VIITHE SENATE CHAMBER
In visiting the Capitol building most people desire first to see the Senate Chamber, possibly from the fact that the names of the Senators are more familiar, because, as a usual thing, men have been long in public life before they have become Senators.
The Senate Chamber is 112 feet in length, 82 feet wide, and 30 feet high. The floor rises like that of an amphitheater; the walls are white, buff, and gold in color, and the ceiling consists of panels of glass, each one bearing the coat of arms of a State. Opposite the main entrance, on a platform of dark mahogany, are the desk and chair of the President of the Senate, who is the Vice-President of the United States, or, as in the present administration, a Senator elected by his colleagues to preside over them when the office of Vice-President has become vacant. Below the President is a larger desk for the use of the Secretary of the Senate and his assistants.
The heating and ventilating of the Senate Chamber is said to be very good. In winter, however, the room seems to be too warm. After an absence of fifteen years, I find men who have been in the Senate during that time have aged much more in appearance than their contemporaries outside.
The mahogany desks of the Senators stand on amoss green carpet, making a good color combination. The room is surrounded by a gallery which seats about a thousand persons. This gallery is divided. There is a private gallery for Senators’ families and friends, one part of which is set apart for the family of the President. It is seldom occupied by the dwellers in the White House, but often by visiting friends. The reporters’ gallery is over the Vice-President’s desk. There sit those busy, bright men who keep you informed of what the Senate is doing. The gallery opposite is for the diplomats. It is always interesting to watch the faces of these distinguished foreigners as they scan this body of lawmakers. Besides these there are the gallery for ladies, or for gentlemen accompanied by ladies, and the public gallery for men.
The Senate is the citadel of American liberty. Its great debates have defined our constitutional rights and duties, and prevented many violations of fundamental law. Here Clay, Calhoun, Webster, Benton, Chase, Sumner, Seward, Harrison, Edmunds, Evarts, Ingalls, Logan, and Wade Hampton, with hundreds of others equally eloquent and equally patriotic, have stood for the right as they saw it, or sold their souls for the mess of pottage.
The Republicans sit on the Vice-President’s left and the Democrats on the right. Although differing in ideas of governmental policy, we must believe both sides are actuated by a love of country.
The world is beginning to expect the United States to be the final court of appeals in behalf of the lesser nations, especially the other American republics. It is the Senate’s natural destiny, because of its treatymakingpower, to facilitate a better understanding between nations, to prevent wrongs, to increase commerce, to secure international peace, and thus to improve the governmental powers of the world. So will our republic be the bridge over which the nations of the earth will enter on a period of universal education and modified self-government.
In my youth, on a visit to Washington, I saw Schuyler Colfax preside over the Senate. He was a nervous, restless man, who gave no attention to the Senator speaking, and while he was in the chair the Senate became a noisy, turbulent body. At another time, for a few hours, I saw Henry Wilson, who was Vice-President under Grant’s second term, preside over the Senate. Quiet, self-contained, serene, watchful, attentive, he was an ideal presiding officer. Every battle of life had left its mark on his strong, rugged face.
In December, 1885, I came to Washington and remained three years. Vice-President Hendricks had died, and the Senate, which was Republican, was presided over by John Sherman. He was in public life from 1848 to the time of his death, and his name was identified with almost every public measure from that time to the end of the century. He was a man of great wisdom and good judgment, but cold and without any of those qualities which tend to personal popularity. Later, John James Ingalls, of Kansas, was elected Presidentpro tempore. Tall, stately, dignified, scholarly, thoughtful, a skilled parliamentarian, it is probable the Senate never had a better presiding officer. When Senator Ingalls occupied the chair thebusiness of the Senate was put through with such celerity and dispatch that a visit to that usually prosy body became interesting.
Later, I saw Levi P. Morton, of New York, preside as Vice-President. He was a fine business man who had served his country with honor abroad, but had no training as a presiding officer. He was regarded as fair in his rulings.
