CHAPTER XVI.THE AMERICAN BASE OF OPERATIONS ESTABLISHED.—THE SECOND NEW JERSEY CAMPAIGN.
The narrative of Washington’s career as a Soldier, up to the time when he foiled the best efforts of Howe and Cornwallis to capture his weary band of Continentals and militia, has been a continuous story of love of country and devotion to her brave defenders. The most assiduous care for their discipline, their health, their moral deportment, and their loyalty to duty, has been the burden of his soul. Pleading, remonstrance, and even reprimand, however earnest and pungent, have never worn a selfish garb, nor breathed of arrogance or fitful temper. Presumptuous denunciations by his chief antagonist have never impaired the dignity of his carriage, his felicity of utterance, nor the serenity of his faith.
The indiscretions of his subordinates, their jealousies, and their weaknesses, have been so condoned, or accommodated to the eventful hours of camp or field service, that while he rests in camp, during the opening week of the second year of battling with the might of Britain, he has in mind, only words of thanksgiving for mercies realized, and a bold challenge to the American Congress and the American people for men and means whereby to make their sublime Declaration of Independence a realized fact.
Operations in New Jersey.
And yet, never before has there gathered about his pathway such ominous mutterings of a threatening tempest. It is no longer the spectacle of a half-organized army parrying the strokes of a compact enemy, well equipped for war. He has halted, faced the foe, and assumed the aggressive. Washington has been fencing. His first lunge in return draws blood. He will fight to the finish.
Already, he understands that his first New Jersey campaign indicates the real field of endeavor in which the fate of his country is to be settled. Whatever may be in store of sacrifice, or battle, he must now plan for victory; and to ensure its happy realization, he must so neutralize the domination of New York, that its occupation, whether by himself or Great Britain, will cease to be a controlling factor in the momentous struggle.
Even the battle-issue is no longer to be with its strong garrison; but from Lake Champlain to Savannah, along the entire Atlantic coast, and wherever great cities or seaboard towns fight strongest for liberty, he is to be their standard-bearer; and there the people are to bleed and triumph. Like Habib in the Arabian tale, when he drew from its scabbard the talismanic sword of Solomon, and there flashed upon the glittering steel the divine word “Power,” so he had the faith to know that “the substance of things hoped for” was to be the trophy won.
Thus far, the recital of marchings and fightings has proved his ability to command the confidence of his countrymen, of Congress, and of disinterested mankind. Hereafter, the details of battles must be relegated to fuller records; and this account will be more closely restricted to the potential part borne by him in their conduct, general management, and improvement.
A reference to the accompanying map will furnish a simple key to the progress of the War for American Independence. Concentric circles about New York, as a radius point, indicate the immediate sweep of the British arm of offence. Similar circles about Morristown andMiddlebrook indicate, that as a fortified centre this section, like the hub of a wheel, would endanger along its divergent spokes all operations out from New York as far up the Hudson River as West Point, and throughout the Province of New Jersey. It would compel Great Britain to maintain a permanent garrison of sufficient strength for all such excursions; and a correspondingly large, half-idle force for the protection of its own headquarters and its general depot of supplies. It was like a mountain peak for an observatory; and such was the systematic organization of scouts, messengers and runners, in the confidence and pay of the American Commander-in-Chief, that almost daily information was furnished him of the minutest occurrence in and about the British headquarters; and a regular Shipping List was supplied by competent spies, of every movement of British men-of-war, transports, and tenders, as far out as Sandy Hook.
One of the most noteworthy facts connected with the American civil conflict of 1861–’65, was the measurement of generals on either side by knowledge of their antecedent education, qualities and characteristics. McClellan would have taken Vicksburg, as surely as did General Grant: the mathematics of a siege are irresistible. But he never could have marched to the sea, as did Sherman, or swept like a tornado to the rear of Lee, as did Sheridan. It appears from the correspondence of Washington, that he carefully studied the antecedents and followed the operations of his chief antagonists; that in several of the most critical periods of the war he anticipated their plans as fully as if he had shared their confidence in advance. But he did not merely interpret the lessons of campaigns as objectives for his own action. He penetrated the secret chambers of Howe’s brain. He cross-examined himself: “If I were in Howe’s placewhat would I do?” “In his own place, what will Howe do?” “What must the British Ministry do, to conquer America—in the way of ships, men, and money?” “Can they do it?” “Can they risk their West India Colonies, by the diversion of adequate means to conquer America?” The expectancies of aid from France, partly realized through the purchase of arms and munitions of war as early as 1776, were never out of his thought. To maintain one central army intact, and wear out his adversary, was the pivot on which hinged American destiny. In the hills of New Jersey he worked this problem to its solution.
Washington remained at the Morristown headquarters until the twenty-fourth of May.
