The next spring their warre was conducted with success, ffor they chassed the Iroquois out of their country which they lost some winters before. They march up to the furthest part of the Lake Champlaine, to know if that was their formest dwelling, but they speak no further of it. Those Iroquoits to wander up and downe and spread themselves as you have heard to the lake d'Ontario, of which I will after make mention. I heard all this from frenchmen that knewed the Huron speech better then I myselfe, and after I heard it from the wildmen, & it's strang (being if it be so as the french as [well] as wildmen do already) that those people should have made a circuit of that litle world.
The Iroquoits after being putt out of that country of Quebecq, the Hurrons and Algonquins made themselves masters in it; that is to say, they went up above monmorency after that they left the place of their wintring, which was over against Tadousac, att the height of the Chaudiere (so called in french), and after many years they retourned to live att the gape of their lake, which is 200 Leagues long & 50 or 60 leagues large. Those hurrons lived in a vast country that they found unhabited, & they in a great number builded villages & they multiplied very many. The Iroquoits also gott a great country, as much by sweetnesse as by force. They became warriors uppon their owne dispences and cost. They multiplied so much, but they became better souldiers, as it's seene by the following of this discourse. The hurrons then inhabited most advantageously in that place, for as much as for the abundance of dears and staggs, from whence they have the name since of Staggy. It's certaine that they have had severall other callings, according as they have builded villages. Fishing they have in abundance in his season of every kind; I may say, more then wee have in Europe. In some places in this lake where is an innumerable quantity of fish, that in 2 houres they load their boat with as many as they can carry.
At last [they] became so eminent strong that they weare of a minde to fight against the neighbouring nation. Hearing that their sworne ennemys the Iroquoits retired towards the nation called Andasstoueronom, which is beyond the lake d'Ontario, between Virginia & that lake, they resolved to goe & search them for to warre against them; but they shall find it to their ruine, which I can affirme & assure, because the Iroquoits in the most part of their speeches, which comes from father to son, says, we bears (for it's their name) whilst we scraped the earth with our pawes, for to make the wheat grow for to maintaine our wives, not thinking that the deare shall leape over the lake to kill the Beare that slept; but they found that the beare could scratch the stagge, for his head and leggs are small to oppose. Such speeches have they commonly together, in such that they have had warrs many years.
The Holanders being com'd to inhabit Menada, furnished that nation with weopens, by which means they became conquerors. The ffrench planters in Newfrance came up to live among this nation. In effect they doe live now many years; but the ambition of the fathers Jesuits not willing to permitt ffrench families to goe there, for to conserve the best to their profitt, houlding this pretext that yong men should frequent the wild women, so that the Christian religion by evil example could not be established. But the time came that they have forsook it themselves. For a while after the Iroquoits came there, the number of seaven hundred, on the snow in the beginning of Spring, where they make a cruell slaughter as the precedent years, where some ghostly fathers or brothers or their servants weare consumed, taken or burnt, as their relation maks mention.
This selfesame yeare they tooke prisoners of 11 or 12,000 of those poore people in a village att [in] sight of the Jesuits' Fort, which had the name Saint, but [from] that houre it might have the name of feare. Heere follows sicknesse, and famine also was gott among these people, flying from all parts to escape the sword. They found a more rude and cruell enemy; for some after being taken gott their lives, but the hunger and their treachery made them kill one another, be it for booty or whatsoever other. None escaped, saving some hundred came to Quebecq to recover their first liberty, but contrary they found their end. So the ffathers left walls, wildernesse, and all open wide to the ennemy and came to Quebecq with the rest of the poore fugitives. They were placed in the wildernesse neere the habitation of Quebecq; but being not a convenient place, they weare putt to the Isle of Orleans, 3 leagues below Quebecq, in a fort that they made with the succour of the ffrench, where they lived some years planting & sowing Indian corne for their nourishment, and greased robes of Castors, of which grease the profit came to the ffathers, the summe of 10,000 livres tournois yearly.
In this place they weare catched when they least thought of it, not without subject of conivance. God knoweth there weare escaped that time about 150 women and some 20 men. The rest are all killed, taken and brought away, of which for the most part weare sett at liberty in the country of their ennemy, where they found a great number of their kindred and relations who lived with all sorte of liberty, and went along with the Iroquois to warre as if they weare natives, in them was no trust to be given, ffor they weare more cruell then the Iroquois even to their proper country, in soe much that the rest resolved to surrender themselves then undergoe the hazard to be taken by force. The peace was made by the instancy of the ffather Jesuits. As before, some weare going there to live, as they have already begun. They seeing our departure & transporting of our goods to Mount Royall for to runne yea the hazard, they also must come. To lett you know [if] our fortune or theirs be better or worse, it should be a hard thing for me to declare; you may judge yourselfe.
Lett us come to our purpose and follow our voyage. Being arrived att the last french habitation, where we must stay above 15 dayes, ffor to pass that place without guide was a thing impossible, but after the time expired, our guides arrived. It was a band of Iroquois that was appointed to fetch us, and conduct us into their country. One day att 10 of the clock in the morning, when we least thought of any, saw severall boats coming from the point of St Louis, directly att the foot of a hill so called some 3 miles from mont Royall. Then rejoycing all to see coming those that they never thought to have seene againe, ffor they promissed to come att the beginning of Spring and should arrive 15 dayes before us, but seeing them, every one speakes but of his imbarcation.
The Hurrons that weare present began to make speeches to encourage their wives to make ready with all their stuffe and to feare nothing, being that the heavans would have it so disposed, & that it was better to die in Iroquois Country and peace with their brethren, then stay in the knott of their nativity, that is their country, to be murthered, & better in the Iroquois Country in warre for to be burned. All things so disposed, they prepare themselves to receave the Iroquois, who weare no more then 3,000 in number, [Footnote: "No more than 3,000 in number," meaning, no doubt, that number at Onondaga and its vicinity.] and made a halt for to hold councell to know what they must say that they thought of every one and of the Hurrons. But those Barbars had an other designe, ffor their destiny was to doe, and not to speake; but for to doe this, this must be a treachery in which they are experted. You must know that that bande [of] Irokois [in] descending the last streame or falling watter one of their skiffs made shipwrake in which weare seaven, all drowned without none could souccour them. A thing remarkable, that every one strive to help himselfe without that they will give ayde or assistance to an other; uppon this, that untoward army, those wild barbarous with vengence, held councell, as is before said, for to be revenged of the losse of their Compagnions, where they determined, being that they come to fetch the french and the hurrons, to revenge this uppon them and kill them as soone as they should be in their jurisdiction; but considering after that wee french had a fort in their country with a good strong guard, and that that should cause affairs, it was concluded that there furor should not be discharged but uppon the poore hurrons.
Upon this deliberation they broke councell and arrived att the fort. Their speech was cleare contrary to their designe, and promises inviolably ffriendshipp. There was presents and guifts given of both party, but when they pertooke the death of their Compagnions they must make other presents perhaps that prevailed somewhat in their thoughts, and tourne them from their perfidious undertakings. For often the liberalitie of those savage was seene executed, but the desire brings great booty, and observance causes that covetousnesse will prove deare to the ffrench as to the Hurrons in few days. Presently they procure some boats, ffor the Iroquoits had but eleven and the hurrons none, for they came in the ffrench shallope. So that it must be contrivance for the one and other, which was soone done. In lesse then 8 dayes parted the dwelling we found more then 30 boats, and all very great, we being also so many in company, 80 Iroquoits, some hundred huron women and some 10 or 12 men, 20 ffrench with two ffathers Jesuits. In this manner we departed Mont royall, every one loaded with his burden. Wee passed the same journie. Wee passed the gulfe of St Louis, and made cabbans in the furthermost part of the streame. That day was laborious to us, so much that the Iroquoits resolved to be backe againe, and make a company to fight against the Algonquins of Quebecq. Upon this, 30 left us.
