounts led to the establishment of co-operative freight lines, car-service associations, claim associations, and various other general and local organisations for the promotion of the joint transportation business.The other cause of co-operation among the railways was the necessity of regulating competition. This cause first became potent after the process of consolidation had brought about the formation of numerous large railway systems, and had inaugurated the violent competition which led to discriminations in transportation charges, rate wars, and the other evils which have combined to produce "the railway question." The competitive struggles of rival railway systems began to be violent shortly after 1867, and soon led to the formation of railway traffic associations, with enlarged powers. The classification of freight, the determination of rates on competitive traffic, and the apportionment of that traffic, or of the earnings from it, among the competitors became functions of the associations.THE WORK OF ALBERT FINKThe man who did more than any other person to develop traffic associations and to promote the co-operation of competing railroads was the late Albert Fink. It was his master mind that organised and put into successful operation in 1876 the Southern Railway and Steamship Association. The following year Albert Fink succeeded in organising the great trunk lines connecting the North Atlantic seaboard and the States north of the Ohio River. Though smaller traffic associations similar to these two organisations had been previously established where but few obstacles had to be overcome, it was Fink who first organised traffic associations including all the competing railroads serving large sections of the country.In discussing the work of traffic associations, which are to-day concerns of really enormous magnitude, railway pooling and the classification of freight especially demand consideration.RAILROAD POOLINGRailroad pools are agreements entered into by competing carriers, by which the railroads provide for the division with each other of their competitive traffic, or of the earnings from that traffic in accordance with stipulated ratios. Thus there are traffic pools and money pools. During the decade preceding 1887, the year when the present interstate commerce law was enacted, most traffic associations had the pooling feature, and most of the competitive railway traffic was pooled, thus eliminating all competition in rates.Pooling agreements have never been legal in this country. Being illegal by the common law, they could not be enforced in the courts. Section 4 of the interstate commerce law made it unlawful for the carriers subject to the act to pool their freights or the earnings from their freight traffic, and made it necessary for the traffic associations to reorganise without the pooling agreements. Until March 22, 1897, it was supposed that the associations, without pooling agreements, were legal; but, on that date, in the case of the United Statesvs.the Trans-Missouri Freight Association, the United States Supreme Court held that the law of July 2, 1890, popularly known as the Sherman anti-trust law, applied to railways, and made it illegal for railway companies to contract with each other to maintain rates. Thus at the present time traffic associations are permitted neither to contain a pooling feature nor to provide arrangements for the enforcement or maintenance of rates, although the charges may be reasonable and be sanctioned by all the carriers interested. The associations may now legally exercise those functions which are connected with the joint business of their members, and they may act as bureausof information regarding the competitive traffic. They have no power to make or to maintain rates.TRAFFIC ASSOCIATIONS INCLUDING POOLING SHOULD BE LEGALISEDThe best performance of the service of transportation by rail requires the fullest possible co-ordination of the different parts of our transportation system and the largest attainable measure of co-operation among the agents who perform the service. Section 4 of the act of 1887 and the law of July, 1890, as far as the latter relates to railways, are based on an unsound theory. Provision having been made for that kind and measure of governmental regulation of railway rates that will insure reasonable charges, the railways should be permitted to co-operate in rate-making and be given power to pool their competitive business.CLASSIFICATION OF RAILROAD FREIGHTThere are thousands of varieties of freight offered to the railroads for transportation. If each class of commodities were charged the same freight rate per ton per mile, the charges upon many articles of prime necessity, such as coal, lumber, and grain, would be so high as to prevent their being moved, while the rates on goods of high value per bulk would be much lower than they could readily pay. Classification must precede the fixing of rate schedules. The railroads are interested in adjusting their charges to services performed in such a manner as to insure the greatest possible amount of traffic at rates that are properly remunerative. The public is interested in having the necessary revenues of the railroads so levied as to make the burdens as light as possible. Toaccomplish this a careful grouping of commodities is necessary.The goods are usually classified in five or six large divisions. The official classification referred to below has six classes. The first class consists of articles of high value, the sixth class of bulky commodities of low value, such as iron ore, lumber, grain in bulk, etc. In practice, however, the number of classes is at least doubled. Goods of especially high value are made to pay once and a half, double, treble or quadruple the regular first-class rate. A commodity is also frequently placed in more than one class, the rating of classification being lower for car-load lots than for less than car-load shipments. The classification is further extended by omitting certain articles from the list of those classified. Live stock and coal are illustrations of articles to which so-called "commodity," as distinct from "classification," rates are given. The individual shippers are constantly endeavouring to have their goods given commodity rates, and the effort of the railroad companies is to reduce the number of articles excepted from classification. Commodity tariffs have been a fruitful source of unjust discrimination.From this description of freight classifications it will be perceived that the main basis upon which the grouping of commodities rests is the relative value of the goods. The gradations cannot, however, be made strictly according to value. The goods are frequently put into a lower class than their value would warrant in order to stimulate their production and shipment or to develop the industries depending upon those articles.At first each railroad worked out a classification of its own, and there were practically as many classifications as there were railway systems. The disadvantages of this soon became apparent with the development of long-distance traffic. The multiplicity of classifications made it difficult for shippers or purchasers to ascertain in advance what the charges on consignments would be; there was a constant tendency to increase the number of commodity tariffs, and unjust personal and local discriminations were in consequence made more numerous. It became evident that there would be great advantages in having one uniform classification for the whole United States. This ideal has not been reached yet, but the number of classifications has been practically reduced to three—the official, applying to the traffic north of the Potomac and Ohio and west of the Mississippi; the southern, in force among the railroads in the Southern States, and the western, which obtains in the territory west of the Mississippi River. This amalgamation of the classifications has been brought about chiefly by the traffic associations and as the result of the enactment of the interstate commerce law. In order to avoid the discriminations prohibited by that law it was necessary to abandon the system of a separate classification for each