North—Here, James, is one of the best, because most business-like prospectuses I ever read, of a new weekly periodical about to be published in Edinburgh in the middle of November—theEdinburghLiterary Journal.From what I know of the editor—a gentleman of talent, spirit, and perseverance—I foretell the book will prosper.Shepherd—I shall be glad o' that, for ane gets tired of that eternal soun'—Blackwood's Magazeen—Blackwood's Magazeen—dinnin in ane's lugs, day and night, a' life long.
North—Here, James, is one of the best, because most business-like prospectuses I ever read, of a new weekly periodical about to be published in Edinburgh in the middle of November—theEdinburghLiterary Journal.From what I know of the editor—a gentleman of talent, spirit, and perseverance—I foretell the book will prosper.
Shepherd—I shall be glad o' that, for ane gets tired of that eternal soun'—Blackwood's Magazeen—Blackwood's Magazeen—dinnin in ane's lugs, day and night, a' life long.
Our readers will bear with what may appear to some to some to be unnecessary digressions, when they reflect upon the influence that theLiterary Journalexercised upon the subject of our sketch while he was yet a young man "winning his spurs" in the field of literature. It was through his editorship of theLiterary Journalthat Mr. Bell formed his close intimacy with all the distinguished writers of his day; and if this was not the most useful, it certainly was the most interesting part of the career of him whom we are proud to acknowledge as the author of "Mary, Queen of Scots." From this time forward he was the most intimate friend and companion of Wilson and Hogg. The former came to Edinburgh in 1815, with the view of practising at the Scottish bar, so that Bell had no opportunities of visiting him at his beautiful residence at Elleray, onthebanks of Lake Windermere, where for years previously he had lived in Utopian health and happiness, "surrounded by the finest of scenery, and varying his poem-writing and halcyon peace, with walking excursions and jovial visits from friends that, like himself, entered with zest into the hearty enjoyment of life." But, as between Bell and Wilson, there was a fellow-feeling that made them "wondrous kind," they were much in each other's society. Both were fond of piscatorial pursuits. Wilson had early discovered an enthusiasm for angling, which he used to cultivate on the banks of Lake Windermere. Bell, too, became a disciple of Isaac Walton, and to indulge their love of sport, and to enjoy each other's company where, removed from the busy haunts of men, they might "hear the tumult and be still," they were accustomed to spend whole days and nights on the banks of Loch Awe, and amid the gloomy and impressive scenery of Glen Dochart. At other timesthey would plan walking excursions. It was no unusual thing for them to walk upwards of thirty miles at a stretch. They had not then the command of railway facilities, nor did they want them. Muscular vigour, and a love of intellectual pursuits were qualities characteristic of both men, and both possessed a large amount of physical endurance. In physique, too, there was a considerablevraisemblance. Christopher North has been described as a "Goth of great personal prowess." Haydon says of him that he was like a fine Sandwich Islander, who had been educated in the Highlands. His light hair, deep sea blue eye, tall athletic figure, and hearty hand grasp, his eagerness in debate, his violent passions, great genius, and irregular habits, rendered him a formidable partisan, a furious enemy, and an ardent friend. Of Bell, with one or two qualifications, the same description would hold good. Wilson has immortalised their intimacy and friendship in his "Noctes," where Bell is made to figure as "Tallboys," and where he is only mentioned with respect and affection. In the Six Foot Club, an institution which had a local habitation and a name in Edinburgh during the earlypartof thenineteenthcentury, and of which both Wilson and Bell were members, they had further opportunities for muscular exercise. It was an indispensable condition to membership in this club that the candidate should be over six feet in height; and it is surprising how many men who have made their mark in literature, science, and art had attained thatsine qua non. Physical and intellectual greatness were so invariably combined in those days that the two were thought by many vulgar minds to go hand in hand; but even in the "Six Feet Club" there were few who presented in all respect a moredistinguéappearance than the subject of these remarks.
Another of Bell's most intimate friends during these years was James Hogg, the "Ettrick Shepherd." Along with Wilson and other friends he paid several visits to Hogg's native place, where they enjoyed pleasant ramblings by St Mary's Loch, and in the Vale of Yarrow, to which theShepherd's muse has imparted quite a classic interest. There was, however, a species of vulgarity about Hogg, which marred his otherwise estimable qualities, and his uncouth Johnsonian habits were probably the means of erecting a barrier between himself and more cultivated friends. Lockhart, in his life of Scott, speaks of Hogg as a "a true son of nature and genius," and this he undoubtedly was. One who had taught himself to write by copyright the letters of a printed book as he lay watching his flock on the hill side, and whose vivacious imagination, as his own brother informs us, disqualified him from study or research, was not likely while alive to make many close friends in the exclusive and polished circles which formed theéliteof Edinburgh. But by Bell and a few others, who saw the diamond glittering in the rough casket, Hogg was duly appreciated. To theLiterary Journalhe was a constant contributor both of prose and verse, and he took a warm interest in its success. When the proposal to erect a monument to the Shepherd in Ettrick Vale took a practical shape, Sheriff Bell was selected to inaugurate the structure. This he did on the 28th June, 1860. In fitting terms, his old friend panegyrised the virtues and the genius of The Shepherd, describing him "as a true poet—not equal to Burns, because no national poet was ever equal to Burns, because no national poet was ever equal to him—but justly entitled to take rank in the second place, and worthily taking up the harp which he found lying on the grave of that immortal man."