The next day we embarqued though not without confusion, because many weare not content nor satisfied. What a pleasure the two ffathers to see them trott up and downe the rocks to gett their menage into the boat, which with much adoe they gott in. The boats weare so loaden that many could not proceed if bad weather should happen. The journey but small came only to the lake of St Louis, 3 leagues beyond the streame. There the savage threwed the ffathers' bundle on the watter side, and would take no care for them; seeing many of their men gone, the french as well as Hurrons, who would have disputed their lives with them for their lives, and had prevented them if their designe had bin discovered. So that after a great debat we must yeeld to the strongest party for the next embarking.
The ffathers' merchandises weare left behind to oblige the ffrench to stay with it, and seaven of us onely embarqued, one of the ffathers with 6 more, and the rest stayed to bring what was left behind, so that ours weare diminished above 40 men. Wee embarqued indifferently one with another, ffrench, Iroquoits, and Hurrons. After we came to the highest of the Isle of Montroyall; we saw the separation, or rather the great two rivers that of Canada are composed; the one hath its origine from the west and the other from South Southeast. It was the last that wee sayled, coming to the end of that lake, which is 14 or 15 leagues long and 3 in breadth. We must make carriages which are high withall, and the boats by lande because no other way to passe. The trainage is where the watter is not so trepid. We draw the boats loaden after us, and when there is not water enough, every one his bundle by land.
Having proceeded 3 dayes' journey on the river, we entered another lake somewhat bigger; it's called St. francis. This is delightfull to the eye as the formost. I speak not of the goodnesse, for there are many things to be spoaken off. I am satisfied to assure you that it is a delightfull & beautifull country. We wanted nothing to the view passing those skirts, killing staggs, auriniacks & fowles. As for the fish, what a thing it is to see them in the bottom of the watter, & take it biting the hooke or lancing it with lance or cramp iron. In this lake the Hurrons began to suspect the treachery conspirated against them, ffor they observed that the Iroquoits allways consulted privately together, not giving them the least notice, which made a Hurron with 3 men & 2 women goe away & run away to the ffrench of Quebecq; & for this intent one very morning, after being imbarqued as the rest, went in to the midle of the river, where they began to sing & take their leave, to the great astonishment of the rest & to the great discontent of the Iroquoits, that saw themselves so frustrated of so much booty that they exspected. But yett they made no signe att the present, but lett them goe without trouble for feare the rest would doe the same, & so be deprived of the conspiracy layde for the death of their compagnions. To that purpose knowing the place where they weare to land, which was in an island in the midle of the river, a league long & a quarter broade, they resolved to murder them in the said place, which was promptly executed in this maner following:—
They embarqued both hurron men and women in their boats, and among them made up som 20 that embarked themselves in 2 of their boats, in a posture as if they should goe to the warrs, & went before the breake of day. We weare but 7 frenchmen, & they put us 7 [in] several boats. I find meselfe with 3 Iroquoits & one Hurron man. Coming within sight of the Isle where they weare to play their game, one of the Iroquoits in the same boate as I landed, takes his gunne & charges it. The hurron and I saw this, but neither dreamed of the tragedy that was att hand. After goes into the woode, & the Iroquois that governed the boat takes up a hattchett & knocks downe the poore hurron, that never thought to be so ended, and the other that charged his musket in the wood shoots him and fell downe uppon my heels. My feet soone swims in the miserable hurron's bloode. He did quiver as if he had an ague, and was wounded with great many wounds, that still they doubled. Both Iroquoits came to me and bid [me have] courage, ffor they would not hurt me; but [as] for him that was killed, he was a dogg, good for nothing. The small knowledge that I have had of their speech made of a better hope; but one that could not have understood them would have ben certainly in a great terror. This murder could not be committed so but that the rest of the boats should heare it, and therefore in that very time we heard sad moans and cryes horidly by hurron women. They threwed the corps immediately into the water and went the other side of the river into the abovesaid isle. Being landed together, the poore women went in a flock like sheep that sees the wolves ready to devour them. There were 8 hurron men that tooke theire armes. The Iroquoits not hindering them in the least, but contrarily the Captayne of the Iroquoits appeared to defend their cause, giving sharp apprehensions to those that held up armes, and so farr that he did beat those that offered to hurt them.
In this example you may perceive the dissimulation & vengence of this cursed people. So that the Company, reassured in some respects, the affrighted company, made them goe up to the toppe of the hill and there errect cottages some 40 paces from them; during the while I walked on the side where they weare hard at work and firmly believed that the poore hurron was killed by the Iroquoit out of malice, so much trust I putt in the traiterous words. As I was directly coming where the hurrons weare, what should I see? A band of Iroquoits all daubed, rushing out of a wood all painted, which is the signe of warre. I thought they weare those that I have seene in [the] morning before, as effectually they weare. I came to the place where weare all those poore victims. There was the good ffather comforting the poore innocent women. The chief of them satt by a valliant huron who all his life time killed many Iroquoits, and by his vallour acquired the name of great Captayne att home and abroad. The Iroquoit spake to him, as the ffather told us, and as I myself have heard. "Brother, cheare up," says he, "and assure yourselfe you shall not be killed by doggs; thou art both man and captayne, as I myselfe am, and will die in thy defence." And as the afforesaid crew shewed such a horrid noise, of a sudaine the captayne tooke hold of the chaine that was about him, thou shalt not be killed by another hand then by mine. Att that instant the cruell Iroquoits fell upon those hurrons, as many wolves, with hattchetts, swords, and daggers, & killed as many [as] there weare, save onely one man. That hurron captayne seeing himselfe so basly betrayed, he tooke hold of his hattchett that hunged downe his side, and strook downe a Iroquoit; but the infinit deale tooke his courage and life away. This that was saved was an old man, who in his time had ben att the defeat and taking of severall Iroquoits. He in authority by his means saved some. This news brought to them and his name as benefactor, which deed then saved his life. Heere you see a good example, that it is decent to be good to his Ennemy.
After this was done & their corps throwne into the watter, the women weare brought together. I admired att them, seeing them in such a deepe silence, looking on the ground with their coverletts uppon their heads, not a sigh heard, where a litle before they made such a lamentable noise for the losse of their companyion that was killed in my boate. Some 2 howers all was pacified & the kettle almost ready for [to] goe to worke. In this very moment there calls a councell. The ffather was called as a statsman to that councell, where he hears their wild reasons; that what they had done was in reveng of their deare comrades that weare drowned in coming for them, and also to certifie the ffrench of their good will. So done, the meate was dressed, we weare invited. The ffather comes to take his dish, and finds us all 5 in armes, resolving to die valiently, thinking the councell was called to conclud our death as the Hurron's. The 6th was not able to menage armes, being a litle boy. The ffather gave us a brother of his company who had invincible good looke and a stout heart. We waited onely for his shooting. The ffather could not persuade him to draw. We told him if he would not fight, to leave our company; which perceived by the Iroquoits, made them looke to themselves. They came & assured us of their good will. The 4 frenchmen that understood not longed for the schermish & die for it. Att last the ffather prevailed with us, & tould us what was done in Councell. Two Iroquoits came to us with weapons, who signifies there is nothing layd against you, & commanded their compagnions to put by their armes, that they weare our brethren. The agreement was made. Some went to the feast, some stayed. Having eaten, the ffather calls them againe to councell, & for that purpose borrows some porcelaine from the captayne to make 3 guifts.
All being together the ffather begins his speech, throwing the first guift into the midle of the place, desiring that it might be accepted for the conservation of the ffriendshipe that had ben long between them and us, and so was accepted with a ho, ho, which is an assurance & a promise, as thanks. The 2nd was for the lives of the women which weare in their hands, & to conduct them with saftie into their country, which was accepted in like manner. The 3rd was to encourage them to bring us to their owne country & carry our Marchandises in such [manner] that they may not be wett, nor leave them behind, which was, as abovesaid, punctually observed.