railway. It is to be hoped that the attainment of the ideal of uniform classification will not be long delayed.THE CONDUCT OF THE FREIGHT BUSINESS OF RAILROADS—TRANSPORTATION PAPERSThe manner in which the freight business is conducted affords a good illustration of the high degree of development to which modern business methods have attained. Freight is accepted by each railroad for shipment not only to all points on its own system, but also practically to every railway station in the country, and even to many foreign cities.A waybill containing the initials of the number of the car used, the name of the consignor, the name and address of the consignee, the description and weight of the articles sent, the freight class and rate of the goods, and the total amount of freight charges, accompanies each shipment and is delivered to the agent at the place to which the goods are shipped.For the goods thus accepted for transportation, manifests, or "bills of lading," are issued to the consignor, which, like other representatives of property, may be transferred by the owner or may be deposited in a bank subject to draft. Bills of lading are of two general kinds—"straight consignment bills" and "order bills." When a straight consignment bill of lading is issued the goods must be delivered to the consignee or to the person to whom he may order them delivered. An order bill of lading is one that may be transferred upon indorsement. The following concise description of an order bill of lading is taken from the "Book of General Instructions to Freight Agents," issued by the Pennsylvania Railroad Company:When freight is consigned to "Order" it is, as a rule, for the purpose of securing the payment at destination of a draft for the value of the property. The draft is usually attached to the bill of lading and sent through a bank for collection from the party at destination, who is to be notified of the arrival of the freight. The payment of the draft secures to the payer the possession of the bill of lading, which must be indorsed by the party to whose order the property is consigned.XII. RAILROAD RATESTransportation charges have such a general and vital relation to industrial and social welfare that the problem of the just and equitable distribution of their assessment is one of paramount economic and political consequence. A consideration of the main factors which influence the railway companies in fixing charges should precede a discussion of the regulation of transportation by the government.GENERAL FACTORS WHICH DETERMINE RAILROAD RATES AND FARESThe factors which have most weight in fixing schedules of rates and fares are what it will cost to perform the several services, what the services are worth to those for whom they are to be rendered, and the extent to which there is competition among rival carriers to secure the traffic concerned. Though on the face of things it would seem that the railways should fix the charges for their various services in accordance with the costs of performing those services, it is neither practicable for them to do so nor is it desirable from the standpoint of public welfarethat such a criterion should be adopted. It is impracticable for the railroads to base their charges upon cost of service, because it is impossible to determine accurately the elements which enter into the cost of performing the particular transportation service. The modern railroad is a very complex mechanism, employed in the performance of a multitude of different services. No railroad official is able to say just how much of the company's total expenses are to be charged against any one particular freight or passenger service.The cost of service would be an undesirable basis of rates, because the railroads would derive such a small part of their total necessary revenues from the carriage of goods having a high value in proportion to bulk and weight, that they would be obliged to charge much higher rates than they now do upon the cruder products of the farm, forest, and mine. These products are the basic materials of industry, and the lowest possible rate for their transportation is essential to social and economic progress.VALUE OF SERVICE AND VALUE OF COMMODITIESValue of service is a more desirable basis for rates and fares than cost of service. By charging according to value of service is meant that the shippers of commodities and the passengers who travel shall contribute to the railroad's aggregate expenses in proportion to the value which they derive from the transportation service. The rates and fares may cover a part or all of the value of the service obtained. In either case they are fixed with reference to that value and not with regard to the cost involved in performing the work of transportation. The levy of rates and fares in accordance with this theory, which is usually called "charging what the traffic will bear," is considered by most people to distribute transportation charges properly, because it is claimed that the true measure of a shipper's or a passenger's ability to pay for a desired service is the value which he will thereby derive. That this theory, nevertheless, does not afford an altogether satisfactory basis of charges, particularly in the freight traffic, may be readily shown.While it is true that the amount of value added by transportation to goods of low value is less for each unit of weight or bulk than the amount of value which is acquired by an equal weight or bulk of high-priced commodities, yet thepercentageincrease in value is greater in the case of the goods of low cost. Expensive articles can be carried long distances without adding very much to their cost to the consumers. Measured in their percentages, then, the value of the service of transportation is relatively much lower in the case of the higher-priced commodities. The freight charges on wheat range from twenty to forty per cent. of its farm value, while the rate on shoes is possibly two per cent. of their factory price. That these charges are levied in accordance with the real ability of the articles to pay would be hard to establish.A PARTIAL THEORY OF RAILROAD FREIGHT RATESWithout attempting in this connection to formulate a complete theory of freight rates, it may be said that there are three factors to which weight should be given in fixing charges: First,the cost of service. The total costs of transportation, including a fair return on invested capital, must be covered by total receipts. Furthermore, the minimum rate charged any particular class of commodities ought to be sufficient to pay the operating expenses incurred in transporting the goods. Second,the value of the service. This fixes the maximum rate that may be charged. Were the railroads to charge more than theservice is worth to the shipper the service would not be desired. Third,the value of the commodities. Between the minimum rate fixed by the operating expenses and the maximum charge determined by the value of the service actual rates may vary through a wide possible range. In determining what rates within this range will be theoretically most just and least discriminatory, consideration should be given both to the value of the service and—more than is the case at present—to the value of the articles transported. By doing this rates will be paid by the various articles of freight more nearly in proportion to their ability to pay.THE EFFECT OF COMPETITION ON RAILROAD RATES AND FARESWhatever theory of rates may be accepted as ideally best, it cannot be strictly adhered to under the existing conditions of active competition obtaining in the United States. Actual charges have to be fixed and revised to meet the varying circumstances under which railway traffic is conducted. This competition takes several distinct forms. One is that between railways and waterways. A large part of the domestic traffic of the United States has the choice of transportation by rail or by water on the great lakes and the tributary canals, by the navigable rivers, or by one of the many ocean routes followed by our coastwise commerce. There is also the competition of rival railways connecting common termini or serving the same cities. These forms of competition are the