CHAPTER XIII.WASHINGTON TENDERS, AND HOWE DECLINES, BATTLE.—HARLEM HEIGHTS AND WHITE PLAINS.
The steady hold of Harlem Heights against Howe’s advance on the sixteenth day of September, sometimes called the Battle of Harlem Heights, was another “object lesson” for General Howe’s improvement, and he observed its conditions. His adversary invited and he declined the invitation to attack the American position. His next plan was self-suggestive, to cut the American army from its Connecticut supplies, since his fleet controlled the Hudson River, and by a flank and rear movement to pen it up for leisurely capture. He began this movement October twelfth.
The Guards, Light Infantry, Reserve, and Donop’s Hessians, landed at Throgg’s Neck (see map). But Hand’s American Rifles had already destroyed the bridge to the mainland; and even at low tide the artillery could not safely effect a crossing. Colonel Prescott, with others, especially detailed by Washington, watched every movement, and held firmly their posts without flinching; so that Howe placed his troops in camp, “awaiting reënforcements.” On the sixteenth and seventeenth, several brigades from Flushing, with the Grenadiers, landed at Pell’s Point. Even here, Washington had anticipated his advance; for Colonel Glover made such resistance from behind stone fences, then common to that region, that this last command also went into camp, “waiting forreënforcements.” On the twenty-first, Howe advanced his right and centre columns beyond New Rochelle, where he again went into camp, “waiting for reënforcements.”
During the week, General Knyphausen reached Staten Island from Europe with additional Hessian troops; and these, with the British Light Dragoons, landed at Myer’s Point near New Rochelle. De Heister also came up from Howe’s first camping-ground, and the entire army advanced parallel with the River Bronx, to within four miles of White Plains.
Much had been expected of the Light Dragoons and their charges on horseback, with drawn sabres, to cut to pieces the undisciplined rebels. But they inspired no terror. It was the rebels’ opportunity. Washington reminded the army, “that in a country where stone fences, crags, and ravines were so numerous, the American riflemen needed no better chance to pick off the riders and supply the army with much-needed horses.” He offered a “reward of one hundred dollars to any soldier who would bring in an armed trooper and his horse.” Colonel Haslet crossed the Bronx and attacked the Queen’s Rangers, captured thirty-six, and left as many on the field, besides carrying away sixty muskets. Colonel Hand next had a lively skirmish with the Hessian Yagers, who, accustomed to marching in close array, met an experience similar to that of Braddock’s command years before.
Besides all that, it was a constant inspiration to the American troops, and not least to the Militia, thus to distribute themselves along the extended British columns, and shoot, when they pleased, at some live target. Howe had already sent ships-of-war up the Hudson, and proposed to swing to the left at White Plains, and sweep the entire American army back upon the Harlem.
When Washington learned from his scouts that theBritish army was thus extended along the Sound, he hurried all supplies forward to White Plains; pushed forward his own army, division by division, along the west hank of the Bronx, always on high ground; established earthworks at every prominent point, and made a small chain of communicating posts throughout the entire distance. His purpose was to crowd the British army upon the coast, where innumerable sea-inlets made progress difficult; and by using the shorter,interior lineto White Plains, to place himself in position to fight to advantage, upon ground of his own selection. Of course time became an element of determining value. Howe gained a start on the twelfth; but lost five days at Throgg’s Neck, and four days more at New Rochelle. As Washington already had a depot of Connecticut supplies at White Plains, he advanced to that point with vigor, so soon as he perceived that Howe would not attack from the east, as he had declined to attack from the south.
On the twelfth, General Greene asked permission to join from New Jersey, and on the fourteenth General Lee reported for duty. Some reference to this officer is of immediate interest. On that very morning he had written a letter to General Gates, who, as well as himself, had seen military service in the British army, each holding commissions in the American army subordinate to Washington,—Lee, as senior Major-General. The insubordination and arrogance of this letter are patent. The following is an extract:
Fort Constitution, Oct. 14, 1776.
Fort Constitution, Oct. 14, 1776.
Fort Constitution, Oct. 14, 1776.
Fort Constitution, Oct. 14, 1776.