The councell being ended, the captaynes made speeches to encourage the masters of the boats to take a bundle to his care & charge, & give an account of it in the country. I wish the lotts weare so distributed before we came from mont royall, but that it is the miserable comfort, better late then never. Att night every one to his cabben, and the women dispersed into every cabban with their children, which was a sight of compassion. The day following being the 8th day of our departure, some went a hunting, some stayed att home. The next day to that we embarqued all a sunder, a boat for each. I was more chearfull then the rest, because I knewed a litle of their language, and many saw me in the low country. Wherefore [they] made me embarque with a yong man, taller & properer then myselfe. We had paines and toyles enough; especially my sperit was grieved, and have souffred much troubles 6 weeks together. I thought we should come to our journey's end & so help one another by things past; ffor a man is glad to drive away the time by honest, ingenuous discours, and I would rejoyce very much to be allwayes in company uppon my journey. It was contrary to me all the voyage, ffor my boat and an other, wherein weare 2 men & a woman Iroquoit, stayed behind without seeing or hearing from one another. I leave with you to think if they weare troubled for me or I for them. There was a great alteration a litle before; a whole fleete of boats, now to be reduced [to] 2 onely. But patience perforce.
We wandered on that gay river by the means of high and low gulfs that are in it; ffor since I made reflection of the quantity of water that comes in that river that comes from off the top of the high mountains with such a torrent that it causes a mighty noise which would make the bouldest men afraid. We went on some journeys with a deale of paines and labour becaus for our weeknesse, and moreover a man of the other boat fell sick of the ague, soe that one of us must helpe him either in the carriag or drawing the boat; and, which was wors, my compagnion was childish and yong as I. The long familiarity we had with one another breeded contempt, so that we would take nothing from one another, which made us goe together by the ears, and fought very often till we weare covered in blood. The rest tooke delight to see us fight; but when they saw us take either gun or sword, then came they to putt us a sunder. When we weare in the boat we could not fight but with our tongues, flying water att one another. I believe if the fathers' packet had ben there, the guift could not keepe it from wetting. As for meat we wanted none, and we had store of large staggs along the watter side. We killed some almost every day, more for sport then for neede. We finding them sometimes in islands, made them goe into the watter and after we killed about a score, we clipped the ears of the rest and hung a bell to it, and then let them loose. What a sporte to see the rest flye from that that had the bell!
As I satt with my compagnion I saw once of an evening a very remarquable thing. There comes out of a vast forest a multitud of bears, 300 att least together, making a horrid noise, breaking small trees, throwing the rocks downe by the watter side. We shot att them but [they] stirred not a step, which frightned us that they slighted our shooting. We knewed not whether we killed any or no, because of the darke, neither dare we venter to see. The wild men tould me that they never heard their father speake of so many together.
We went to the other side to make cabbans, where being arrived, where we made fire & put the kettle on. When it was ready we eat our belly full. After supper the sick wild man tould me a story and confirmed it to be true, which happened to him, being in warre in the upper Country of the Iroquoits neere the great river that divides it self in two. "Brother," sayes he, "it's a thing to be admired to goe afar to travell. You must know, although I am sick I am [a] man, and fought stoutly and invaded many. I loved alwayes the ffrench for their goodnesse, but they should [have] given us [to] kill the Algonkins. We should not warre against the ffrench, but traited with them for our castors. You shall know I am above 50 years (yett the fellow did not looke as if he had 40). I was once a Captayne," says he, "of 13 men, against the nation of the fire & against the Stairing hairs, our Ennemys. We stayed 3 whole winters from our country, and most of that time among our ennemy, but durst not appeare because of the small number we had against a multitude, which made us march in the night and hide ourselves in the daytime in forests. Att last we are weary to be so long absent from our wives & countrey. We resolved some more execution, & take the first nation that we should incountre. We have allready killed many. We went some dayes on that river, which is bordered of fine sands; no rocks there to be seene. Being landed one morning to goe out of the way least we should be discovered, and for [to] know the place that we weare, sent two of our men to make a discovery, who coming back brought us [word] that they have seen devils, and could not believe that they weare men. We presently putt ourselves on our gards, and looke to our armes, thought to have ben lost, but tooke a strong resolution to die like men, and went to meet those monsters. We weare close to one an other, saveing they that made a discovery, that went just before us, tould us, being neere the waterside, that they have seene afar off (as they thought) a great heape of stoanes. We needing them mightily we went to gett some. Within 200 paces nigh we found them converted into men, who weare of an extraordinary height, lying all along the strand asleepe. Brother, you must know that we weare all in feare to see Such a man and woman of a vast length. They weare by two feete taller then I, and big accordingly. They had by them two basquetts, a bow and arrows. I came nigh the place. Their arrows weare not so long as ours, but bigger, and their bows the same; each had a small stagg's skin to cover their nakednesse. They have noe winter in their country. After being gone we held a councell to consider what was to be done. We weare two boats; the one did carry 8 men, the other 5. That of 8 would goe back againe, but that of 5 would goe forward into another river. So we departed. The night being come, as precedent nights, we saw fires in severall places on the other side of the river, which made us goe there att the breake of day, to know what it was, which was men as tall as the other man and woman, and great many of them together a fishing. We stealed away without any noise and resolved not to stay longer in them parts, where every thing was so bigg. The fruits of trees are as bigg as the heart of an horiniac, which is bigger then that of an oxe.
"The day after our retourne, being in cottages covered with bushes, we heard a noise in the wood, which made us speedily take our weopens, every one hiding himselfe behind a tree the better to defend himselfe, but perceaved it was a beast like a Dutch horse, that had a long & straight horne in the forehead, & came towards us. We shott twice at him; [he] falls downe on the ground, but on a sudaine starts up againe and runs full boot att us; and as we weare behind the trees, thrusts her home very farr into the tree, & so broak it, and died. We would eat non of her flesh, because the flemings eat not their horses' flesh, but tooke off the skin, which proved heavy, so we left it there. Her horne 5 feet long, and bigger then the biggest part of an arme." [Footnote: In O'Callaghan'sDocumentary History of New York, Vol. IV. p. 77, 1851, is given an engraving of this animal, with the title, "Wild Animals of New Netherlands," taken from a Dutch work published in Amsterdam in 1671. In this work it is thus described: "On the borders of Canada animals are now and again seen somewhat resembling a horse; they have cloven hoofs, shaggy manes, a horn right out of the forehead, a tail like that of the wild hog, black eyes, a stag's neck, and love the gloomiest wildernesses, are shy of each other. So that the male never feeds with the female except when they associate for the purpose of increase. Then they lay aside their ferocity. As soon as the rutting season is past, they again not only become wild but even attack their own."]
We still proceeded in our journey. In 7 dayes we overtook the boat that left us. Now whether it was an unicorne, or a fibbe made by that wild man, yet I cannot tell, but severall others tould me the same, who have seene severall times the same beast, so that I firmly believe it. So his story ended, which lasted a great while; ffor having an excellent memory, tould me all the circumstances of his rencounters.
We [went] from thence the next morning. We came to a beatifull river, wide one league and a halfe, which was not violent nor deepe, soe that we made no carriages for 15 or 20 leagues, where we had the view of eagles and other birds taking fishes, which we ourselves have done, & killed salmons with staves. One of my compagnions landed a sturgeon six fadoms deepe and brought it. Going along the woodside we came where a greate many trees weare cutt, as it weare intended for a fort. At the end of it there was a tree left standing, but the rind taken away from it. Upon it there was painted with a coale 6 men hanged, with their heads at their feete, cutt off. They weare so well drawen, that the one of them was father by the shortnesse of his haire, which lett us know that the french that was before us weare executed. A litle further an other was painted of 2 boats, one of 3 men, an other of 2, whereof one was standing with a hattchett in his hands striking on the head. Att an other weare represented 7 boats, pursueing 3 bears, a man drawn as if he weare on land with his gune shooting a stagge. I considering these things, troubled me very much, yea, caused my heart to tremble within me; and moreover when those that weare with me certified me of what I was too sure, telling me the 6 ffrenchmen weare dead, but tould me to be cheerfull, that I should not die. After I found so much treachery in them I could but trust litle in their words or promisses, yett must shew good countenance to a wors game then I had a minde, telling me the contrary of what they told me of the death of the frenchmen, to shew them that I was in no feare.