ones most frequently noted; but they perhaps exercise a less potent influence over rates than what is known as competition through the markets or through the channels of trade. The competition between rival centres of commerce and industry—between theAtlantic cities and the gulf ports, for instance, or between the manufactures of New York and Philadelphia and those of Chicago or Cincinnati for the markets of the Southern States, to cite another example—is a force that must be considered in making rates and fares. Even towns served by only one railway and by no waterway enjoy the benefits of this industrial competition. Unless the railroad can give the industries in these local towns rates that will enable them to market their products, the industries will decline and the railway will lose its traffic.An interesting result of the competition of roads connecting common termini or joining a common industrial region with seaboard points is that the road whose line is the longest and whose expenses of transportation are greatest is obliged to charge the lowest rate. The short lines can charge more because they compete for traffic under more favourable circumstances. The lower charge of the longer line is called a differential rate, and it is customary for the shorter or "standard" lines to agree to allow the "differential" line a stipulated differential rate. This is the concession which the standard lines are obliged to make to temper competition and to prevent rate wars. The Grand Trunk, running from Chicago to Boston by way of Montreal, is a good example of a differential line, and the New York Central is a good instance of a standard line.GOVERNMENTAL REGULATION OF RAILROAD TRANSPORTATIONIt is a maxim of common law that transportation charges must be reasonable, and the exaction of an unreasonable rate by a public carrier is a common-law misdemeanour punishable by the courts. But when, as the result of severe competition of railroads with waterways and witheach other, unjust discriminations between persons, between places, and as regards classes of traffic—the abuses which constitute the railway question—became prevalent, the common-law provisions applying to railway charges were given statutory form and were supplemented and extended by such legislation as the circumstances peculiar to the situation seemed to demand. The comprehensive railway- and canal-traffic act passed by Great Britain in 1854 has been the model adopted for much of the railway legislation in the United States.The Constitution of the United States gives Congress power to regulate commerce "among the several States," but the jurisdiction over intrastate traffic lies with the State governments. The States began to pass general laws for the regulation of railroads fully twenty years before Congress acted, and two thirds of the States have established commissions to administer those laws.THE INTERSTATE COMMERCE LAWAfter fifteen years of agitation and investigation the existing interstate commerce law was enacted in 1887. The law prohibits unreasonable rates and unjust discriminations between persons, places, and classes of traffic, prohibits pooling agreements, provides penalties for the violation of the law, and establishes a commission of five men to administer and enforce the statute. Fortunately for the commission and for the country the first chairman of that body was the eminent jurist, Thomas M. Cooley, whose master mind did much to give vitality to the law.During the first five years after the law was passed it secured a fairly efficient regulation of interstate railway commerce, but recent decisions of the United States Supreme Court have so weakened the law that at present the commission has very little power. The commissioncan investigate complaints and make reports, it can collect statistical information, it can and does informally adjust many differences between shippers and carriers; but, to quote from the last report of the commission, "it has ceased to be a body for the regulation of interstate carriers." Legislation to amend and strengthen the interstate commerce law is urgently needed.Judge Thomas M. Cooley. (First chairman of the interstate commerce commission.)Judge Thomas M. Cooley. (First chairman of the interstate commerce commission.)XIII. STOCK AND PRODUCE EXCHANGESTHE STOCK EXCHANGEThe stock exchanges of the world must not be considered simply as noisy congregations of brokers speculating in securities under the guise of legitimate business. They really play an important and necessary part in the financial mechanism of the country, and are instruments of enormous value in subdividing and distributing capital, and in directing its employment in great commercial and industrial enterprises.The largest stock exchange of the world is that of London. It is not only the centre of the English market for stocks and securities but, like the Bank of England, it is linked internationally with nearly all the financial centres of the world. Almost every reputable security is marketable in London, either through the ordinary channels provided by arbitrage dealers, who buy in the cheaper and sell in the dearer markets, or through the agency of trusts and investment concerns. The magnitude and extent of the financial resources of the London Stock Exchange are enormous. Its advantages to the business public outweigh altogether the drawbacks imposed by the too-speculative spirit of mankind. It is a great business barometer, extremely sensitive to all conditions likely to disturb the world's finances. The London Stock Exchange has scarcely more than one hundred years of history. In the early part of the century the elder Rothschild was one of the giants "on 'change," and it was in this business that he amassed the great fortune which makes the name of his house a synonym for money power. The membership of the London exchange is not limited to a fixed number, as in Paris and New York. In the Paris Bourse all agents are strictly forbidden to trade on their own account.
A mercantile agency inquiry form.A mercantile agency inquiry form.
To be a recipient of the valuable information afforded by these agencies business men, by paying an annual fee, are enrolled as subscribers and furnished with books of ratings, as they are called. Besides this book specialtype-writtenreports with elaborate details respecting afirm's credit are sent upon the request of the subscriber. The volume of information recorded in these agencies concerning any one's credit is obtained through the effort of officials of the agencies known as reporters. These men of experience, integrity, and discernment are seekers after truths. Usually each reporter has a distinct line of trade assigned him for research and investigation. This brings him into intimate acquaintanceship with every trader in his particular field. He is a constant solicitor of the banker and merchant for facts. His business is not merely to gather information respecting the resources of business men, but to investigate rumours that in themselves may be detrimental to one's credit, and to disprove them where possible and sustain and support the credit of a house. Too often it is supposed that the reporter is seeking evidences of weakness when in reality his business is most frequently that of discovering elements of strength. Information is freely given him as he interviews men whose businesses and experiences are the depositories for a wealth of credit information. He soon becomes a confidant of the merchant himself, who not only tells him all he knows about the customers and their accounts upon his books, but his own business affairs as well. Indeed, the relation becomes so very reciprocal that the reporter often furnishes information to the merchant in the interview on some matter of credit of pressing notice. In this way a corroboration of facts or the denial of a rumour may be effected. He inspects the books of the offices of public record to find the evidence of mortgages, judgments, and transfers of property, and have the same recorded on the agency's books. It is the reporter who finally has gathered the information that determines a firm's ability to have and to hold a line of credit.