In the year 1830 Mr. Bell relinquished his connection with theLiterary Journal, which was conducted for some time afterwards by Mr. William Weir. The paper had never been a "good property," even in its palmiest days, and Mr. Weir, after carrying it on for a few months, allowed it to stop, and came to Glasgow for the purpose of establishing a newspaper, pure and simple. Mr. Weir was well known in Glasgow from his long connection with theArgus, which he edited with rare tact and ability until he was called to occupy a similar position on theDaily NewsinLondon. Meantime Mr. Bell was admitted a member of the Faculty of Advocates. This was in 1832, so that he was in his twenty-seventh year.
Up till now he had consecrated his whole talents and energies to the pursuit of literary eminence, his greatest works being his well-known poem on "Mary, Queen of Scots," and his vindication of the same unfortunate monarch in a masterly history of her life. These works were to him a labour of love, for he has always manifested a deep sympathy with the misfortunes of the unhappy Mary Stuart. It is even said that it was to his intense devotion to her memory, and his beautiful poem on her life, that he was indebted for his wife, who claimed some remote connection with the Queen of Scots, through Donald Dhu, of whom she was a descendant. Mrs. Bell, we believe, was a daughter of Captain Stuart of Sheerglass, on the banks of the Garry, opposite Athole, anden passantwe may remark that her forefathers took a prominent part in the battle of Killiecrankie. As an advocate, Sheriff Bell never held a distinguished position. He was, perhaps, too far advanced in life before he joined the bar. Be that as it may, he was one of a numerous circle ofliteratiwho lived contemporary with and subsequent to himself, to whom the bar never brought any laurels; but after all, he made better progress in the Court of Session than Professor Blackie, whose briefs were so terribly akin to angels' visits that he has been heard to declare himself that his practice as an advocate never brought him so much as £40 a-year. Nor was his success less than that of Professor Wilson, Professor Ferries, Professor Aytoun, Professor Innes, Sir William Hamilton, Hilburton, Spalding, and others whom we might mention, who have stamped the English literature with the sign-manual of their genius, and whose names will be held in remembrance and honour long after those of the most distinguished lawyers of the age shall have passed to the limbo of oblivion. Advocates who also followed the profession oflitterateurs, and were addicted tobelles lettres, often experienced unfair treatment at the handsof the agents or writers by whom counsel is usually retained. They were not considered safe men. And if they were not completely ostracised from legal life, they were so far tabooed and kept at a distance that their emoluments from their legal practice could not, if they had depended solely upon that source of income, have held body and soul together. Besides this, the Edinburgh bar at that time could boast of a most unusual combination of legal talent. Some of the ablest lawyers of this or any other age were at that time practising in the Parliament House. And the eminence of not a few men was so great as to leave a long way behind others who, like Sheriff Bell, would now be considered above the average in their profession. The young advocate of 1872 has not to encounter such intellectual giants as Patrick Robertson, Jeffrey, Cockburn, Rutherford, M'Neil, Moncrieff, Hope, and other contemporaries of Bell, who shed the lustre of their genius upon the law of Scotland, and secured for the Court of Session a reputation higher, perhaps, than even Westminster Hall has ever been able to attain.
At this time, and throughout the whole of his literary career, Sheriff Bell was an uncompromising Tory. He never took any prominent part in imperial politics, although in the Edinburgh Town Council, of which he was for some time a member—sitting as the representative of St. George's Ward—he entered into some fierce debates on the Annuity-tax with Duncan M'Laren. That obnoxious impost was even then, as it has subsequently been, a great bone of contention, and proved thecasus belliof many a wordy war. The embryo M.P. was generally, as we are well informed,morethan a match for the young advocate, whom he overcame with those simple but effectual weapons—facts and figures.
In 1836, Sheriff Bell stood as a candidate for the Logic Chair in Edinburgh University, his opponents being Mr. Isaac Taylor, author of the "Natural History of Enthusiasm;" Mr. George Combe, the phrenologist; and Sir William Hamilton. Previous to that time, Sir William had been Professor of Civil History in the University, and hiscandidature for the Logic Chair, which was strongly supported by Mr. Adam Black and Mr. Napier, editor of theEdinburgh Review, was successful.