Being embarqued, the wild men tould me we should goe on the other side of that broad river. It was extreamly hott, no wind stiring. I was ready that both should be together for the better assurance of my life. I perceived well that he alone was not able to performe the voyage; there was the other sick of the other boat, that did row but very slowly. I thought to meselfe they must needs bring me into their countrey if they meet non by the way, and so I comforted meselfe with better hope. We soone came to the other side of the river. The other boat followed not, being nigh the land. My comrade perceaved an eagle on a tree, the feathers of which are in esteeme among them. He lands and takes his gunne, charges it, and goes into the wood. I was in feare, without blame, for I knewed not what he meant. I remembered how the poore Hurron was served so a litle before in his boat, and in like manner. As he went about, I could not imagine what was best, but resolved to kill [rather] then be killed. Upon this I take my gunne, which the other saw, desires me not to make any noise, shewing me the eagle, that as yett I have not seene. To obey him I stoope downe like a monkey, visiting my weopon that he should not suspect. My eyes neverthelesse followed for feare. I see at last the truth of his designe; he shoots and kills the eagle.
[We] after imbarqued ourselves, the night drawing on, and must think to goe to the other boat or he to us, which he did. I admired the weather, cleare and calme that we could scarce see him, yet that we should heare them speake, and understand, as if they weare but 20 or 30 paces from us. He being come, we sought for conveniency to make cottages, which soone was done. The others sooner landed then we. They came to receive us att our landing. One tooke my gunne, the other a litle bondle of mine. I was surprised att this. Then they asked me [for] my powder and shott, and opened my bagge, began to partage my combs & other things that I had. I thought it the consultest way to submitt to the strongest party, therefore I tooke [no] notice of what they did. The woman kindled the fire. Seeing myselfe out of care of my fright, satt me selfe downe by the woman. Shee looked now and then uppon me, which made me more and more mistrust. In the meane while he that was sick calls me. I came and asked him what he pleased. "I will," sayd he, "that you imbarque your selfe by me," and throws his cappot away, bidding me also to leave my capot. He takes his hattchett, and hangs it to his wrest, goes into the boat, & I with him. I would have carryed my gunne. I tooke it from the place where they layd it. They, seeing, laughed & gave a shout, as many beasts, yett it was not in their power to make me goe to the boat without my weapon; so lett me have it, and went straight as if we weare to goe on the other side of the river. About the midle the wild man bids mee goe out, to which I would not consent. I bid him goe. After we disputed awhile, I not obeying, began to consider if he had a minde to drowne me, that he himselfe would not go in the water. Being come a litle to myselfe I perceaved that the water was not 2 foote deepe. It was so darke, yett one might perceive the bottom covered with muskles. Having so much experience, I desired him to have patience; so gott of my shirt & lep't into the watter & gathered about half a bushell of those shells or mussells. I made sure that the boat should not leave me, for I fastened my girdle to it, and held the end. Mistrust is the mother of safety. We came back againe. We found the kettle ready; they gave me meat and a dish of broth, which exercised me a while. Having done, the man comes and makes me pull of my shirt, having then nothing but my drawers to cover my nackednesse. He putts on my shirt on his back, takes a knif and cutts a medail that hung to my necke. He was a great while searching me and feeling if I was fatt. I wished him farr enough. I looked [for] an opportunity to be from him, thinking to be better sheltered by the woman. I thought every foot he was to cutt my troat. I could [not] beare [it]. I had rather dye [at] once then being so often tormented. I rose and satt me downe by the woman, in whome was all my trust. Shee perceived I was in great feare, whether by collour of my face or other, I know not. Shee putts her hands uppon my head & combs it downe with her fingers. "My son," says shee, "be chearfull. It is my husband; he will not hurt thee; he loves me and knoweth that I love thee, and have a mind to have thee to our dwelling." Then shee rose and takes my shirt from her husband and brings it me. Shee gave me one of her covers. "Sleepe," said shee. I wanted not many persuasions. So chuse rather the fatall blow sleeping then awake, for I thought never to escape.
The next morning I finding meselfe freed, which made me hope for the future. I have reason to remember that day for two contrary things; first, for my spirits being very much perplexed, and the other for that the weather was contrary though very lovely. That morning they rendered all my things againe, & filled my bagge with victualls. We left this place, which feared me most then hurt was done. Some laughed att me afterwards for my feares wherein I was, which I more & more hoped for better intertainment. The weather was fair all that day, but the next wee must make a waynage, which [was] not very hard; but my comrade drew carelessly, and the boat slipps from his hands, which turned with such force that it had me along if I had not lett my hould goe, chusing [rather] that then venter my selfe in danger. Soe that it [no] sooner gott downe then we gott it up againe; but by fortune was not hurted, yett it runn'd aground among rocks. We must goe downe the river. I was driven to swime to it, where I found it full of watter, and a hole that 2 fists might goe through it, so that I could not drive it to land without mending it. My compagnion must also in the water like a watter dogg, comes and takes hould of the foure oares. All the wild men swims like watter doggs, not as we swime. We mende the boat there neatly, not without miscalling one another. They spoake to me a word that I understood not because of the difference betweene the low Iroquoits and their speech, and in the anger and heat we layde the blame uppon one another to have lett the boat flippe purposely. I tooke no heed of what he alleadged. He comes sudainly uppon me & there cuffed one another untill we weare all in bloode. Being weary, att last, out of breath, we gave over like 2 cocks over tyred with fighting. We could not fight longer, but must find strength to draw up the boat against the streame and overtake the other, which was a good way from us. It was impossible to overtake the day, nor the next. So that we must lay 3 nights by our selves.
The third day we arrived to a vast place full of Isls, which are called the Isles of Toniata, where we overtooke our compagnions, who stayd for us. There they killed a great bigg and fatt beare. We tooke some of it into our boats & went on our journey together. We came thence to a place like a bazon, made out of an Isle like a halfe moone. Here we caught eeles five fadoms or more deepe in the waiter, seeing cleerly the bottome in abundance of fishes. We finde there 9 low country Iroquoits in their cabbans that came back from the warre that was against the nation of the Catts. They had with them 2 women with a young man of 25 years & a girle of 6 years, all prisoners. They had a head with short haire of one of that nation, that uses to have their hair turned up like the prickles of an headg hogge. We cottaged ourselves by them. Some of them knewed me & made much of mee. They gave me a guirland of porcelaine & a girdle of goat's haire. They asked when should I visit my ffriends. I promissed to come there as soone as I could arrive att the upper village. I gave them my hattchett to give to my ffather, and 2 dozen of brass rings & 2 shooting-knives for my sisters, promissing to bring a cover for my mother. They inquired what was it that made me goe away, and how. I tould them through woods & arrived att the 3 rivers in 12 dayes, and that I souffred much hunger by the way. I would not tell them that I escaped by reason of the Duch. They called me often Devill to have undertaken such a task. I resolved to goe along with them. Heere I found certainty, and not till then, of the 6 ffrenchmen, whom they have seene seaven dayes before att the coming in of the great Lake D'ontario; and that undoubtedly the markes we have seene on the trees weare done by seaven other boats of their owne nation that came backe from the warres in the north, that mett 2 hurron boats of 8 men, who fought & killed 3 Iroquoits and wounded others. Of the hurrons 6 weare slained, one taken alive, and the other escaped. Those 2 boats weare going to the ffrench to live there. That news satisfied much my wild men, and much more I rejoiced at this. We stayed with them the next day, feasting one another. They cutt and burned the fingers of those miserable wretches, making them sing while they plucked out some of their nailes, which done, wee parted well satisfied for our meeting. From that place we came to lye att the mouth of a lake in an island where we have had some tokens of our frenchmen by the impression of their shooes on the sand that was in the island. In that island our wild men hid 10 caskes of Indian Corne, which did us a kindnesse, ffor there was no more veneson pye to be gotten.