It is essential to the life of the agency that its reportsbe honest and free from any element of doubt. The public confidence in the reliability of the reports will determine the prosperity of the company. Perhaps at first glance it would seem as if the system of reporting financial information was a serious discrimination against the men of smaller capital and in favour of the wealthy. But mere capital is not the only element entering into an estimate of one's ability to pay. Character and reputation are powerful forces in assisting a merchant in determining credit. An agency discloses facts and not opinions. And it is within the range of possibility of any one to create and maintain his credit. Capital may grow gradually but credit is sometimes established or destroyed by a single act.
The facts obtained by mercantile agencies are not public property. They are given in confidence and for the sole purpose of aiding the business with respect to the propriety of granting credit. The private reports are for the eyes of the interested inquirer and not the curious. Whenever some particular item of interest finds its way to an agency that would affect one's credit seriously, such as the giving of chattel mortgage or the confession of a judgment or the sale and transfer of property, it is customary to send unsolicited a special report of these facts to all subscribers on the agency's books who have ever at any time made inquiry concerning the firm. One might expect that these agencies expose themselves to risk of prosecution for libel, but since no malice is ever intended in any report circulated, and since it rarely occurs that damaging reports are sent out by these institutions unless abundantly confirmed, there is little opportunity for litigation of this sort.
Another field of usefulness of the mercantile agency is in the exposure of the absconding debtor and his whereabouts, and also the dishonest trader who in arranging a fraudulent failure may be striving to open many new accounts. The unusual demands for reports respecting such a one lead to careful investigation. Instead of a restrictive tendency a mercantile agency promotes the expansion of credit and yet permits of proper conservatism. It opens to the trader as a market for his merchandise every new and trustworthy account. It curbs speculation, stimulates diligence in business, habituates punctuality, and develops character. When we remember that the present annual internal commerce of our country is estimated at about 800,000,000 tons of merchandise carried an average distance of 120 miles, and that this volume of trade is worth over $10,000,000,000, we are forced to admit that the unique system of these credit agencies has done much to further and make possible this commercial prosperity.
When a country borrows money it gives a guaranty that the money will be returned at a particular time and that interest will be paid at regular intervals at a fixed rate. This guaranty is called a bond. In actual practice, instead of borrowing the money required and then giving bonds for its return, countries usually issue the bonds first, and sell them to the highest bidder. For instance, if our government needed to borrow $1,000,000 it would issue bonds for this amount, stating definitely the rate of interest to be paid, and call for bids. If the rate of interest were four per cent. and a buyer paid more than $1000 for a $1000 bond he would, of course, make less than four per cent. upon his investment. Such bonds are absolutely safe and always marketable on account of our strong financial standing among the nations of the world. Similar bonds are issued by States, cities, towns, school districts, etc. They are not mortgages in the ordinary sense, and their worth consists entirely in the ability of the issuer through its taxing power to meet the obligations incurred. Municipal bonds are issued by cities and other municipalities to raise money for local improvements.
A bond is evidence of debt, specifying the interest and stating when the principal shall be paid; a certificate of stock is evidence that the owner is a part owner in the company, not a creditor of the company, and having no right to regain his money except by the sale of the stock or the winding up of the company's business. Bonds issued by stock companies and corporations are really mortgages upon their resources. Such a bond is usually secured by a mortgage upon the company's plant, franchises, and assets, or some part thereof. Corporate bonds can only be issued by the consent and direction of the shareholders of the company or corporation.
At the present time a mortgage securing the payment of corporate bonds is usually placed in the hands of a trustee—generally some trust company—which is supposed to act in behalf of the bondholders as a unit and which is empowered by the language of the bond, in the event of the failure of the corporation to perform the obligations it assumes in said bond, to foreclose the mortgage and divide the proceeds of sale among the bondholders.—Carroll.
At the present time a mortgage securing the payment of corporate bonds is usually placed in the hands of a trustee—generally some trust company—which is supposed to act in behalf of the bondholders as a unit and which is empowered by the language of the bond, in the event of the failure of the corporation to perform the obligations it assumes in said bond, to foreclose the mortgage and divide the proceeds of sale among the bondholders.—Carroll.
Corporation bonds are of many classes, differing widely in their value as securities. Only a few of the more important classes can be mentioned here.First mortgage bondsconstitute, as the name implies, a first lien upon the property of the company issuing them. It is important in estimating the value of such securities to know whether they include only the property of the corporation at the time the bonds were issued or whether they are so worded as to include all property owned or acquired by the corporation. Second and third mortgage bonds are second and third liens. The interest upon second and third mortgage bonds is paid only after the interest upon first mortgage bonds is satisfied.
When bonds are issued to take up and put into one fund all previously issued mortgage bonds, the new bonds are sometimes calledconsolidated mortgage bonds. Holders of previously issued bonds are not obliged to exchange them for any new securities.
Income bondsare usually secured by a mortgage on the earnings of the corporation issuing them. Interest on such bonds must be paid before dividends are declared to stockholders. It is customary when such bonds are issued to set aside a percentage of the earnings as a sinking fund to meet the bonds at maturity.
Bonds are issued against all conceivable kinds of securities. Not only are properties of many kinds used to issue bonds upon, but many kinds of bonds are often issued upon the same properties. This is especially true of railways, where mortgages of various kinds often lap and overlap in almost endless confusion.
Money set aside by a municipality or corporation tosinka debt at a certain future time is called asinking fund. For instance, if a city should issue twenty-year bonds for $100,000 to secure money for street improvements the entire debt would fall due in twenty years, but to avoid having such a large amount fall due in one year, a proportional sum is set aside each year as a sinking fund—that is, tosink, or reduce, or wipe out the indebtedness when the bonds mature. Bonds are not paid in advance of maturity.