While nominally following his practice at the bar, Mr. Bell still continued to attach himself to literary pursuits. There are some rather good stories told of his attachment to the Temple of Thespis, of which, while in Edinburgh, he had always been a regular attender. When a well-known actor, made his first appearance at the Edinburgh Theatre-Royal, it is said that Bell wrote a slashing criticism of the performance, his article concluding with the significant remark: "N.B.—Steamers sail from Leith for London twice a week," meaning, of course, that however well the new actor might satisfy the London critics, he did not come up to the standard of the Edinburgh drama. Indeed, Mr. Bell made the drama a special study, and his opinion on any new play or actor was always asked and listened to with the utmost deference. He was on very intimate terms with the late Mr. William H. Murray, manager of the "Royal," and through him furnished a number of prologues for that theatre in its palmiest days. He also established for himself a high reputation as a lecturer on the Fine Arts; and his prelections on music, poetry, sculpture, painting, and the drama were universally admitted to be of a high order of merit. Until the present hour, Sheriff Bell continues to manifest a great attachment to the Fine Arts, and amid the pressure of his official duties, he often finds leisure to visit the theatres either in Glasgow or in Edinburgh.
In 1839, Mr. Bell was appointed a Sheriff-Substitute of Lanarkshire, with a salary of £400 per annum. The appointment lay with Sir Archibald Alison, who is said to have been favourablyimpressedwith his successor's conduct whileactingas junior counsel for the Glasgow cotton-spinners when they were brought to trial in the spring of 1838 for conspiracy. When Mr. Bell became Sheriff-Substitute, the duties of the office were very light compared with what they are at the present time. For a number of years his only colleague wasthe late Mr. George Skene, who subsequently became Professor of Law in Glasgow University. Indeed, the duties of the Sheriffs continued to be comparatively easy up to 1853, when the passing of the Sheriff Court Act, which compelled Sheriffs to take all notes of evidence in their own handwriting, rendered the work much more laborious. Their salaries were raised from time to time, in proportion to the increased irksomeness and responsibility of their duties; and it is a fact worth noting, that whereas Mr. Bell, as Sheriff-Substitute, had only £400, Mr. Dickson, in the same sphere of labour, has now £1400 per annum.
On the death of Sir Archibald Alison in 1867, Mr. Bell was appointed Sheriff-Principal. One of his first acts upon his promotion was so graceful in itself and so creditable to his good taste that we cannot refrain from referring to it here. To external appearance, Sheriff Bell has little of thesuaviterin modoabout him; and while acting as Sheriff-Substitute, he gave offence to several of the agents practising in the local courts by what may be called a little gruffness of demeanour. Coming to hear that his manner had been spoken of as offensive, Sheriff Bell, on succeeding Sir Archibald Alison, candidly and broadly referred to the fact in open court. He expressed his regret if anything defective in his manner had given unintentional offence, and declared that, so far as it was in his power, the Faculty might rely in future upon being treated with every courtesy and consideration. Such a frank and candid avowal could only come from a manly man; and it went a long way towards restoring Sheriff Bell to the confidence and esteem of the offended practitioners.
With the exception of this little cloud, Sheriff Bell has uniformly lived in peace and concord with his professional friends, and he has at their hands received many little marks of honour and respect. In 1852, a rumour went out that Sir Archibald Alison was to be elevated to the Supreme Court. This led the profession in Glasgow to present a memorial to the Lord-Advocate, praying that in such anevent Sheriff Bell might be made Sir Archibald's successor. Again, about 12 years ago, strong representations and inducements were held out to him to return to Edinburgh as consulting counsel in Mercantile Law—a department ofjurisprudencewhich, if he did not altogether create it, Sheriff Bell has done much to develop and bring into a practical shape. Although the offer promised the realisation of a handsome income, it was respectfully declined. Still farther we may remark, that it was no small honour to Mr. Bell that he was made Sheriff of Lanarkshire contrary to the usual custom, which is to appoint to the office some one that has acted for a longer or shorter period as Advocate-Depute—a place which he, of course, has never filled.
As a judge, Sheriff Bell displays remarkable discrimination and insight. He is gifted in a large measure, with the judicial faculty; but for the same reason that he is a good judge, he would probably fail as a pleader. At the bar it is customary only to represent and contend for one side of a case, to the exclusion or destruction of the other; but on the bench conflicting arguments have to be duly weighed, and the balance so adjusted between them that truth and justice may ultimately be evolved. In thus discriminating between irreconcilable issues, and duly weighing the arguments presented on both sides, Sheriff Bell is particularly at home; and his decisions are remarkable for standing the great test of an appeal to the Supreme Court.