On the twenty-first day of January, Howe withdrew two thousand troops from Newport, R.I., to reënforce the garrison of New York. Generals Spencer and Arnold, then at Providence, R.I., with about four thousand troops, were ordered by Washington, whenever practicable, to attempt the capture of Newport; but they regarded their force as inadequate for the purpose. General Parsons, then upon recruiting service in Connecticut, was also instructed to make a descent upon Long Island; but his force was hardly equal to the movement, for want of suitable boats. All these external signs of American watchfulness and activity were as nettles to irritate the British Commander-in-Chief, while he sat, powerless, in his sumptuous headquarters at New York.
Knox was sent by Washington to Massachusetts to enlist a battalion of artillery, and during his trip mentioned Springfield as the proper site for the establishment of a laboratory and gun-factory. General Schuyler, of the northern army, was instructed to draw from New England the entire force required to resist the anticipated advance of Carleton from Canada. Washington assigned as a special reason for this limitation, that “troops of extremesections could not be favorably combined.” Besides this, he proportionately relieved New England from sending troops of her own from her borders, which would be most exposed in case the invasion from Canada materialized. General Maxwell was stationed at Elizabethtown to watch tories and the movements of the British. Orders were issued repressing plundering done by the militia, of which complaint had been made. Similar outrages had been perpetrated by British and Hessian troops in the vicinity of New York; and Washington followed up his own ideas of civilized warfare, by sending to General Howe a protest, and a demand for similar remedial action on his part.
At this period, a correspondence occurred as to the position of General Charles Lee, then a prisoner of war in General Howe’s custody. It was for a time quite in doubt whether Lee would be treated as a prisoner of war, or be shot as a deserter from the British army. The pledge of Washington, that he would hang an officer of equal rank if Lee were executed, ultimately secured Lee’s exchange.
During the month of March, a ship from France landed at Portsmouth, N.H., another invoice of military supplies; and a second soon after reached Philadelphia with a large cargo. These timely accessions of material of war amounted to twenty-three thousand fusees, one thousand barrels of powder, and blankets and other stores.
On the second of March, Washington communicated to Robert Morris, of Philadelphia, some of his personal studies of General Howe and his plans. The following are pertinent extracts:
“General Howe cannot, by the best intelligence I have been able to get, have less than ten thousand men in New Jersey, and on board of transports at Amboy. Our number does not exceed four thousand. His are well-disciplined,well-officered and well-supplied; ours, raw militia, badly officered and under no government. His numbers cannot be, in short time, augmented; ours must be, very considerably, and by such troops as we can have some reliance on, or the game is at an end. His situation as to horses and forage is bad, very bad; but will it be better? No, on the contrary, worse; and therefore, if for no other, to shift quarters. General Howe’s informants are too numerous, and too well acquainted, to suffer him to remain in ignorance of them. With what propriety, then, can he miss so favorable an opportunity of striking a capital stroke against a city from which we draw so many advantages, the carrying of which would give suchéclatto his arms, and strike such a damp to ours. Nor is his difficulty of moving so great as is imagined. All the heavy baggage of the army, their salt provisions, flour and stores, might go round by water, while their superior numbers would enable them to make a sweep of the horses for many miles around them, not already taken off by us.”
The separate movements suggested by Washington, some of which have been referred to, indicated his purpose to keep officers in the field wherever there promised opportunity for aggressive action, while at the same time enuring the militia to active field service.
Although Congress had granted the Commander-in-Chief full powers for the conduct of the war, it did assert its general prerogatives very freely in the matter of promotions and appointments without consulting him. Ambition for rapid promotion and honorable commands was as conspicuous then as since. The promotions made during the month of March were a source of much jealousy and bitter conflict. Among the new Major-Generals, much to Washington’s disgust, the name of Arnold was omitted. General Wooster was at home in command of the Connecticutmilitia, having resigned his commission in the regular service. Gen. George Clinton was assigned to command the forts in the Highlands; and General McDougall succeeded General Heath at Peekskill. General Sullivan considered these details as so many independent commands; and fretted over it so constantly and freely, that Washington administered a rebuke which illustrates the directness and frankness with which he handled such provoking interruptions of the domestic harmony of the army. He writes as follows: “Why these unreasonable and unjustifiable suspicions, which can answer no other end than to poison your own happiness and add vexation to that of others? I know of but one separate command, properly so-called, and that is in the Northern Department; and General Sullivan, General St. Clair, or any other general officer at Ticonderoga, will be considered in no other light, while there is a superior officer in the department, than if he were placed at Chatham, Baskenridge or Princeton. I shall quit, with an earnest expostulation that you will not suffer yourself to be teased with evils that only exist in the imagination, and with slights that have no existence at all; keeping it in mind, that if there are to be several distinct armies to be formed, there are several gentlemen before you in point of rank who have a right to claim preference.”
General Greene was sent to Congress to urge relief for the suffering army; and all governors were urged to furnish supplies and troops for the ensuing campaign.