The next day we make up our bundles in readinesse to wander uppon that sweet sea, as is the saying of the Iroquoits, who rekens by their daye's journey. This was above 100 leagues in length & 30 in breadth. Seeing the water so calme and faire, we ventured some 3 leagues, to gaine a point of the firme land, that by that means we should shorten 7 or 8 leagues in our way. We went on along the lake in that maner with great delight, sometimes with paine and labour. As we went along the water side, the weather very faire, it comes to my mind to put out a cover instead of a saile. My companion liked it very well, for generally wild men are given to leasinesse. We seeing that our sayle made us goe faster then the other boat, not perceiving that the wind came from the land, which carried us far into the lake, our compagnions made a signe, having more experience then wee, and judged of the weather that was to come. We would not heare them, thinking to have an advantage.
Soone after the wind began to blow harder, made us soone strike sayle, and putt our armes to worke. We feeled not the wind because it was in our backs, but turning aside we finde that we had enough to doe. We must gett ourselves to a better element then that [where] we weare. Instantly comes a shower of raine with a storme of winde that was able to perish us by reason of the great quantity of watter that came into our boat. The lake began to vapour and make a show of his neptune's sheep. Seeing we went backwards rather then forwards, we thought ourselves uterly lost. That rogue that was with me sayd, "See thy God that thou sayest he is above. Will you make me believe now that he is good, as the black-coats [the ffather Jesuits] say? They doe lie, and you see the contrary; ffor first you see that the sun burns us often, the raine wetts us, the wind makes us have shipwrake, the thundering, the lightnings burns and kills, and all come from above, and you say that it's good to be there. For my part I will not goe there. Contrary they say that the reprobats and guilty goeth downe & burne. They are mistaken; all is goode heare. Doe not you see the earth that nourishes all living creatures, the water the fishes, and the yus, and that corne and all other seasonable fruits for our foode, which things are not soe contrary to us as that from above?" As he said so he coursed vehemently after his owne maner. He tooke his instruments & shewed them to the heavens, saying, "I will not be above; here will [I] stay on earth, where all my friends are, and not with the french, that are to be burned above with torments." How should one think to escape this torments and storms, but God who through his tender mercy ceas'd the tempest and gave us strength to row till we came to the side of the water? I may call it a mighty storme by reason of the litlenesse of the boat, that are all in watter to the breadth of 5 fingers or lesse. I thought uppon it, and out of distress made a vertue to seeke the means to save ourselves. We tyed a sack full of corne in the fore end of our boat, & threw it into the watter, which hung downe some foure fathoms, and wee putt our selves in the other end, so that the end that was towards the wind was higher then the other, and by that means escaped the waves that without doubt, if we had not used that means, we had sunk'd. The other boat landed to lett that storme [pass] over. We found them in the even att their cottages, and thought impossible for us to escape.
After severall dayes' travell we came to an isle where we made cottages. We went so farre that evening that we might be so much the neerer to take a broader passage which should shorten our voyage above 20 leagues. Att night wee saw severall fires uppon the land. We all judged that it was our company that went before us. Before brake of day we did what we could to overtake them, not without hazard, by reason the winds that blewed hard, which we could not perceive before. Being come to the bay of the isle we could not turne back without greater danger, so resolved to proceede. We came to the very place where we saw the fires, & found that we weare not mistaken in our opinions. By good looke they weare there, else we had perished for all being so neere the land, for the lake swelled by reason of the great wind that blew, which stayed them there above 14 nights. Neither for this reason was there any landing, because of a great banck or heape of rocks, untill those that weare ashore came to us into the watter to their oxtars [Footnote:Oxtars, up to their armpits.] and stoped our boats. We then cast our selves and all that we had overboord, leaving our boats there, which weare immediately in thousands [of] peaces.
Being arrived, we placed our cottages by a most pleasant delicat river, where for delightfullnesse was what man's heart could wish. There weare woods, forests, meddows. There we stayed 3 dayes by reason of the weather. One night I layd neare a faire comely lasse that was with us. There they take no notice, for they live in so great liberty that they are never jealous one of another. I admired of a sudaine to heare new musick. Shee was in travell and immediately delivered. I awaked all astonished to see her drying her child by the fire side. Having done, [she] lapt the child in her bosome and went to bed as if that had ben nothing, without moan or cry, as doe our Europian women. Before we left the place that babe died. I had great mind to baptize him, but feared least they should accuse me to be the cause of his death.
Being come to the above named place, where weare the ghostly ffathers with 8 other french, 3 came to meet us from the fort, which weare but 30 leagues off, where I have receaved a censure for being so timidous, [in] not dareing to ffling watter on the head of that poore innocent to make him happy. We frenchmen began to tell our adventures, having ben out of hopes of ever to see one another, being exceeding glad that we weare deceaved in our opinions. Some leaves us & went by land to their cabbans. The rest stayes for faire weather to come to our journey's ende. We wanted not slaves from that place to carry our packs. We came into a river towards the fort which was dangerous for its swiftnesse. From that river that brought us within 30 leagues of the lake we came into a narrower river from a small lake where a french fort was built. This river was 2 leagues long & the lake 5 in compasse. About it a most pleasant country, very fruitfull. Goeing up that same river we meet 2 french that weare fishing a kind of fish called dab, which is excellent, & have done us great kindnesse, having left no more provision then what we needed much.
Having come to the landing place att the foot of the fort, we found there a most faire castle very neatly built, 2 great & 2 small ones. The bottom was built with great trees & well tyed in the topp with twiggs of ashure, strengthened with two strong walles & 2 bastions, which made the fort imppregnable of the wild men. There was also a fine fall of woods about it. The french corne grewed there exceeding well, where was as much as covered half a league of land. The country smooth like a boord, a matter of some 3 or 4 leagues about. Severall fields of all sides of Indian corne, severall of french tournaps, full of chestnutts and oakes of accorns, with thousand such like fruit in abundance. A great company of hoggs so fatt that they weare not able to goe. A plenty of all sortes of fowles. The ringdoves in such a number that in a nett 15 or 1600 att once might be taken. So this was not a wild country to our imagination, but plentyfull in every thing.
We weare humanly receaved by the Reverend ffathers Jesuits and some other 40 frenchmen, as well domestiques as volontiers. We prepared ourselves to take the country's recreation, some to hunt, some to fish, but prevented by a feaver that seised on us all. Some continued a month, some more and some lesse, which is the tribut that one must pay for the changment of climat.
Some dayes after we had news that another company of Iroquoits weare arrived att mont Royall. As soone [as] we went from thence the father & the rest of the ffrench that did stay behind did imbark themselves with them and followed us so close that ere long would be at us. As they went up to make cottages in the island of the massacre, which was 16 dayes before our departure, one of the company goes to shute for his pleasure, finds a woman half starved for hunger, lying on a rock by a water. He brings her to the cottages & made so much by giving her some luckwarme water, which he boyled with flower & grease, that she came to herselfe entirely againe. Shee was examined. Shee told them what is above said, and when it happened. Shee hid her selfe in a rotten tree during the slaughter, where shee remained 3 dayes; after we weare gone shee came foorth for to gett some food, and found nothing, but founde onely some small grapes, of roots the 3 first dayes, & nothing else. Shee finding her selfe feeble and weake, not able to sustaine such, resolved for death. The father, knowing her to be a Christian, had a singular care for her, & brought her where I overtooke the said father with the 8 french. Being brought [she] was frightened againe for seeing a man charging his gunne to kill her, as shee said, so went away that night, & non knowes what became of her. Being weake, not thoroughly healed, shee fancied that such a thing might be done. By this, we poore, many have recovered. The father arrives, that affirmes this newes to us, being very sorry for the losse of this poore creature that God has so long preserved without any subsistance, which shews us apparently that wee ought not to despaire, & that keeps those that lives in his feare. We went to meete the father, I meane those that weare able, to bid the father welcome & his company. Being come safe & in a good disposition together, we rendered God thanks.