Since he came to Glasgow as Sheriff-Substitute, Mr. Bell has taken an active part in all public movements apart from politics; and in regard to educational and scientific matters he deserves to rank as a pioneer. When the Social Science Congress met in Glasgow in 1860, Professor Pillans and othersavantswere dining with Sheriff Bell, whose sound judgment and profound knowledge of nearly every subject brought under discussion enabled him to take a very intelligent and conspicuous part in the proceedings. Talking of authors and their works, Professor Pillans quoted certain lines, respecting which he asked Sheriff Bell whether he had ever heard thembefore. The latter confessed that he did not recollect them. "Why," said the Professor, "you wrote these lines when you were a pupil in my class." On another occasion, when Thackeray came to Glasgow to deliver his lectures on the Four Georges, the great novelist was introduced to the Sheriff of Lanarkshire by the late Mr. Walter Buchanan, M.P. At that time there was some disagreement between Thackeray and the directors of the Athenæum as to the terms of his engagement, and we believe that Thackeray considered himself (whether with or without just cause) to have been badly used. Referring to Mr. Bell as the champion of Mary Stuart, Mr. Buchanan jocosely remarked to Thackeray that he must not repeat in Glasgow the attack he had made in Edinburgh on Mary Queen of Scots. "Never fear," replied Thackeray, "I can't afford to do it for the money."
By his wife, whom he has now survived nearly twenty years, Sheriff Bell had one son and four daughters. Three of his daughters have been married—one to Professor Nichol, and the other two to members of the firm of M'Clellan, Son, & Co., accountants, Glasgow. The fourth daughter is unmarried.
There are not a few reminiscences associated with the name and history of Mr. Robert Dalglish, the senior representative of Glasgow, that must tend to render a record of his life peculiarly interesting to his constituents. Born at Glasgow in 1808, he is now in his sixty-third year. His father was emphatically one of the pioneers of Glasgow's industrial prosperity. Born in humble circumstances, he "burst his birth's invidious bar," and elevated himself to the proud position of the first magistrate of that city "whose merchants are princes and whose traffickers are the honourable of the earth." During his three years tenure of the civic chair, Mr. Robert Dalglish, sen., approved himself a very useful and excellent citizen, and his attention to municipal affairs was most unremitting and diligent, while at the same time he was laying the foundations of that splendid business to which his son, the subject of the present sketch, ultimately succeeded. Our Senior Member was educated at the University of Glasgow, and "when the fulness of the time had come," he was admitted a partner in the firm of which his father was then the principal, and which is now well-known by the title of R. Dalglish, Falconer, & Co. It is, perhaps, the largest calico-printing firm in Scotland, their works at Campsie employing upwards of 1000 hands. Since his accession to the business, Mr. Dalglish has largely extended and improved the original works, so that they are now vastly superior to what they were at that time. Several substantial additions, including a large engraving shop, were recently made to meet the requirements of the firm. It is worthy of note that the father of Mr. Dalglish occupied as a dwelling-house the buildingnow used as the offices of the firm in St Vincent Place—the business part of the city being at that time within a short radius of the Cross. To the son, however, the lines have fallen in more pleasant places, for his mansion at Kilmardinny, near Milngavie, is one of the most "highly desirable residences" (as an auctioneer would phrase it) in the West of Scotland. The grounds or policies attached to the house extend to 140 acres, and within recent years Mr. Dalglish has expended a great deal of both money and taste on his fine property.
Of Mr. Dalglish's political connection with the city there is not much to be said. Up to the year 1857 he had not taken any active part in either municipal or political affairs; and when he announced his intention of coming forward as a candidate for the representation of the city in April of that year, the Whigs and the Tories alike were taken by surprise. Glasgow had then only two members. Both of them had been in Parliament for a number of years, although neither had ever been distinguished for any brilliant political achievement. Mr. Dalglish was brought forward by no section or party—at least he disclaimed any connection with either Whigs or Tories, and as for the Radicals, they were then out in the cold. He stood, as he himself said, on his own responsibility, and as a perfectly independent candidate. It is not too much to affirm that it was his pluck and independence that carried him through. He had little difficulty in forming a committee, including, for the most part, gentlemen of considerable local influence, and thatsine qua nonhaving been obtained, the rest was comparatively smooth sailing. Mr. Hastie, his opponent, was a quiet and easy-going member, who never did anything, either good, bad, or indifferent, to distinguish himself in the House of Commons, and who, as one of hisquasifriends declared, had not even the merit of being a regular attender, although he had represented the city in Parliament for ten continuous years. On the nomination day, Mr. Dalglish was accompanied to the platform by Bailie Galbraith, Mr. W. West Watson (City Chamberlain), Mr. David Dreghorn, Councillor Moir, Mr. Walter Paterson, and other gentlemen, who still figure in the ranks of our most prominent citizens. His nomination was proposed by Bailie Galbraith, and seconded by Mr. W. West Watson. Mr. Dalglish delivered a thoroughly characteristic speech, of which we are in a position to give the salient points. He said:—"I shall not refer to my antecedents as has been done by my hon. opponents; but this I will say, that for the future I am prepared to do everything for the advancement of the interests of the people. I am anxious to see not the reform of 1832, which was a mere sham and delusion, but a reform which will give to every householder a vote, and a vote to every man who pays a direct tax to the Government. (Great cheering.) I am in favour of every social and sanitary reform in this city; and if our local