My dear General Gates: I write this scroll in a hurry. Colonel Wood will describe the position of our army, which in my breast I do not approve.Inter nos, the Congress seems to stumble at every step. I don’t mean one or two of the cattle, but the whole stable. I have been very free in delivering my opinions, and in my opinion General Washington is much to blame in not menacing ’em with resignation, unless they refrain from unhinging the army in their absurd interference.
On the twenty-second of October, while General Howe was still awaiting reënforcements two miles above New Rochelle, General Heath’s division made a night march, reached Chatterton Hill at daylight, and began to strengthen the defences at White Plains. Sullivan’s division arrived the next night, and General Lord Stirling’s immediately after. On the twenty-third, Lee’s Grand Division joined from New Jersey, and the entire American army, with its best officers and troops, awaited the action of General Howe. McDougall’s Brigade and Lieutenant Alexander Hamilton, with two guns, occupied Chatterton Hill. (See map.)
Washington’s position was not, intrinsically, the best for final defence; but he had selected an ultimate position which Howe could not assail without loss of communication with New York.
The American left was protected by low ground, accessible only with difficulty. The right was met by a bend in the River Bronx. One line of breastworks controlled the Connecticut road. Two successive lines in the rear were upon a gradual ascent, capable of vigorous defence. Washington also controlled all roads that lead westward to the Hudson River. But more important than all, somewhat advanced to the south-west, was Chatterton Hill, commanding the L of the river, in which angle the army of Howe had taken position. Behind the American army was still higher ground, which commanded the passes through the hills by the Peekskill and upper Tarrytown roads.
Washington was now superior to his adversary in respect of numbers, and was in one of his moods when he invited attack. On the twenty-eighth of October, the two armies confronted each other. But a direct advance by Howe required first that he dislodge the Americans from Chatterton’s Hill. Otherwise, Howe would leave hissupplies exposed, as well as his left wing, to an attack from the rear. He decided to storm the hill. The guns of Hamilton and the steepness of the ascent foiled the first attempt. Then Colonel Rahl, afterwards killed at Trenton, and Donop, with their Hessian brigades, turned the American right by another route, and the Americans retired just as General Putnam was starting other troops to their support. The British brigade of General Leslie lost one hundred and fifty-four men, and the Hessian casualties increased the entire loss to two hundred and thirty-one. The American casualties were one hundred and thirty.
On the twenty-ninth, both armies rested. On the thirtieth, Lord Percy arrived with his division, and the next day was designated for the advance. But the day was stormy and the movement was suspended. The next day following, was named in Orders for advance all along the lines, “weather permitting,” the British improving their time by strengthening their own position.
The next day came. The British army was by itself. During the night, Washington had retired in good order, five miles, to North Castle Heights, from which the entire British army could not dislodge him. Such was the historical battle of White Plains, more properly, the Battle of Chatterton’s Hill, where the fighting took place.
Howe immediately abandoned New Rochelle as his base, left White Plains on the fifth, encamped at Dobb’s Ferry on the sixth, and thus gained communication with his ships on the Hudson.
On the same day, the sixth, Washington advised Congress that “he expected a movement of General Howe into New Jersey.” He called a Council of War, under that conviction, the same afternoon, and decided to throw a considerable body of troops into that Province.
The retention of Fort Washington was a question ofmuch embarrassment. Even its capture by Howe would not be a compensation to him, or to Great Britain, for the escape of Washington’s army. On the twenty-ninth of October, General Greene prepared a careful itinerary for a march through New Jersey, minutely specifying the proposed distance for each day’s progress, and the requisite supplies for each. That itinerary furnishes a remarkable model of good Logistics. Washington wrote to Congress, that “General Howe must do something to save his reputation; that he would probably go to New Jersey”; and then urged, “that the militia be in readiness to supply the places of those whose terms of service would soon expire.” To Greene he wrote: “They can have no other capital object, unless it be Philadelphia.” It was then known that General Carleton retired from Crown Point November second, so that there was no danger of a British movement up the Hudson. He again wrote to Greene as to Fort Washington: “If we cannot prevent vessels from passing up, and the enemy are in possession of the surrounding country, what valuable purpose can it answer to hold a post from which the expected benefit cannot be had? I am therefore inclined to think that it will not be prudent to hazard the men and stores at Fort Washington; but as you are on the spot, leave it to you to give such orders as you deem best, and, so far revoking the order to Colonel McGee, to defend it to the last.”