Specimens of interest coupons.Specimens of interest coupons.Specimens of interest coupons.
Most bonds haveinterest couponsattached. These are cut off and presented for payment as they mature. For instance, a four per cent. bond for $1000 would draw $40 interest yearly. This sum would be paid in two instalments of $20 each. If the bond were for twenty years there would be at the date of issue forty interest coupons, each calling for $20 and collectable at intervals of six months.
A railway map of the United States shows that most parts of our country have a thickly woven net of railroads. The mileage of our railroad lines is now 184,000 miles, the actual length of track on these roads being about 245,000 miles. The significance of these large figures becomes more manifest when a comparison is made between the length of our railroads and the length of those of Europe and those of the world. The railroads in the United States comprise over four ninths of the total railway mileage of the world, and are considerably longer than the railroads of all the countries of Europe combined. The facts are shown graphically by the following diagram:
Mileage in Europe 155,000, Mileage in U. S. 184,000, Total for the World 434,000
The history of the construction of American railroads covers a period of seventy years. The greater part ofour mileage has been built since 1870. The following table and diagram illustrate the growth of our railway net during each decade:
Year 1830, 23 miles; 1840, 2,800; 1850, 9,000; 1860, 30,600; 1870, 53,000; 1880, 90,300; 1890, 163,600; 1898, 184,000.
It will be noted that the decades of most rapid railway development were the one from 1850 to 1860, following the discovery of gold in California, and the two between 1870 and 1890. We added 70,000 miles to our railway net between 1880 and 1890—a record that no other country has equalled. By 1892 we seem to have met the more urgent demands for new lines, and we are now annually building less than 2000 miles of new roads. The face value of the capital now invested in American railroads is $11,000,000,000. The number of persons employed in the railway service is 850,000.
The agents that do the work of transportation by rail are the railway corporations. These "artificial persons"are created by the several States and intrusted with the performance of services of a public nature. In all the German states and to a large degree in many other European states, the governments themselves provide the means of transportation by rail; but in the United States the ownership and management of the railroads is rightly regarded to be a task of greater magnitude than the administrative department of our government is as yet able to cope with.
The growth of the railway corporations of the United States has been typical of the evolution of industrial organisation in this country. The early railway corporations were small. The Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Railroad, for instance, comprised the lines of four companies. In 1850 the road connecting Albany and Buffalo included the lines of seven companies. During the last fifty years most of the small companies have united to form the corporations which now operate our large railway systems. Though the last statistical report of the Interstate Commerce Commission—the one for the year ended June 30, 1896—contains financial reports from 1985 companies, there were only 782 "independent operating roads," the remainder of the companies being subsidiary organisations. This report shows that forty-four of these operating companies have an aggregate mileage that equals nearly six tenths of the total railway mileage of the United States. Indeed, the statistician to the Interstate Commerce Commission declared in 1894 that "over 83 per cent. of the business of the railways and 82 per cent. of their earnings fall under the control of less than forty associations of business men."
The Pennsylvania system affords a good concrete illustration of railway consolidation. That corporation, with its 9000 miles of road, was built up by the union of over 200 railroad companies, and it now comprises within its organisation 177 corporations—most, though not all, of which are subsidiary railroad companies. This one railway system does one seventh of the entire freight business performed by all the railroads of the United States and handles one eighth of all the passenger traffic.
The freight business of the railroads of the United States is much larger than their passenger service, the earnings from freight being nearly three times that from the passenger traffic. It is only in some of the New England States, the most densely populated parts of the United States, that the passenger receipts equal the freight earnings. The industrial conditions of the United States necessitate the movement of great quantities of bulky freight long distances. Our principal grain-fields are from 1000 to 1500 miles from the manufacturing districts and seaboard cities. Our richest iron deposits are in the States adjacent to Lake Superior hundreds of miles from the coal-beds of Illinois, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. Most of the cotton crop is moved long distances to reach the mills of New England and Great Britain. In fact, most of the products of our fields, forests, mines, and factories are marketed over wide areas. The average distance travelled by each ton of freight moved during the year ended June 30, 1896, was 124.47 miles; and, as the railroads carried 765,891,385 tons that year, the number of tons carried one mile was 95,328,360,278.
A comparison of the revenues received from the freight and passenger services by the American, German, French, and British railways is instructive. For each dollar received from the passenger traffic the American railroads earn $2.95 from their freight business, the Germanroads $2.40, the French $1.31 and the British railways $1.17. The United Kingdom has the greatest volume of passenger traffic per population of any country in the world.
The long distances of the United States necessitate a large freight traffic but act as a hindrance to travel. It is a generally accepted but erroneous supposition that Americans travel more than any other people. A comparison of the passenger traffic in the United States with that in the United Kingdom, Germany, and France reveals some surprising facts. The figures are for 1896. The number of passengers carried one mile per mile of road upon the railroads of the United States was 71,705, in France the number was 273,315, in Germany 315,399, and in the United Kingdom 440,000. The average distance which the Briton travels per year by rail is 244 miles; for the American the distance is 209 miles, for the Frenchman 176 miles, and for the German 165 miles. The Englishman takes 24.4 trips per year on an average, the German 11.3, the Frenchman 9.6, and the American 8.2. Americans travel extensively, but it is evident from the foregoing comparisons that the possibility of developing the passenger service in this country has by no means reached its limit.
The economic changes which have accompanied the great development of transportation that has taken place during the last fifty years have revolutionised our industrial and social life. Among the effects of developed transportation upon the economic organisation may be noted: First, that relations of producers and consumers have been fundamentally changed by placing a larger market at the service of both. Many classes of commodities are now bought and sold in a world market that were formerly restricted to local trade. Second, improved transportation has made the prices of commodities more uniform for different producers and consumers. The variations due to situation have been lessened. In a like manner there has been a decrease in those time variations in prices that result from changes in the supply of commodities. Improved transportation also makes prices lower—not only because it reduces the costs of moving the raw materials of manufacture and the finished products of industry, but also because it enables the merchant to turn his stock oftener and thus do business with less expenses for capital.