philanthropists—the Hendersons, the Campbells, and the Clarks—will turn their attention to the centre of the city, where the masses of our population are congregated, and project some scheme for the opening up of the closes and winds, and the building of better houses for the working classes, I shall be ready to support them. (The city improvement scheme was at that date in the matrix of the future.) I have much respect for the voluntary system of education, but I feel that it does not reach all the children of a large city such as Glasgow, and that therefore a national system of education is required. I would also support the establishment of schools for the teaching of children, because I believe that he who teaches should first be taught himself. (Laughter.) I am against all intervention with other States, but at the same time I would prevent intervention by others. (Cheers, and a call, "put on your hat Bob," and laughter.) I will support Lord Palmerston so long as his policy is conducted with a view to the true interests of the country—so long as his measures are calculated to promote the interests of the masses—but I will not support Lord Palmerston if he is disposed to offer any opposition to a Liberal measure of Reform." The show of hands was declared by Sheriff Alison to be in favour of Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Dalglish, and a poll was demanded for Mr. Hastie. The poll took place next day, when the majority of those who had supported Mr. Merry, at the election six weeks before, recorded their votes for Mr. Dalglish. At the close of the poll the votes stood—
Buchanan,7069Dalglish,6764Hastie,5044
At every subsequent election Mr. Dalglish has been returned with acclamation. At one time he announced his intention to retire from Parliamentary duties, but a numerous and influential deputation from Glasgow waited upon and induced him to alter his resolution. At the General Election of 1868, the electors raised a subscription, to which men of all ranks and all shades of politics contributed, to defray his election expenses, and so liberal was the response made by his constituents that he was returned free of personal cost.
Of Mr. Dalglish's merits as our Parliamentary representative it behoves us to say something, and we can safely premise with the affirmation that few men have a greater personal influence in the House of Commons. Those who cannot see a little behind the scenes may wonder at this apparently rash statement, and ask—What has Mr. Dalglish done to give him a political influence? When has he ever made any brilliant speeches? What great measures has he succeeded in passing? Do you ever see his name even so much as mentioned in Parliamentary debates? To one and all of these questions the friends and admirers of Mr. Dalglish would almost be compelled to return a negative answer. To the uninitiated Mr. Dalglish, so far as any outward and visible manifestations of power and influence—of senatorial usefulness and ability—is concerned, will appear to be a mere cipher. But it does not require the meddlesomeness of a Whalley, or the volubility of a Newdegate, tomake a politician. In politics, as in the minor affairs of life, tact and discrimination often go for more than fervid bursts of oratory, or highly-concentrated genius. In the region of politics, too, there are wheels within wheels—animperium in imperio. The House of Commons bears, in some respects, a remarkable affinity to a puppet-show. You cannot always see the magician who pulls the strings, and moves the political machine obedient to his will. And of no man in the House of Commons is this more true than of Mr. Dalglish. Unless one is under his magic spell, it is impossible to understand its mainspring, although it is easy to feel its effects. Ask the influential citizens of Glasgow to reveal the secret of Mr. Dalglish's power, and they will mention two qualities, both very good in their way but neither of them, one would think, sufficient to give their possessor atranscendentinfluence in the most august and intellectual assembly in the world. We would be told, first of hisbon hommie, and next of his punctuality and unfailing attention to his Parliamentary duties. Put the same question to those who see behind the scenes, however, and they would probably return another and a more truthful answer by ascribing Mr. Dalglish's popularity to hisgood dinners. In this respect he is unique. With almost unfailing regularity he invites his friends and enemies alike to dine twice a week. We mean, of course, his political enemies, for of personal enemies, Mr. Dalglish must have very few. At these bi-weekly feasts, men of all shades of politics, and of all degrees and stations in life, meet together with the most delicious equality and freedom from restraint. Lord and commoner, peer and peasant, marquis and merchant, are thrown into immediate contact, and hob-nob without restriction or ceremony. The unalloyed joviality and good humour of the host is imparted to the guests, and while as a dispenser of creature comforts Mr. Dalglish stands almost alone, he has a suavity of manner that disarms party feeling, and compels a favour when it is asked for. It is not to be wondered at, under these circumstances, that our Senior Member is the presiding genius of the House of Commons' kitchen, or that in the administration of cigars and wines he is perfectly at home. We all know that
"A fellow feeling makes us wondrous kind;"
"A fellow feeling makes us wondrous kind;"
and so long as human infirmities tend in the direction of a good dinner, so long will Mr. Dalglish, whose unbounded hospitality must have cost him quite a large fortune, remain thefacile princepsof diplomatists.
It would be unfair, however, to imply that Mr. Dalglish owes his influential position in the House of Commons to this speciality alone. No member is more regular in his attendance on Parliamentary duties. Mr. Dalglish is always in his place, and he is ever eager to promote the interests of his constituents. He has rendered yeoman service to the municipal affairs of the city, having sat on many committees appointed to deal with bills promoted by the Corporation. His solicitude to oblige his constituents is, indeed, only bounded by his ability to serve them, and the "open sesame" is seldom beyond his control. As a speaker he never did and never will excel, although he has several times, and notably on the question of the management of the dockyards, addressed the House.