There weare many that waited for us, desiring to tourne back againe to Quebecq, obtaining their desier from the fathers & the governour of the fort. They weare 13 in number & one father. After 6 weeks end we recovered our health. So we went to bring them a part of the way, some to the water side, some to the laksende, where we tooke of one another farewell, with such ceremonys as are used when friends depart. Some dayes after we heare that the poore woman was in the woods; not that shee knew'd which way to tourne, but did follow her owne fancy whersoever it lead her, & so wandered 6 dayes, getting some times for her subsistance wild garlick, yong buds of trees, & roots. Shee was seene in an evening by a river, whereby shee was for 3 dayes, by 3 hurrons renegades. They tooke her, but in a sad condition. They not considering that shee was of their owne nation, stript her. It is the custom to strip whomsoever is lost in the woods. They brought her to the village, where the father was that brought her from the place of murdering to that place whence shee runned away the second time. This father, knowing her, brings her to our fort, that we might see her as a thing incredible but by the mercy of God. I was in the village with the father and with another frenchman, where we see the crudest thing in nature acted. Those Iroquoits that came along the river with us, some weare about fishing, some a hunting, they seeing this woman makes her [their] slave.
One day a man or theirs was forwearned for his insolency, for not referring to the Governor, doing all out of his owne head. [He him] selfe was to come that day, leading 2 women with their 2 children, he not intending to give an account of anything but by his owne authority. The elders, heering this, goes and meets him some 50 paces out of the village for to maintaine their rights. They stayed this man. What weare those beasts? He answered they weare his; he no sooner had spoaken, but one old man spoak to him thus: "Nephew, you must know that all slaves, as well men as women, are first brought before the Councell, and we alone can dispose [of] them." So said, & turned to the other side, and gave a signe to some soldiers that they brought for that purpose, to knock those beasts in the head, who executed their office & murdered the women. One tooke the child, sett foot on his head, taking his leggs in his hands, wrought the head, by often turning, from off the body. An other souldier tooke the other child from his mother's brest, that was not yett quite dead, by the feete and knocks his head against the trunck of a tree. This [is] a daily exercise with them, nor can I tell the one half of their cruelties in like sortes. Those with many others weare executed, some for not being able to serve, and the children for hindering their mothers to worke. So they reckne a trouble to lett them live. O wicked and barbarious inhumanity! I forgott to tell that the day the woman layed in, some houres before, shee and I roasted some Indian Corn in the fire: being ready, shee pulled out the grains one by one with a stick, and as shee was so doing, shee made a horrid outcry, shewing me a toad, which was in the breadth of a dish, which was in the midle of the redd ashes striving to gett out. We wondered, for the like was never seene before. After he gott out of the fire we threwed stoanes & staves att him till it was killed. That toad lived 2 dayes in or under the fire.
Having remained in that village 6 dayes, we have seene horrible cruelties committed. Three of us resolved to turne back to our fort, which was 5 miles off. We brought above 100 women, hurron slaves & others, all loadened with corne. We weare allwayes in scarcity for pollicy, though we had enough, ffor certainty is farre better then the incertainry. Before we departed this base place we received [news] that the hurron who was saved by the consent of the rest in the Isle of Massacre, as is above said, 2 dayes after his deliverance run'd away by night towards the lower country of the Iroquoits, where he arrived safe, not without sufferings in the way, ffor such long voyages cannot be performed otherwise, having gon through vast forests, finding no inn in the way, neither having the least provision. Att his coming there he spoake whatever the reveng, wrath, and indignation could provoke or utter against the ffrench, especially against the ffathers, saying that it was they that have sold and betrayed them; and that he would bestow the same uppon them if ever he should meet with them. As for him, he gave heaven thanks that he was yett living; that he had his life saved by them to whome he would render like service, warning them not to lett the french build a fort, as the upper Iroquoits had done; that he could tell them of it by experience; that they should remember the nation of the Stagges so bigg. As soone as the french came there, nothing but death and slaughter was expected, having caused their death by sorcery, which brought a strange sicknesse amongst them. Such things can prevaile much uppon such a wild, credulous nation; their minds alltogether for the warrs in which they delight most of any thing in the world. We came our way; this news troubled us very much, knowing the litle fidelity that is [in] that wild nation, that have neither faith nor religion, neither law nor absolut government, as we shall heare the effects of it.
The autumn scarce began but we heare that the lower Iroquoits contrived a treason against the ffrench. So having contrived & discovered that they weare resolved to leavy an armie of 500 men of their owne nation, who are esteemed the best souldiers, having the Anojot to assist them; a bold, rash nation, and so thought to surprise the inhabitants of that place. As they weare contriving and consequently seased upon the fort and towne, thinking to execute their plot with ease, because of their assurance, trusting (if contrary to their contrivance) to the peace, saying that the ffrench weare as many hoggs layed up to be fatted in their country. But, O liberality, what strength hast thou! thou art the onely means wherby men know all and pierce the hearts of the most wild & barbarous people of the world. Hearing such news, we make friends by store of guifts, yea such guifts that weare able to betray their country. What is that, that interrest will not do? We discover dayly new contryvances of treason by a Councellor. There is nothing done or said but we have advice of it. Their dayly exercise is feasting, of warrs, songs, throwing of hattchetts, breaking kettles. What can we do? We are in their hands. It's hard to gett away from them. Yea, as much as a ship in full sea without pilot, as passengers without skill. We must resolve to be uppon our guard, being in the midle of our Ennemy. For this purpose we begin to make provisions for the future end. We are tould that a company of the Aniot nation volontiers was allready in their march to breake heads & so declare open warres. This company finds enough to doe att Mount Royall; ffor the ffrench being carelesse of themselves, working incomparably afarre from their fortifications without the least apprehension. They killed 2 french and brought them away in triumph, their heads sett up for a signe of warrs. We seeing no other remedy but must be gon and leave a delightful country. The onely thing that we wanted most was that wee had no boats to carry our bagage. It's sad to tend from such a place that is compassed with those great lakes that compose that Empire that can be named the greatest part of the knowne world. Att last they contrived some deale boords to make shipps with large bottoms, which was the cause of our destruction sooner then was expected.
You have heard above said how the ffathers inhabited the hurron country to instruct them in Christian doctrine. They preach the mighty power of the Almighty, who had drowned the world for to punish the wicked, saving onely our father Noe with his familie was saved in an arke. One came bringing Indian corne, named Jaluck, who escaped the shipwrake that his countrymen had gone, being slave among us. He received such instructions of those deale boords, & reflected soundly upon the structure that he thought verily they weare to make an other arke to escape their hands, and by our inventions cause all the rest to be drowned by a second deluge. They imputing so much power to us, as Noe had that grace from God, thought that God at least commanded us so to doe. All frightened [he] runns to his village. This comes back makes them all afraid. Each talkes of it. The elders gathered together to consult what was to be done. In their councell [it] was concluded that our fort should be visited, that our fathers should be examined, & according to their answers deliberation should be taken to preserve both their life and countrey. We had allwayes spyes of our side, which weare out of zele and obedience. The ffathers Jesuits and others voluntarily ventured their lives for the preservation of the common liberty. They remaine in the village of those barbars to spie what their intent should be, houlding correspondence with some of those of the councell by giving them guifts, to the end that we might know what was concluded in the Councell & give us advise with all speede. We by these means had intelligence that they weare to come & visit our forts.