As a third effect of improved transportation may be mentioned the acceleration which it has given to the growth of cities. Cheap and efficient transportation has led manufacturers to locate their plants where they can command a large supply of labour and where they have the greatest advantages for the distribution of their products. The great manufacturing establishments are now located in Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and the other large cities. Conditions of transportation have become a stronger factor than even the location of the sources of raw materials in determining where an industry shall be established. The effect of the railroad upon the location of agriculture has been no less potent. The railroad has brought new agricultural regions into cultivation and destroyed the profits of cereal agriculture in many parts of the Eastern States.
Another important consequence of improved transportation and communication has been that of bringing the nations of the world into closer economic and social relations. With the growing solidarity of the economic interests of the countries of the world, with the multiplication of the intellectual and other social ties that unite the nations, their political relations inevitably change, and for the better. Nothing is doing more to advance the attainments of the cherished ideal of international amity than is the development of transportation.
The performance of the transportation services necessitates the co-operation of carriers. When the government owns and operates the railroads of a country they are managed by a single authority, and the different parts of the railway system are fully co-ordinated; but when the railroads are operated by a large number of independent corporations, co-operation can be secured only by means of traffic associations composed of representatives of the railway companies, and intrusted with the power of making arrangements affecting joint traffic, and settling questions involving the interests of two or more companies.
Two distinct causes brought about the establishment of railway traffic associations. The first cause was the necessity of co-operation to facilitate the joint business of connecting lines. Through tickets, joint fares and rates, through bills of lading, the interchange of cars between connecting roads, and the settlement of joint accounts led to the establishment of co-operative freight lines, car-service associations, claim associations, and various other general and local organisations for the promotion of the joint transportation business.
The other cause of co-operation among the railways was the necessity of regulating competition. This cause first became potent after the process of consolidation had brought about the formation of numerous large railway systems, and had inaugurated the violent competition which led to discriminations in transportation charges, rate wars, and the other evils which have combined to produce "the railway question." The competitive struggles of rival railway systems began to be violent shortly after 1867, and soon led to the formation of railway traffic associations, with enlarged powers. The classification of freight, the determination of rates on competitive traffic, and the apportionment of that traffic, or of the earnings from it, among the competitors became functions of the associations.
The man who did more than any other person to develop traffic associations and to promote the co-operation of competing railroads was the late Albert Fink. It was his master mind that organised and put into successful operation in 1876 the Southern Railway and Steamship Association. The following year Albert Fink succeeded in organising the great trunk lines connecting the North Atlantic seaboard and the States north of the Ohio River. Though smaller traffic associations similar to these two organisations had been previously established where but few obstacles had to be overcome, it was Fink who first organised traffic associations including all the competing railroads serving large sections of the country.
In discussing the work of traffic associations, which are to-day concerns of really enormous magnitude, railway pooling and the classification of freight especially demand consideration.
Railroad pools are agreements entered into by competing carriers, by which the railroads provide for the division with each other of their competitive traffic, or of the earnings from that traffic in accordance with stipulated ratios. Thus there are traffic pools and money pools. During the decade preceding 1887, the year when the present interstate commerce law was enacted, most traffic associations had the pooling feature, and most of the competitive railway traffic was pooled, thus eliminating all competition in rates.
Pooling agreements have never been legal in this country. Being illegal by the common law, they could not be enforced in the courts. Section 4 of the interstate commerce law made it unlawful for the carriers subject to the act to pool their freights or the earnings from their freight traffic, and made it necessary for the traffic associations to reorganise without the pooling agreements. Until March 22, 1897, it was supposed that the associations, without pooling agreements, were legal; but, on that date, in the case of the United Statesvs.the Trans-Missouri Freight Association, the United States Supreme Court held that the law of July 2, 1890, popularly known as the Sherman anti-trust law, applied to railways, and made it illegal for railway companies to contract with each other to maintain rates. Thus at the present time traffic associations are permitted neither to contain a pooling feature nor to provide arrangements for the enforcement or maintenance of rates, although the charges may be reasonable and be sanctioned by all the carriers interested. The associations may now legally exercise those functions which are connected with the joint business of their members, and they may act as bureausof information regarding the competitive traffic. They have no power to make or to maintain rates.
The best performance of the service of transportation by rail requires the fullest possible co-ordination of the different parts of our transportation system and the largest attainable measure of co-operation among the agents who perform the service. Section 4 of the act of 1887 and the law of July, 1890, as far as the latter relates to railways, are based on an unsound theory. Provision having been made for that kind and measure of governmental regulation of railway rates that will insure reasonable charges, the railways should be permitted to co-operate in rate-making and be given power to pool their competitive business.
There are thousands of varieties of freight offered to the railroads for transportation. If each class of commodities were charged the same freight rate per ton per mile, the charges upon many articles of prime necessity, such as coal, lumber, and grain, would be so high as to prevent their being moved, while the rates on goods of high value per bulk would be much lower than they could readily pay. Classification must precede the fixing of rate schedules. The railroads are interested in adjusting their charges to services performed in such a manner as to insure the greatest possible amount of traffic at rates that are properly remunerative. The public is interested in having the necessary revenues of the railroads so levied as to make the burdens as light as possible. Toaccomplish this a careful grouping of commodities is necessary.