At this time, more than half of the enlistments of the army were on their extreme limit of service. Howe promised the militia of New York, many of whom were in the garrison of the fort, that “he would guarantee to them their liberties and properties, as well as a free and general pardon.” Many decided not to reënlist. On the ninth of November, having in mind the eventualities of a New Jersey campaign, Washington moved one division of the army across the Hudson at Peekskill,and ordered a second to move the day following. On the tenth he placed General Lee in charge of the general camp, with careful instructions as to the discipline of the men; and notified him, in case the enemy should remove the whole or the greater part of their force to the west side of the Hudson, to follow with all possible despatch, leaving the militia to cover the frontiers of Connecticut, in case of need.
On the eve of his own departure he also notified Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, that “the campaign into New Jersey would withdraw Lee and his division from the Hudson”; and made arrangements for the “care and storage for the winter, of all tents and stores that might remain on hand after the discharge of enlisted men whose term should expire.”
The following terse order was then issued to all the divisions which were to accompany him in this, his “First New Jersey campaign”:
“Colonels will examine the baggage of troops under marching orders; tents and spare arms, to go in the first wagons, then the proper baggage of the regiment; no chairs, tables, or heavy chests, or personal baggage, to be put in, as it will certainly be put off and left. No officer of any rank to meddle with a wagon or a cart appropriated for any other regiment, or use; that no discharged man be allowed to carry away arms, camp kettles, utensils, or any other public stores; recruiting officers, as detailed, to proceed with their duty; no boys, or old men, to be enlisted, and if so, to be returned at the hands of the officer, with no allowance for any expense he may be at.”
On the twelfth of November, before crossing the Hudson River, Washington placed General Heath in command of the Highlands, and proceeded to Fort Lee, opposite Fort Washington. The British army had alreadyremoved from Dobb’s Ferry to King’s Bridge. At this time, three hundred British transports with a large force on board, lay at Sandy Hook, and their destination was suspected to be either Newport, Rhode Island, Philadelphia, or South Carolina.
Washington established his headquarters about nine miles from Fort Lee. It is not desirable to burden the narrative with the details of the capture of Fort Washington. The fort had been built to control the river, and it was weak, landward; depending upon the river, even for water, having no well. The ground fell off rapidly; but there were neither trenches nor regular bastions, and only one redoubt. Washington wrote to Congress, after reaching Fort Lee: “It seems to be generally believed that the investing of Fort Washington, is one object they have in view. I propose to stay in this neighborhood a few days; in which time I expect the design of the enemy will be more disclosed, and their incursions made in this quarter, or their investure of Fort Washington, if they are intended.” While the assault was in preparation, Washington took boat to cross and examine for himself the condition of the works; but meeting Generals Putnam and Greene, who satisfied him that there would be a stout defence, he returned without landing. Three assaults were made, Generals Knyphausen, Percy, Cornwallis and Matthews commanding divisions. These repeated charges up the very steep ascents from the rear, and from the open face of the work northward, were very costly to the British and Hessian columns. When their forces first gained the interior lines, surrender, or rescue, was inevitable. To the demand for surrender Magaw replied with a request for five hours’ delay. A half hour only was granted. Magaw received a billet from Washington stating that if he could hold out awhile, he would endeavor to bring off the garrison at night; but no delay was permitted, and the garrison surrendered. It was for many years an unexplained fact, how the British troops appeared so suddenly at the open face of the fort, northward, below which was a deep ravine, itself almost a protection. But William Dumont, Magaw’s Adjutant, deserted, two weeks before the investment, and placed detailed drawings of all the defences in the hands of General Howe. This fact affords the key to General Howe’s otherwise very singular excuse to the British Government for not following Washington’s army from White Plains to North Castle Heights,—“political reasons” having been assigned by General Howe, as “controlling his action.”
Capture of Fort Washington.
The British loss in the assault was one hundred and twenty-eight; and that of the Hessian troops, three hundred and twenty-six. The American loss was one hundred and twenty, killed and wounded, and two thousand six hundred and thirty-four, prisoners. The loss in cannon, tents, arms and military stores, was very severe.
Fort Lee was of necessity abandoned, its powder and principal supplies being first removed in safety.
The first New Jersey campaign immediately ensued.