To take away all suspicion of our innocency from thinking to build any shipp, which if it had come to their knowledge had don a great prejudice to our former designe, a shippe then uppon the docke almost finished. Heere we made a double floore in the hall where the shippe was abuilding, so that the wild men, being ignorant of our way of building, could not take any notice of our cuningnesse, which proved to our desire. So done, finding nothing that was reported, all began to be quiet and out of feare. By this we weare warned from thencefoorth, mistrusting all that came there, so preserved ourselves, puting nothing in fight that should give the least suspition. Both shipps weare accomplished; we kept them secretly & covered them with 12 boats of rind that we kept for fishing and hunting. The wildmen knewed of these small things, but suspected nothing, believing that the french would never suspect to venture such a voyage for the difficultie of the way and violence of the swiftnesse of the rivers and length of the way. We stayed for opportunity in some quietnesse, devising to contrive our game as soone as the spring should begin. The winter we past not without apprehensions, having had severall allarmes, false as [well] as true; for often weare we putt to our armes, in so much that one of our sentryes was once by force drawen from the doore of the fort. He, to avoid the danger, drawes his sword & wounds one of them & comes to the fort, crying, "To your armes." This was soone appeased; some guifts healed the wound.
The season drawing nigh we must think of some stratageme to escape their hands and the rest of ours that weare among them; which was a difficulty, because they would have some of us by them allwaye for the better assurance. But all their contrivances & wit weare too weake to strive against our plotts which weare already invented to their deceipt that would deceave us. We lett them understand that the time drew neere that the french uses to trait their friends in feasting and meriment, and all should be welcome, having no greater ffriends then they weare. They, to see our fashions as well as to fill their gutts, gave consent. By that means the considerablest persons are invited, the ffather & 2 ffrench. There they weare made much of 2 dayes with great joy, with sounds of trompetts, drumms, and flageoletts, with songs in french as wild. So done, they are sent away, the ffather with them. He was not a mile off but fains to gett a falle and sighed that his arme was broken. The wild men being much troubled att this accident brings the father back and makes guifts that he may be cured. A plaster was sett to his arme, which done [he is] putt into a bed. Then all the wildmen came to see him; he incouraged them that he should soone recover and see them. The french that knewed not the plott cryed for the ffather, which confirmed the belief of the wildmen. They all retyred to their village and we [sought] the meanes to embarke ourselves.
We resolved once more to make another feast when we should have everything ready for our purpose; that is, when the father should be well of his fayned sicknesse, ffor they allso doe delight in feasting, which was to be done for the safe recovery of the ffather's health. We dayly had messengers from the elders of the country to know how he did, who (after the lake was opened from the ice that was covered with ice) should be in good disposition. Many wished to have the suneshine ardently, their desire was so great to be gone. Att last our patient begins to walke with a scharfe about his armes.
When the shippes and boats weare ready, we sent them word that the father was well, & for joy would make a feast. The elders are invited. They weare sure not to faile, but to be first. Being come, there are speeches made to incourage them to sing and eat. It's folly to induce them to that, for they goe about it more bould then welcome. They are told that the morow should be the day of mirth. Heare is but play and dances, the ffrench by turns, to keepe them still in exercise, shewing them tricks to keepe them awake, as the bird-catcher doth to teach the bird to sing and not to fly away, as we then intended. Not one wildman was admitted to come into the fort that day, saying it was not our coustomes to shew the splendour of our banquetts before they should be presented att table. The wildmen have no other then ground for their table.
In the meantime we weare not idle, the impatient father exercising himselfe as the rest. The evening being come, the wildmen are brought to the place destinated, not far from our fort. Every one makes his bundle of provisions & marchandises & household stuff, gunns, &c., some hid in the ground, and the rest scattered because we could not save them. We made excellent bisquetts of the last year's corne, & forgott not the hoggs that weare a fatning. Att last the trumpetts blowes, putt yourselves in order; there is nothing but outcryes, clapping of hands, & capering, that they may have better stomach to their meat. There comes a dozen of great kettles full of beaten Indian corne dressed with mince meate. The wisest begins his speech, giving heaven thanks to have brought such generous ffrench to honnour them so. They eate as many wolves, having eyes bigger then bellies; they are rare att it without noise. The time was not yett com'd to acknowledge the happinesse we received from such incompareable hosts. Heare comes 2 great kettles full of bussards broyled & salted before the winter, with as many kettles full of ducks. As many turtles was taken in the season by the nett. Heere att this nothing but hooping to man's admiration whilst one was a eating, and other sort comes, as divers of fish, eels, salmon, and carps, which gives them a new stomach. Weare they to burst, heere they will shew their courage. The time comes on. The best is that we are sure none will forsake his place, nor man nor woman. A number of french entertaines them, keeping them from sleepe in dancing & singing, for that is the custome. Their lutrill, an instrumentall musick, is much heere in use. Yett nothing is done as yett, ffor there comes the thickened flower, the oyle of bears, venison. To this the knif is not enough; the spunes also are used. Wee see allready severall postures: the one beats his belly, the other shakes his head, others stopp their mouthes to keepe in what they have eaten. They weare in such an admiration, making strange kinds of faces, that turned their eyes up and downe. We bid them cheare up, & tould them it was an usuall custome with the ffrench to make much of themselves & of their friends. "They affect you, and yee must shew such like to them by shewing your respects to them that they so splendidly trait you. Cheere up like brave men. If your sleepe overcomes you, you must awake; come, sound [the] drumme, it is not now to beat the Gien; [Footnote: "To beat the gien," probably meaning the guitar, as Charlevoix mentions that at the feast to the Indians one of the French young men played upon that instrument for their amusement.] come, make a noise. Trumpett blow and make thy cheeks swell, to make the belly swell alsoe."
In the end nothing [is] spared that can be invented to the greater confusion. There is a strife between the french who will make the greatest noise. But there is an end to all things; the houre is come, ffor all is embarked. The wildman can hold out no longer; they must sleepe. They cry out,Skenon, enough, we can beare no more. "Lett them crySkenon; we will cryhunnay, we are a going," sayes we. They are told that the ffrench are weary & will sleepe alsoe awhile. They say, "Be it so." We come away; all is quiet. Nobody makes a noise after Such a hurly-burly. The fort is shutt up as if we had ben in it. We leave a hogg att the doore for sentery, with a rope tyed to his foot. He wanted no meat for the time. Here we make a proposition, being three and fifty ffrench in number, to make a slaughter without any difficulty, they being but 100 beasts not able to budge, & as many women. That done, we could goe to their village att the breake of the day, where we weare sure there weare not 20 men left, nor yong nor old. It was no great matter to deale with 5 or 600 women, & may be 1000 children; besides, the huntsmen should not be ready this 2 moneths to come home. Having done so, we might have a great hole in the skirts of that untoward & pervers nation, that it was in way of revenge, because of their disloyalty, breaking the peace & watching an opportunity to doe the like to us, that we should by that means have a better opportunity to escape; shewing by this whosoever intends to betray, betrays himselfe. The ffathers' answer was to this, that they weare sent to instruct the people in the faith of Jesus Christ and not to destroy; that the crosse must be their sword; moreover that they are told that we weare able to keepe the place, having victualls for the space of 4 yeares, with other provisions. [Footnote: The new Governor, Viscount d'Argenson, who arrived in Canada a few months after, disapproved of the evacuation of Onondaga. "The location of this fortification was probably about three quarters of a mile below Green Point, on the farm now occupied [in 1849] by Mr. Myrick Bradley, in the town of Salina, where the embankment and outlines were plain to be seen fifty years ago."History of Onondaga, by J. V. H. Clarke, Vol. I. p. 161, n., 1849.] So done, in the meanewhile some 16 french should goe downe to the french & tell the news; ffor the rest they weare able to oppose all the Iroquoits, having such a strong fort, and before the time could be expired some succour was to be expected out of ffrance, as well as with the helpe of some of the wildmen, their allies, make an assault, and so free ourselves of such a slavery & the many miseries wherin we weare dayly to undergoe, that by that means we might save the lives of many french and cleare a way from such inhumans. It was in vaine to think to convert them, but the destroying of them was to convert them. So discover nations and countryes, and that the ffrench finding some fourty resolut brothers that would have ventured themselves full liberty & assurance of their lives to preserve them from the cruelest enemy that ever was found uppon the earth. All these sayings could prevaile nothing uppon people that will avoid all slaughter.