In personal appearance, Mr. Dalglish is about the ordinary height. He has a genial and pleasant countenance, to which a long white beard imparts somewhat of a patriarchal aspect; and the merry twinkle of his keen, bright eye affords a capital index to his real character. His whole demeanour is that of a man in whom confidence may be reposed without fear of rebuff, and no man in the House could be more readily accessible to his constituents. Mr. Dalglish is considered to have as good a technical knowledge of the House of Commons' business as any private member in it.
Consistently with his Liberal principles, Mr. Dalglish voted for the disestablishment and disendowment of the Irish Church in 1869. He is in favour of the withdrawal of all State grants for religious purposes, and he is also an advocate for the assimilation of the county and borough franchise.
There are politicians and politicians. It is due to the varied opinions and characters of its members that the House of Commons is such an eminently representative assembly. It is not wealth alone, neither is it genius, that affords the "open sesame" to Parliamentary fame. The wheels of progress would probably move much slower than they do, if all who entered St. Stephen's were gifted orators. Eloquence is a great recommendation to a seat in Parliament; but there are other qualities which, without being so conspicuous, are perhaps much more solid, and in the long run lead to the accomplishment of a greater amount of really useful work. Talking and working are essentially different things; and it is well for Parliament, for the newspapers, and for the nation at large, that so many excellent legislators are compelled to confess, like Marc Antony, "I am no orator." The members for Glasgow have never made themselves famous in the direction of much speaking; their aim has been to gather much wool with little cry, thus reversing completely the well-known motto. The interests of a city like Glasgow are purely commercial and industrial, but they require to be constantly watched with the utmost vigilance. To guard and conserve them aright requires, also, a more or less practical and comprehensive knowledge of mercantile affairs. This Mr. Graham possesses in a marked degree, having been trained from his youth up in all the ramifications of commerce; and on this ground alone his claims to represent his native city in Parliament are not to be despised. But he has another, and, perhaps, still stronger, hold upon the sympathies and support of the "free and independent electors" of St. Mungo. He isrecognised as the advocate and representative of the religious and educational interests in Parliament, and it was upon this basis that he was returned. Mr. Dalglish has been so long and so closely associated with the commercial and municipal interests of the city, that it would be impossible to find one with a stronger hold in that direction. As for Mr. Anderson, he is, of course, the champion of the working classes, and holds his seat by their suffrages. But there was still another important party not directly represented—the party to whom the city is indebted for much of its social, intellectual, and religious prosperity—and Mr. Graham stepped in to fill up the breach. Nailing his colours to the mast of the good ship "Nonconformity," he has all along contended for religious equality and toleration throughout the whole Empire; and if hisspecialitéis not that of "darkening counsel with vain words," he has given his best services since he entered Parliament to the advancement of the true and permanent interests of his constituents, by unremitting application to such duties as came within his reach.
Mr. Graham is theeldestson of the late Mr. Wm. Graham, of Burnshields, by Catherine, daughter of Mr. J. Swanston. He was born in Glasgow in 1817, and after passing some time at a private school, was sent to Glasgow University, where he finished his education. He is married to Jane Catherine, daughter of the late Mr. John Lowndes, formerly of Arthurlie, Renfrewshire. Mr. Graham succeeded to his father's place as head of the firm of William Graham & Co., merchants. The principal business in which he is engaged is that of cotton-spinning, the firm owning the Lancefield Factory, which, if not one of the largest, is at any rate one of the oldest establishments of its kind in Glasgow, and carries the memory back to the days when cotton and not iron was the industrial King of the West. At the Lancefield Factory there are upwards of 1000 hands employed, principally women, and the annual output of cotton is nearly equal to that of some of the largest mills in Manchester. Besides being a cotton-spinner, however, Mr. Graham is also a wine importer on a very considerable scale, and is largely engaged in the East India produce trade. Vintages of the choicest quality, and ports of the heaviest "body," are imported by the firm direct from Lisbon and Oporto, where they have branch establishments; and so conspicuous for their excellence are the wines which they import, that whenpaterfamiliaswants to impress upon his guest that he is enjoying an unmistakeable treat, he announces that the grateful beverage under discussion "was imported direct by William Graham & Co." In his father's days, Mr. Graham represented the house both in India and on the Continent, and since he became head of the firm, he has devoted himself with the utmost assiduity to the management and direction of affairs at home. Thus, unlike either of his colleagues, Mr. Graham takes an active personal supervision of a large mercantile concern, at the same time that he earns the credit of being one if the most regular attenders in the House of Commons. Indeed, he makes it a matter of duty to attend the House closely, and it is a fair matter of doubt whether there are half-a-dozen members—not in office—who attend to their Parliamentary duty with more punctuality and unfailing attention than the three representatives for Glasgow.