On the twenty-fifth of April, Governor Tryon of New York made an incursion into Connecticut with two thousand men, and fought with Wooster and Arnold at Ridgefield; where Arnold distinguished himself, and Wooster was mortally wounded. The loss of sixteen hundred tents was also a serious affair at the time. General Greene was despatched to inspect the Highlands and its defences. ABritish fleet had ascended the Hudson as far as Peekskill; and as spring advanced, every possible preparation was made for active duty, in all departments where British troops could gain access by land or sea. On the twenty-third of May, Colonel Meigs crossed from Guilford to Long Island, and destroyed twelve brigs and sloops, one of them carrying twelve guns, and a large quantity of British stores, the small detachment guard having been recalled to New York two days before.
It had become apparent to Washington that General Howe, having withdrawn so many troops from advanced posts, would enter New Jersey in force; and on the twenty-ninth of May, he moved his headquarters to the well-fortified position at Middlebrook. On the seventh of June, Arnold was placed in command at Philadelphia, to act with General Mifflin in anticipation of Howe’s possible movement in that direction. On the twelfth, General Howe, reënforced by two additional regiments recalled from Newport, R.I., marched from Brunswick towards Princeton with an aggregate force of seventeen thousand men.
This second New Jersey campaign was short in duration, and of small results. Howe intrenched near Somerset Court House, where the Raritan River was not fordable; and neither army could attack the other. He was between Washington and Philadelphia. It was a challenge to the abandonment of Middlebrook, risking an open, circuitous march, if the American army intended to prevent a British movement upon the American capital. Howe expected to cut off the division of Sullivan, which was at Princeton, but that officer had moved to the hills to the north-west, near Flemington. Cornwallis advanced as far as Hillsborough, when he found that no enemy remained at Princeton. The British left was on the Millstone, and their right rested at Brunswick. A glanceat the map—“Operations in New Jersey”—will show that any movement of the American army to the west or south-west would uncover their defences at Middlebrook to any attack by the road running due north from Brunswick. Washington, anticipating the possibility of a general action, and resolved to select a good opportunity to bring it on, ordered all of the Continental troops at Peekskill, except one thousand effective men, to march in three divisions, at one day’s interval, under Generals Parsons, McDougall and Glover, to his support; the first two columns to bring, each, two pieces of artillery.
It certainly was General Howe’s impression that Washington would have such fears for the safety of Philadelphia as to risk an action south of the Raritan. On the succeeding fifth of July he wrote to Lord Germaine, that his “only object was to bring the American army to a general action.” But Washington only strengthened his works, and never believed that Howe was making Philadelphia the object of his movement. The following letter explains his views: “Had they designed for the Delaware, on the first instance, they probably would have made a secret, rapid march of it, and not have halted as they have done, to awaken our attention and give us time for obstructing them. Instead of this, they have only advanced to a position to facilitate an attack on our right: which is the part they have the greatest likelihood of injuring us in. In addition to this consideration, they have come out as light as possible, in leaving all their baggage, provisions, boats, and bridges, at Brunswick, which plainly contradicts the idea of their pushing for the Delaware.”
On the morning of the nineteenth, Howe suddenly returned to Brunswick. Greene and Maxwell were advanced by Washington to a position between Brunswick and Amboy. Howe marched early in the morning of thetwenty-second. Morgan and Wayne drove in the Hessian rear-guard upon the main army, after a spirited skirmish. It had been Greene’s intention to have Maxwell strike the column near Piscataway. Washington advanced his entire army as far as Quibbletown, now Newmarket, upon the advice of his officers that the retreat was genuine; yet not without a suspicion, afterward verified, that the whole was aruseto entice him from his stronghold.
On the twenty-sixth, Howe put his whole army in motion to resume the offensive. Cornwallis, with the extreme right, was to gain the passes to Middlebrook. Four battalions, with six pieces of artillery, were to demonstrate on Washington’s left. Without further details, the action is outlined as follows: Cornwallis found himself confronted by Stirling. A lively skirmish ensued, near Westfield, now Plainfield. The Americans were overmatched in numbers, and lost nearly two hundred men in casualties and prisoners, besides three brass guns, but steadily fought on, while slowly retiring. Washington, comprehending the whole movement, retired Maxwell’s Division, without loss, and regained the passes threatened; and the prolonged resistance of Stirling delayed Cornwallis until too late for him to gain the American rear. On the afternoon of the twenty-seventh, Cornwallis, after a loss of seventy men, passed through Sampton unopposed, and joined Howe who had already retired from Washington’s front. The American Commander-in-Chief dictated the choice of battlefield. Howe, representing Great Britain, declined his terms. On the thirtieth, Howe crossed to Staten Island, and his last military operations in New Jersey came to an end. He afterwards claimed that his forces were numerically inferior to those of Washington; but both friends and critics, in the protracted controversy which afterwards arose as to thiscostly and fruitless march into New Jersey, admit that the disparity of force, in all respects, was with the American army.
The simple fact remains unobscured, that as General Howe’s acquaintance with Washington’s methods matured, he better appreciated his qualities as a Soldier.