The goods are usually classified in five or six large divisions. The official classification referred to below has six classes. The first class consists of articles of high value, the sixth class of bulky commodities of low value, such as iron ore, lumber, grain in bulk, etc. In practice, however, the number of classes is at least doubled. Goods of especially high value are made to pay once and a half, double, treble or quadruple the regular first-class rate. A commodity is also frequently placed in more than one class, the rating of classification being lower for car-load lots than for less than car-load shipments. The classification is further extended by omitting certain articles from the list of those classified. Live stock and coal are illustrations of articles to which so-called "commodity," as distinct from "classification," rates are given. The individual shippers are constantly endeavouring to have their goods given commodity rates, and the effort of the railroad companies is to reduce the number of articles excepted from classification. Commodity tariffs have been a fruitful source of unjust discrimination.
From this description of freight classifications it will be perceived that the main basis upon which the grouping of commodities rests is the relative value of the goods. The gradations cannot, however, be made strictly according to value. The goods are frequently put into a lower class than their value would warrant in order to stimulate their production and shipment or to develop the industries depending upon those articles.
At first each railroad worked out a classification of its own, and there were practically as many classifications as there were railway systems. The disadvantages of this soon became apparent with the development of long-distance traffic. The multiplicity of classifications made it difficult for shippers or purchasers to ascertain in advance what the charges on consignments would be; there was a constant tendency to increase the number of commodity tariffs, and unjust personal and local discriminations were in consequence made more numerous. It became evident that there would be great advantages in having one uniform classification for the whole United States. This ideal has not been reached yet, but the number of classifications has been practically reduced to three—the official, applying to the traffic north of the Potomac and Ohio and west of the Mississippi; the southern, in force among the railroads in the Southern States, and the western, which obtains in the territory west of the Mississippi River. This amalgamation of the classifications has been brought about chiefly by the traffic associations and as the result of the enactment of the interstate commerce law. In order to avoid the discriminations prohibited by that law it was necessary to abandon the system of a separate classification for each railway. It is to be hoped that the attainment of the ideal of uniform classification will not be long delayed.
The manner in which the freight business is conducted affords a good illustration of the high degree of development to which modern business methods have attained. Freight is accepted by each railroad for shipment not only to all points on its own system, but also practically to every railway station in the country, and even to many foreign cities.
A waybill containing the initials of the number of the car used, the name of the consignor, the name and address of the consignee, the description and weight of the articles sent, the freight class and rate of the goods, and the total amount of freight charges, accompanies each shipment and is delivered to the agent at the place to which the goods are shipped.
For the goods thus accepted for transportation, manifests, or "bills of lading," are issued to the consignor, which, like other representatives of property, may be transferred by the owner or may be deposited in a bank subject to draft. Bills of lading are of two general kinds—"straight consignment bills" and "order bills." When a straight consignment bill of lading is issued the goods must be delivered to the consignee or to the person to whom he may order them delivered. An order bill of lading is one that may be transferred upon indorsement. The following concise description of an order bill of lading is taken from the "Book of General Instructions to Freight Agents," issued by the Pennsylvania Railroad Company:
When freight is consigned to "Order" it is, as a rule, for the purpose of securing the payment at destination of a draft for the value of the property. The draft is usually attached to the bill of lading and sent through a bank for collection from the party at destination, who is to be notified of the arrival of the freight. The payment of the draft secures to the payer the possession of the bill of lading, which must be indorsed by the party to whose order the property is consigned.
When freight is consigned to "Order" it is, as a rule, for the purpose of securing the payment at destination of a draft for the value of the property. The draft is usually attached to the bill of lading and sent through a bank for collection from the party at destination, who is to be notified of the arrival of the freight. The payment of the draft secures to the payer the possession of the bill of lading, which must be indorsed by the party to whose order the property is consigned.
Transportation charges have such a general and vital relation to industrial and social welfare that the problem of the just and equitable distribution of their assessment is one of paramount economic and political consequence. A consideration of the main factors which influence the railway companies in fixing charges should precede a discussion of the regulation of transportation by the government.
The factors which have most weight in fixing schedules of rates and fares are what it will cost to perform the several services, what the services are worth to those for whom they are to be rendered, and the extent to which there is competition among rival carriers to secure the traffic concerned. Though on the face of things it would seem that the railways should fix the charges for their various services in accordance with the costs of performing those services, it is neither practicable for them to do so nor is it desirable from the standpoint of public welfarethat such a criterion should be adopted. It is impracticable for the railroads to base their charges upon cost of service, because it is impossible to determine accurately the elements which enter into the cost of performing the particular transportation service. The modern railroad is a very complex mechanism, employed in the performance of a multitude of different services. No railroad official is able to say just how much of the company's total expenses are to be charged against any one particular freight or passenger service.
The cost of service would be an undesirable basis of rates, because the railroads would derive such a small part of their total necessary revenues from the carriage of goods having a high value in proportion to bulk and weight, that they would be obliged to charge much higher rates than they now do upon the cruder products of the farm, forest, and mine. These products are the basic materials of industry, and the lowest possible rate for their transportation is essential to social and economic progress.
Value of service is a more desirable basis for rates and fares than cost of service. By charging according to value of service is meant that the shippers of commodities and the passengers who travel shall contribute to the railroad's aggregate expenses in proportion to the value which they derive from the transportation service. The rates and fares may cover a part or all of the value of the service obtained. In either case they are fixed with reference to that value and not with regard to the cost involved in performing the work of transportation. The levy of rates and fares in accordance with this theory, which is usually called "charging what the traffic will bear," is considered by most people to distribute transportation charges properly, because it is claimed that the true measure of a shipper's or a passenger's ability to pay for a desired service is the value which he will thereby derive. That this theory, nevertheless, does not afford an altogether satisfactory basis of charges, particularly in the freight traffic, may be readily shown.
While it is true that the amount of value added by transportation to goods of low value is less for each unit of weight or bulk than the amount of value which is acquired by an equal weight or bulk of high-priced commodities, yet thepercentageincrease in value is greater in the case of the goods of low cost. Expensive articles can be carried long distances without adding very much to their cost to the consumers. Measured in their percentages, then, the value of the service of transportation is relatively much lower in the case of the higher-priced commodities. The freight charges on wheat range from twenty to forty per cent. of its farm value, while the rate on shoes is possibly two per cent. of their factory price. That these charges are levied in accordance with the real ability of the articles to pay would be hard to establish.
