CANTO FOURTH.

STANZAII.

There bristled darts—there glittered lances sheen.

Lances were arms which distinguished their sachems and other leaders. At this early period the Indians had scarcely become familiarized to the use of fire-arms. The French and Dutch had indeed begun to supply them with these strange implements of death; but the English colonists had taken every precaution to prevent their being furnished with them. There were, however, no restraints on the trade of knives, hatchets, lances, &c.

STANZAXX.

On settles raised around the mounting blazeSit gray Wauontom, Keenomp, Sagamore.

On settles raised around the mounting blaze

Sit gray Wauontom, Keenomp, Sagamore.

Wauontom, a counsellor; Keenomp, a captain; Sagamore, a chief or sachem.

Is sage Canonicus.

Williams considered Canonicus, at the time he wrote his Key to the Indian Languages, about fourscore years old.

STANZAXXI.

The Neyhom’s mantle did his shoulders grace.

“Neyhomaushunck, a coat or mantle curiously made of the fairest plumes of the Neyhommauog, or turkies, which commonly their old men make, and is with them as velvet with us.”—Williams’ Key.

STANZAXXXIII.

Yes, ere he came, Pocasset’s martial bandDid at our bidding come to fight the foe,And the tall warriors of the Nipnet landRushed with soft foot to bend our battle bow;And e’en the dog of Haup did cringing standBeside our wigwam, and his tribute show.

Yes, ere he came, Pocasset’s martial band

Did at our bidding come to fight the foe,

And the tall warriors of the Nipnet land

Rushed with soft foot to bend our battle bow;

And e’en the dog of Haup did cringing stand

Beside our wigwam, and his tribute show.

The reader will not expect in the text minute historical accuracy, yet it has been the wish of the author, throughout, not to violateKNOWNhistorical truth; and the following facts, he thinks, give something more than mere probability to the presumption, that Massasoit was, before the arrival of the whites, in some sense, one of the subject sachems of the Narraganset chiefs. The following extract of a deposition of Williams, dated at Narraganset, the 18th of June, A. D. 1682, will shew that Canonicus had authority of some sort over Massasoit, and that the latter had claims, subordinate to those of Canonicus, to certain lands which Williams procured of the last named chief. In this deposition Williams says, “I desire posterity to see the most gracious hand of the Most High, (in whose hands are all things,) that when the hearts of my countrymen and friends and brethren failed me, his infinite wisdom and merits stirred up the barbarous heart of Canonicus to love me as his own son to the last gasp, by which I had not only Miantonomi and all the Coweset sachems my friends, but Ousamequin also, who, because of my great friendship for him at Plymouth, and the authority of Canonicus, consented freely, (being also well gratified by me,) to the Governor Winthrop’s and my enjoyment of Prudence, yea of Providence itself, andall other parts I procured which were upon the point, and in effect, whatever I desired of him.” A distinction seems here to be intended between Prudence and other places. It is probable that Prudence was conquered by the Narragansets, whilst in possession of some under-sachem of Massasoit. And when the latter renounced all claims to this Island, he at the same time assured to Williams the peaceable enjoyment of Providence and all other places purchased of him.

A similar state of things appears in the deed, made by Canonicus and Miantonomi to the settlers of Aquidnay, to have existed both in reference to that island and a part of Pokanoket, where Massasoit resided. This deed or memorandum is as follows: “We, Canonicus and Miantonomi, the two chief sachems of Narraganset, by virtue of our general command of the Bay, as also the particular subjecting of the dead sachem of Aquidnick and Kitackumuckqut, [Kikemuet] themselves and lands unto us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and his friends united, the great Island of Acquidnick, lying from hence eastward in this bay, as also the marsh or grass upon Quinnannacut, [Conanicut] and the rest of the islands in the bay, (excepting Chubackuweda, formerly sold unto Mr. Winthrope, Governor of Massachusetts, and Mr. Williams of Providence,) also the grass upon the rivers and coasts about Kitakamuckqut, and from thence to Pauparquatsh [Poppasquash] for the full payment of forty fathoms of white beads.”

Ousamaquin was present, and granted the use of the grass and trees on the main land, Pocasset side. Tradition points out the spot on which the battle was fought that decided the fate of Aquidnick, and assigns a date to the arrival of the English at Plymouth. Callender evidently considers it to have taken place during the great sickness or plague which prevailed among the eastern Indians before the coming of the Whites. When the English arrived, Massasoit was at Pokanoket, in a part of that territory so recently wrested by the Narragansets from (probably) one of his under-sachems. He was then in no condition to resist any of the demands of the victors, and there can be little doubt that he submitted to them as a tributary or subject chief. The arrival of the English, however, gave him allies, and enabled him to set the Narragansets at defiance. Hence the hostility of the Narragansets to the Whites; and hence Massasoit’s uniform adherence to them. That Massasoit was consideredby the Narragansets a tributary chief, and bound to comply with the requisitions of their sachems, is rendered very probable by the following passage in Winthrop’s Journal. It is under date of April, 1632:

“The Governor received letters from Plymouth signifying that there had been a broil between their men at Sowamset and the Narraganset Indians, who set upon the English house, there to have taken Ousamaquin, the Sagamore of Pokanoscott, [Pokanoket] who fled thither with all the people for refuge, and that Captain Standish, being gone thither to relieve the English which were in the House, sent home in all haste for more men and other provisions, upon intelligence that Canonicus was coming with a great army against them. On that, they wrote to our Governor for some powder to be sent with all possible speed, for it seemed they were unprovided. Upon this the Governor presently dispatched away a messenger with so much powder as he could carry, viz: twenty-seven pounds. The messenger returned and brought a letter from the Governor, signifying that the Indians were retired from Sowamset to fight the Pequins, [Pequots] which was probable; because John Sagamore and Chickatabott were gone, with all their men, to Canonicus, who had sent for them.”