So to be obedient to our superiours, without noise of trompet or drum, but zeal with griefe, we left that place. We are all embarked, and now must looke for the mouth of the river; and weare put to it, ffor it frized every night and the Ice of good thicknesse, and consequently dangerous to venture our boats against it. We must all the way breake the ice with great staves to make a passage. This gave us paines enough. Att the breake of day we weare in sight att the mouth of the river, where we weare free from ice. If those had but the least suspicion or had looked out, they had seene us. We soone by all diligence putt ourselves out of that apprehension, and came att the first rising of the river, where freed from ice tenne leagues from the fort, where we kept a good watch.
The day following we came to the Lake d'Ontario. The wind being boisterous, could goe no further. There we sought for a place to make cottages, which was in an Island very advantageous, where we stayed 2 dayes for the weather. We weare not without feare, thinking that the wildmen should follow us. They contrary wise stayed (as we heard) seaven nights, thinking that we weare asleepe, onely that some rose now and then, and rung the litle bell which stooke to the hogg's foot. So mystifying the businesse affaire, [they] went & brought news to the village, which made them come and looke over the pallisados, and saw in good earnest the Anomiacks weare gone.
In our journey [we had] bad weather, high winds, snow, and every day raine on our backs. We came to the river att last, where was difficulty enough by reason of the goeing out of the lake, which is hard to find, by the many isles that are about the opening of the river. We weare in a maner of sheepe scattered. After many crossings to and fro we find ourselves att the first streame; the watters high, went on without danger, but the navigation proved worse & worse because we came into a coulder country and into the most dangerousest precipices. Now the river [was] covered over with ice and snow which made the river give a terrible noise. The land also covered all over with snow, which rendered us incapable of knowledge where we weare, & consequently found ourselves in great perils. It was well that the river swelled, for not a mother's son of us could else escape; ffor where we might have made carriages we [would] innocently have gone uppon those currents. One of our greatest vessells runned on sand and soone full by reason of the running of the stream, but by tournings, with much adoe we gott it out againe, and by all dexterity brought to a harbour, which is hard to find in that place, ffor the ice and the streame continually cutts the coasts steepe downe, & so no landing thereabouts.
Heere a boat of 4 men made shipwrake. Heere every one for himselfe & God for all. Heere is no reliefe. There the 3 that could swime weare drowned, because they held not [to] the boat, but would swime to land. The other that had held it was saved with much adoe. Afterwards we came where the streame was not so swifte at all, but as dangerous for its ice. We cutt the ice with hattchetts & we found places where [it] was rotten, so we hazarded ourselves often to sinke downe to our necks. We knewed the isle of murder againe because of the woman that runn'd away was with us. Shee had reason to know it, though all covered with snow. The ffathers some dayes before our departur caused her to come to the fort to deliver her out of the hands of her ennemy, because she was a Christian. In short time after her arrivall att Quebecq [she] was marry'd, and died in childbed.
Six weeks being expired we came to the hight of St Louis, 3 leagues from mont royal, the first habitation of the ffrench. We went all that hight without making carriages, trusting to the depth of the watter, & passed it by God's providence, that have made us that passage free; ffor if we had come there the day before we could not possibly passe (by the report of the ffrench), by reason that underneath the water was mighty swift, the river was frozen and covered with ice, and could not have turned back, for the streame could bring us against our will under the ice. It was our lott to come after the ice was melted. The french inquire who is there with astonishment, thinking that it should be the charge of the Iroquoits. We thanked God for our deliverance.
Heere we had time to rest ourselves awhile att ease, which was not permitted by the way. About the last of March we ended our great paines and incredible dangers. About 14 nights after we went downe the 3 rivers, where most of us stayed. A month after my brother and I resolves to travell and see countreys. We find a good opportunity. In our voyage wee proceeded three yeares. During that time we had the happinesse to see very faire countryes.
The ende of the second voyage made in the Upper Country of the Iroquoits.
Now followeth the Auxoticiat Voyage into the Great and filthy Lake of the Hurrons, Upper Sea of the East, and Bay of the North.
Being come to the 3 rivers, where I found my brother who the yeare before came back from the lake of the Hurrons with other french, both weare upon the point of resolution to make a journey a purpose for to discover the great lakes that they heard the wild men speak off; yea, have seene before, ffor my brother made severall journeys when the ffathers lived about the lake of the hurrons, which was upon the border of the sea. So my brother seeing me back from those 2 dangerous voyages, so much by the cruelties of the barbars as for the difficulties of the wayes, for this reason he thought I was fitter & more faithfull for the discovery that he was to make. He plainly told me his minde. I knowing it, longed to see myselfe in a boat. There weare severall companies of wild men Expected from severall places, because they promissed the yeare before, & [to] take the advantage of the Spring (this for to deceive the Iroquoits, who are allwayes in wait for to destroy them), and of the rivers which is by reason of the melting of the great snows, which is onely that time, ffor otherwise no possibility to come that way because for the swift streams that runs in summer, and in other places the want of watter, so that no boat can come through. We soone see the performance of those people, ffor a company came to the 3 rivers where we weare. They tould us that another company was arrived att Mont Royal, and that 2 more weare to come shortly, the one to the Three Rivers, the other to Saegne, [Footnote:Saegne, Sacgnes, Sacquenes,or the River Saguenay.] a river of Tudousack, who arrived within 2 dayes after. They divided themselves because of the scant of provision; ffor if they weare together they could not have victualls enough. Many goes and comes to Quebecq for to know the resolution of mr. Governor, who together with the ffathers thought fitt to send a company of ffrench to bring backe, if possible, those wildmen the next yeare, or others, being that it is the best manna of the countrey by which the inhabitants doe subsist, and makes the ffrench vessells to come there and goe back loaden with merchandises for the traffique of furriers who comes from the remotest parts of the north of America.
As soone as the resolution was made, many undertakes the voyage; for where that there is lucre there are people enough to be had. The best and ablest men for that businesse weare chosen. They make them goe up the 3 rivers with the band that came with the Sacques. There take those that weare most capable for the purpose. Two ffathers weare chosen to conduct that company, and endeavoured to convert some of those foraigners of the remotest country to the Christian faith. We no sooner heard their designe, but saw the effects of the buisnesse, which effected in us much gladnesse for the pleasure we could doe to one another, & so abler to oppose an ennemy if by fortune we should meet with any that would doe us hurt or hinder us in our way.
About the midle of June we began to take leave of our company and venter our lives for the common good. We find 2 and 30 men, some inhabitants, some Gailliards that desired but doe well. What fairer bastion then a good tongue, especially when one sees his owne chimney smoak, or when we can kiss our owne wives or kisse our neighbour's wife with ease and delight? It is a strange thing when victualls are wanting, worke whole nights & dayes, lye downe on the bare ground, & not allwayes that hap, the breech in the watter, the feare in the buttocks, to have the belly empty, the wearinesse in the bones, and drowsinesse of the body by the bad weather that you are to suffer, having nothing to keepe you from such calamity.