On the retirement from Parliamentary duties, through commercial misfortunes, of Mr. Buchanan, who had for many years been the senior member for the city, Mr. Wm. Graham came forward as a candidate. His address to the electors, dated the 11th May, 1865, contained the following:—"A native of Glasgow, an alumnus of her University, and connected with the city by the closest ties of business and of friendship, I have felt that for the honour and usefulness of such a position the cares of business may well be, to some extent, relinquished, and the duties and responsibilities of public life undertaken; and should I be fortunate enough to secure your suffrages, my best efforts and most anxious attention shall not be spared faithfully to represent the views and advocate the interests of this great community.... I may at least say, in a few words, that from my earliestrecollection I have been strongly attached to Liberal principles, and that nothing can ever alter my faith in the truth and wisdom of what are known as Liberal opinions in civil and religious politics, or diminish my deep interest in the social, civil, and religious progress of the country." On the following day Mr. Dalglish took his constituents by surprise by announcing that it was not his intention to seek re-election. On the 10th June, Mr. John Ramsay issued an address, in which he enunciated his advocacy of economy and retrenchment in the public expenditure, recommended a judicious extension of the franchise, and stated, in reference to the Maynooth grant, which at that time engaged at a considerable amount of attention, that he "would oppose any further grants from the national exchequer, either in favour of the Roman Catholics or any other body." Mr. Ramsay set forth, in conclusion, that "his business connection with Glasgow for nearly thirty years past had made him acquainted with local affairs, and it would be his pleasure, as he should regard it his duty, to give unremitting attention to every measure fitted to advance the interests of the city." The candidature of Mr. Graham was from the first looked upon with a great deal of favour by a large body of the more influential electors, and his general committee, of which Mr. Archibald Orr Ewing of Ballikinrain was chairman, and Bailie J. W. Anderson was deputy-chairman, comprised the names of Mr. Wm. Kidston, Sir James Lumsden, Mr. Alex. Dennistoun of Golfhill, Mr. Colin R. Dunlop, Mr. Alex. Crum Ewing, Mr. John Orr Ewing of Tillichewan, Mr. W. J. Davidson of Ruchill, and Mr. J. C. Wakefield. At the nomination, which took place on the 12th of July, the show of hands was declared to be in favour of Mr. Dalglish (who had been induced to stand again) and Mr. Graham—the latter, indeed, obtaining a larger display than either of the other two candidates. The poll, which was demanded on behalf of Mr. Ramsay, took place on the following morning, and from the outset Mr. Graham was a long way ahead of either of his opponents. At four o'clock the poll stood—
Graham,8113Dalglish,6707Ramsay,5837
Thus giving a majority of 2276 for Mr. Graham, and a majority of 878 for Mr. Dalglish. On entering Parliament at the commencement of the session of 1866, Mr. Graham had the honour of being selected to second the Address to her Majesty, which was moved by Lord H. Cavendish. This he did in a singularly able and practical address, which was listened to with great attention by the House. TheDaily Telegraph, in its Parliamentary summary, referring to this occasion, said:—"Mr. Graham, the new member for Glasgow, spoke like anhabituéof the House of twenty years' standing. He had caught the very manner of the place, spoke fluently, almost eloquently, and exhibited both political and commercial knowledge. It was an undoubted success, and Mr. Gladstone, who had listened attentively, warmly congratulated him when he sat down."
In reference to Mr. Graham's political tendencies and conduct, we may remark that although he has mainly been a supporter of the policy of Mr. Gladstone's Government, he has at the same time, on questions of principle, held himself entirely independent of any Government or party. He is more especially associated with that section of the House which represents the English Nonconformists and the Presbyterians of all three countries. Next in importance to religious progress and toleration as a matter of Parliamentary policy, Mr. Graham advocates the reduction of the national expenditure, holding that the present scale thereof is excessive beyond any possible justification. Therefore, in every case where such a reduction appeared in his view to be honestly aimed at, he has been in the habit of acting with the economists.
Although he has never been a prominent speaker in the House, Mr. Graham is, in his own way, a very useful member, and he is specially called intorequisitionwhen any matterof an ecclesiastical or educational kind is under consideration. In many ways he has shown an anxiety to be useful, and to those of his constituents who make calls upon his time and services he is always most accessible and ready to oblige. Although a Liberal, he is not in favour of extensive changes, and he is opposed to any interference with religious questions, whether by endowments or State connection, by the Government.
Mr. Graham, we may add, is a magistrate and deputy lieutenant of Lanarkshire.
Mr. George Anderson, the junior member for the city of Glasgow, was born at Liverpool in 1819, and is thus in his 52d year. He is a son of George Anderson, Esq., of Luscar, Fifeshire, by his marriage with Miss Rachel Inglis. His father, who had been in early life in the navy, was for some years managing partner of the firm of Messrs. Dennistown & Co. at Havre and New Orleans, from which he left to be manager of the one branch of the old Glasgow Bank (with which the same house was largely connected) at Kirkcaldy, of which town he was afterwards for many years the highly-respected Provost.