Without attempting in this connection to formulate a complete theory of freight rates, it may be said that there are three factors to which weight should be given in fixing charges: First,the cost of service. The total costs of transportation, including a fair return on invested capital, must be covered by total receipts. Furthermore, the minimum rate charged any particular class of commodities ought to be sufficient to pay the operating expenses incurred in transporting the goods. Second,the value of the service. This fixes the maximum rate that may be charged. Were the railroads to charge more than theservice is worth to the shipper the service would not be desired. Third,the value of the commodities. Between the minimum rate fixed by the operating expenses and the maximum charge determined by the value of the service actual rates may vary through a wide possible range. In determining what rates within this range will be theoretically most just and least discriminatory, consideration should be given both to the value of the service and—more than is the case at present—to the value of the articles transported. By doing this rates will be paid by the various articles of freight more nearly in proportion to their ability to pay.
Whatever theory of rates may be accepted as ideally best, it cannot be strictly adhered to under the existing conditions of active competition obtaining in the United States. Actual charges have to be fixed and revised to meet the varying circumstances under which railway traffic is conducted. This competition takes several distinct forms. One is that between railways and waterways. A large part of the domestic traffic of the United States has the choice of transportation by rail or by water on the great lakes and the tributary canals, by the navigable rivers, or by one of the many ocean routes followed by our coastwise commerce. There is also the competition of rival railways connecting common termini or serving the same cities. These forms of competition are the ones most frequently noted; but they perhaps exercise a less potent influence over rates than what is known as competition through the markets or through the channels of trade. The competition between rival centres of commerce and industry—between theAtlantic cities and the gulf ports, for instance, or between the manufactures of New York and Philadelphia and those of Chicago or Cincinnati for the markets of the Southern States, to cite another example—is a force that must be considered in making rates and fares. Even towns served by only one railway and by no waterway enjoy the benefits of this industrial competition. Unless the railroad can give the industries in these local towns rates that will enable them to market their products, the industries will decline and the railway will lose its traffic.
An interesting result of the competition of roads connecting common termini or joining a common industrial region with seaboard points is that the road whose line is the longest and whose expenses of transportation are greatest is obliged to charge the lowest rate. The short lines can charge more because they compete for traffic under more favourable circumstances. The lower charge of the longer line is called a differential rate, and it is customary for the shorter or "standard" lines to agree to allow the "differential" line a stipulated differential rate. This is the concession which the standard lines are obliged to make to temper competition and to prevent rate wars. The Grand Trunk, running from Chicago to Boston by way of Montreal, is a good example of a differential line, and the New York Central is a good instance of a standard line.
It is a maxim of common law that transportation charges must be reasonable, and the exaction of an unreasonable rate by a public carrier is a common-law misdemeanour punishable by the courts. But when, as the result of severe competition of railroads with waterways and witheach other, unjust discriminations between persons, between places, and as regards classes of traffic—the abuses which constitute the railway question—became prevalent, the common-law provisions applying to railway charges were given statutory form and were supplemented and extended by such legislation as the circumstances peculiar to the situation seemed to demand. The comprehensive railway- and canal-traffic act passed by Great Britain in 1854 has been the model adopted for much of the railway legislation in the United States.
The Constitution of the United States gives Congress power to regulate commerce "among the several States," but the jurisdiction over intrastate traffic lies with the State governments. The States began to pass general laws for the regulation of railroads fully twenty years before Congress acted, and two thirds of the States have established commissions to administer those laws.
After fifteen years of agitation and investigation the existing interstate commerce law was enacted in 1887. The law prohibits unreasonable rates and unjust discriminations between persons, places, and classes of traffic, prohibits pooling agreements, provides penalties for the violation of the law, and establishes a commission of five men to administer and enforce the statute. Fortunately for the commission and for the country the first chairman of that body was the eminent jurist, Thomas M. Cooley, whose master mind did much to give vitality to the law.
During the first five years after the law was passed it secured a fairly efficient regulation of interstate railway commerce, but recent decisions of the United States Supreme Court have so weakened the law that at present the commission has very little power. The commissioncan investigate complaints and make reports, it can collect statistical information, it can and does informally adjust many differences between shippers and carriers; but, to quote from the last report of the commission, "it has ceased to be a body for the regulation of interstate carriers." Legislation to amend and strengthen the interstate commerce law is urgently needed.
Judge Thomas M. Cooley. (First chairman of the interstate commerce commission.)Judge Thomas M. Cooley. (First chairman of the interstate commerce commission.)
The stock exchanges of the world must not be considered simply as noisy congregations of brokers speculating in securities under the guise of legitimate business. They really play an important and necessary part in the financial mechanism of the country, and are instruments of enormous value in subdividing and distributing capital, and in directing its employment in great commercial and industrial enterprises.
The largest stock exchange of the world is that of London. It is not only the centre of the English market for stocks and securities but, like the Bank of England, it is linked internationally with nearly all the financial centres of the world. Almost every reputable security is marketable in London, either through the ordinary channels provided by arbitrage dealers, who buy in the cheaper and sell in the dearer markets, or through the agency of trusts and investment concerns. The magnitude and extent of the financial resources of the London Stock Exchange are enormous. Its advantages to the business public outweigh altogether the drawbacks imposed by the too-speculative spirit of mankind. It is a great business barometer, extremely sensitive to all conditions likely to disturb the world's finances. The London Stock Exchange has scarcely more than one hundred years of history. In the early part of the century the elder Rothschild was one of the giants "on 'change," and it was in this business that he amassed the great fortune which makes the name of his house a synonym for money power. The membership of the London exchange is not limited to a fixed number, as in Paris and New York. In the Paris Bourse all agents are strictly forbidden to trade on their own account.