The Senate is now presided over by Senator Frye, of Maine, who has had a long experience in legislative bodies, having served six terms as representative from Maine, and having been elected to the Senate in 1881, to fill the vacancy left by Blaine when he became Secretary of State under Garfield. He was also a member of the Peace Commission which met in Paris, September, 1898, to settle the terms of peace between the United States and Spain. He was elected Presidentpro temporeof the Senate in 1896, and reelected March 7, 1901. He is considered extremely fair to both sides, and is an able officer.
When I take friends to the Senate now I notice they ask first for Mr. Hoar, of Massachusetts; Hanna, of Ohio; Spooner, of Wisconsin; Dollinger, of Iowa; Quay, of Pennsylvania; Hawley, of Connecticut; Lodge, of Massachusetts; Nelson, of Minnesota; Depew and Platt, of New York. Then strangers desire to see Tillman and McLaurin, of South Carolina; Vest, of Missouri, and Morgan, of Alabama.
When I was here from 1885 to 1888 the following were the stars: Edmunds, who for quiet strength, massive force, persistent effort, fertility of resource, and keen sagacity was never surpassed on the floorof the Senate. Like Mr. Hoar, his sentences in rhetorical and grammatical construction were fit for the Record just as they fell from his lips. William M. Evarts, of New York, famous as counsel in the Beecher trial, and attorney for the Republican party before the Electoral Commission. He seemed like a man about to do some great thing, but he originated no important national or international law. Leland Stanford, noted for his philanthropy and great wealth, and Wade Hampton and Senator Butler, both of South Carolina, were picturesque and interesting figures. General Logan, Don Cameron, Preston B. Plumb, Blackburn, and Beck, of Kentucky, stood next in interest, but most of these have given place to a younger generation.
The most interesting rooms in the north wing beside the Senate Chamber are the President’s room, Vice-President’s reception-rooms, and committee room of the District of Columbia.
The walls of the President’s room are in white and gold, with crimson carpet, table, and chair effects—rather high lights if one had to live in it, but very pleasing for the short visits made by the President to the Capitol. On the last day of each term of Congress the President comes to this room for an hour or two and signs any bills which yet remain. He also answers the perfunctory question as to whether he desires to present any further business to the Senate.
The Vice-President’s room is much more used. When the Vice-President in the Senate chamber grows tired “of weary lawyers with endless tongues,” he calls some one to the chair and slips into the Vice-President’sroom, to rest and attend to his correspondence.
Among our Vice-Presidents who have occupied this room were William R. King, in the administration of Pierce; then John C. Breckenridge, under Buchanan; Hannibal Hamlin, Lincoln’s first Vice-President, and Andrew Johnson, his second Vice-President; Schuyler Colfax and Henry G. Wilson, under Grant (Henry G. Wilson died November 22, 1875, in this room); William A. Wheeler, Vice-President during Hayes’s administration; Chester A. Arthur, under Garfield for a short time; Thomas A. Hendricks, in the first Cleveland administration; Levi P. Morton, under Harrison; Adlai E. Stevenson, under Cleveland; Garrett A. Hobart, in the first McKinley term, and Theodore Roosevelt, in the second. In addition to these were many other distinguished men who were acting Vice-Presidents.
Garrett A. Hobart was the fifth Vice-President of the United States to die during his term of office. The others were Elbridge Gerry, William Rufus King, Henry Wilson, and Thomas A. Hendricks. Gerry was one of the great statesmen of the revolutionary period and hailed from Massachusetts. He was Vice-President in 1812, and died November 23, 1814, while on the way to the capital.
King, of Alabama, was chosen Vice-President in 1852. He was obliged to go to Cuba during the campaign on account of his health, and the oath of office was administered to him there by special act of Congress. He returned to the United States April 17, 1853, and his death occurred on the following day.
Wilson, of Massachusetts, was elected Vice-President on the ticket with General Grant in 1872. He suffered a stroke of paralysis in 1873, and was infirm until the time of his death, which was caused by apoplexy November 22, 1875.
Hendricks, of Indiana, was elected on the ticket with Cleveland in 1884. He died in Indianapolis November 25, 1885.