Mr. Anderson was educated partly at Havre, partly at the High School of Edinburgh, and subsequently at the University of St Andrews. On coming to Glasgow in 1841, he entered the concern of Alex. Fletcher & Co., flaxspinners, St. Rollox, and was latterly managing partner of that extensive manufacturing establishment, employing nearly 2000 workpeople; and through his experience there, during 25 years, he acquired that knowledge of the grievances and wants of the working classes which has enabled him to legislate for them since. Mr. Anderson had never taken any part in Municipal affairs, but he had in other ways always done his fair share of public work. The Polytechnic Institution, the Fine Art Exhibitions that preceded the present Institute, the Art Union, the Philosophical Society, the Lock Hospital—of all of these he had been an active promoter or director. In connection with the West of Scotland Angling Club, of which he was a zealous member, he had successfully introduced the grayling into Scotland—an achievement inacclimatisation worthy of being remembered. While President of the Glasgow Skating Club he published a treatise on the art of skating, which is still the most popular manual on the subject, and has, we believe, reached a third edition. In 1859, on the starting of the Volunteer movement, Mr. Anderson took an enthusiastic part, and was among the original officers of the 4th Lanark, with which corps he has continued, being still its senior major; while he has repeatedly advocated, in the House, the claims of the Volunteers to increased assistance as an economical measure for national defence.
His candidature for the City of Glasgow, in 1868, was promoted by the local branch of the Reform League, conjointly with the trade delegates, who held a conference to deliberate on the matter. Previous to that time, our junior member was well known among theproletariatfor his well-timed efforts to effect the abolition of the arrestment of wages. In 1852 he started the subject of wages arrestment by a series of letters in theReformer's Gazette,Daily Mail, andHerald. The subject had long been felt to be a sore grievance and rock of offence among the working classes, and periodical agitations had taken place without leading to any decided action. From the very first Glasgow took the initiative in seeking to modify or get rid altogether of a law which pressed with greater severity on the lower orders than, perhaps, any other enactment that ever found its way into the Statute Books of Scotland. The late Neale Thomson, of Camphill, gave great assistance in that agitation, and a very exhaustive and able pamphlet on the arrestment of wages was published by Mr. Anderson in 1853, which led to the appointment of a Royal Commission; but though the report was entirely favourable to Mr. Anderson's views, nothing came of it, as under the £10 franchise the small shopkeepers were too strong for them, and the work which they had been sanguine of completing in 1854 was left for himself to do alone in 1870. Mr. Anderson wrote frequently on the currency question. His most recent production (published in1866) was a pamphlet entitled "The Reign of Bullionism"—having previously read a paper on the subject of the Bank Acts to the Social Science Congress at Manchester—in which he advocated a national issue of note currency, and the abrogation of the Bank of England charter, and all other banks' monopoly. His literature was not all, however, of so practical a character; not long before he had edited, jointly with Mr. J. Finlay, a volume containing fifty of the best of the poems written on the centenary of Robert Burns—one of his own, which had been highly commended at the Crystal Palace competition, being among them. The volume is, perhaps, the most fitting tribute to the memory of our national poet that has appeared, and we believe it is now out of print.
In the education question Mr. Anderson had always taken a keen interest. Besides lectures and papers to the Philosophical Society, the Educational Institute, and the Social Science Congress he published two pamphlets pointing out how utterly worthless the half-time education clauses of the Factory Acts had proved, and urging compulsory education, or, in default of that, aquasicompulsion in the form of an educational test, in place of an age test, for youthful labour. He also came prominently before the public on the occasion of an agitation which took place in 1867 in reference to the subject of an education bill for Scotland. It will be remembered that two parties in the city sought to influence the Government of the day for different ends. One party was composed of the religious, while the other represented the unsectarian element, and by both memorials were sent to Parliament urging the claims of Scotland to a more comprehensive system of national education. Mr. Anderson, of course, espoused the cause of the unsectarian party, who went in for compulsory education; and he addressed a meeting in the City Hall, at which several resolutions approving of an unsectarian as opposed to a religious scheme of education were passed by a considerable majority of those present. The Reform Bill of 1868 gave Glasgow a third member, and Mr. Anderson was fixed upon as themost suitable representative of the interests of labour. His candidature, which as we have already indicated, had been invited by the Reform Leaguers and Trades Delegates of the city, was warmly supported by the working classes. A three-cornered constituency, the electors of Glasgow could only vote for two candidates; and as there was a Tory in the field, in the person of Sir George Campbell, it became a rather nice question as to how the three Liberal candidates were to be returned. The Liberal party were equal to the emergency. They agreed to vote for the two lowest candidates on the list throughout the polling, irrespective altogether of personal predilections or sympathies in favour of either. In this way the battle was won in the Liberal interest, and Glasgow vindicated her claim to be esteemed the most Liberal constituency in the kingdom. At the close of the poll, the return was as follows:—