Here Canonicus, on the point of marching against the Pequots, sent to certain sachems of Massachusetts to join him; there is little doubt that the same requisition was made of Massasoit, and attempted to be enforced. He took shelter, however, under the English, and the Narragansets finding that they could not compel obedience without involving themselves in a war with the English, retired and prosecuted the expedition without his assistance. But in 1636, when they were somewhat relieved from the pressure of their enemies, they were probably about engaging in a war with the Wampanoags, to punish this contempt of their chief’s authority. Hence the great contest to which Williams alludes.

As a further proof that Massasoit was in some sort a subordinate sachem of the Narraganset chiefs, it may be added, that the above deed of Aquidnick appears to have been made in his presence, and that he and his tribe were afterwards compensated for their rights in the lands conveyed. Those rights were therefore considered of a character subordinate to those of the Narraganset chiefs.

Since the foregoing remarks were written, the author has noticed a deposition of Williams, quoted by Backus, in his History of the Baptists, and dated twenty-five years after the settlement of Providence was commenced, which applies directly to the question here discussed, and abundantly confirms the views already taken. Williams, in his deposition, says, “After I had obtained this place, now called Providence, of Canonicus and Miantonomi, [the chief Nanhiganset sachems,] Osamaquin laid his claim to this place also. This forced me to repair to the Nanhiganset sachems aforesaid, who declared that Osamaquin was their subject, and had solemnly, himself in person with ten men, subjected himself and his lands unto them at the Nanhiganset, only now he seemed to revolt from his loyalty, under the shelter of the English at Plymouth. This I declared from the Nanhiganset sachems to Osamaquin, who without any stick acknowledged to be true that he had so subjected, as the Nanhiganset sachems had affirmed; [but] that he was not subdued by war, which himself and his father had maintained against the Nanhigansets; but God, said he, subdued us by a plague which swept away my people, and forced me to yield.”

STANZAXXXV.

They were the Yengee’s men, not ours, they said.

“He [Massasoit] also talked of the French, bidding us not to suffer them to come to Narrohiganset; for it was King James’ his country, and he was King James his man.”—Mourt’s Journal.

STANZAXXXVII.

He speaks a Manitoo!

“There is a general custom among them,” says Williams, “at the apprehension of any excellence in men or women, birds, beasts, or fish, &c., to cry out Manittoo! that is, it is a god; as thus, if they see one man excel others in wisdom, valor, strength, or activity, they cry out Manittoo!”

STANZAXLI.

And for the Pequot deeds Awanux grieves.

“News came to Plymouth that Captain Stone, who last summer went out of the Bay or Lake, and so to Aquawaticus, where he took in Captain Norton, putting in at the mouth of Connecticut, (on his way to Virginia,) where the Pequins [Pequots] inhabit, was cut off with all his company, being eight in number.”—Winthrop’s Journal.

STANZAXLV.

If true he spake—that should his actions show—May not his heart be darker than yon cloud,And yet his words white as yon falling snow?Still if his speech were true—

If true he spake—that should his actions show—

May not his heart be darker than yon cloud,

And yet his words white as yon falling snow?

Still if his speech were true—

“Canonicus, the old high sachem of the Narraganset bay, (a wise and peaceable prince), once in a solemn oration to myself, in a solemn assembly, using this word, [Wannaumwayean, if he speak true,] said, I have never suffered any wrong to be offered to the English since they landed, nor never will. He often repeated this word, Wannaumwayean, Englishman, if the Englishman speak true, if he meane truly; then shall I goe to my grave in peace, and hope that the English and my posteritie shall live in love and peace together. I replied that he had no cause (as I hoped) to question the Englishman’s Wannaumauonck, that is, faithfulnesse, he having had long experience of their faithfulnesse and trustinesse. He took a stick and broke it into ten pieces, and related ten instances, (laying down a stick at every instance), which gave him cause thus to feare and say. I satisfied him on some presently, and presented the rest to the governors of the English, who I hope will be far from giving just cause to have barbarians question their Wannaumwauonck of faithfulnesse.”—Williams’ Key.

STANZAXLVII.

This fragment shows the serpent’s skin they sent,Filled with round thunders to our royal tent.

This fragment shows the serpent’s skin they sent,

Filled with round thunders to our royal tent.

“The people called Narragansets,” says the N. E. Memorial, “sent messengers unto our plantations with a bundle of arrows tied together with a snake-skin, which the interpreter told them was a threatening and a challenge, upon which the Governor of Plymouth sent them a rough answer, viz.: That, if they loved war better than peace, they might begin when they would; they had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor should they find them unprovided; and by another messenger they sent the snake-skin back again, with bullets in it; but they would not receive it, but sent it back again.” Mr. Davis in a note adds: “The messenger was accompanied by a friendly Indian, Tockamahamon. The messenger inquired for Squanto, who was absent. The bundle of arrows was left for him, and the messenger departed without any explanation. When Squanto returned, and the dubious present was delivered him, he immediately understood the object.” The planters, however, seem to have considered themselves threatened. They immediately began to strengthen their defences, and every precaution was taken against a surprise.

STANZAXLVIII.

This, when at Sowans raged our battle loud,How their round thunders made that battle dumb.

This, when at Sowans raged our battle loud,

How their round thunders made that battle dumb.

See the passage from Winthrop, innote to stanzaxxxiii.

This how amid the Pequot nation theyBuild the square lodge, and whet him to the fray.

This how amid the Pequot nation they

Build the square lodge, and whet him to the fray.

The Plymouth Company had established a trading house on the Connecticut, as early as 1633. Their trade with the Pequots in arrow points, knives, hatchets, &c., might very probably give offence to the Narragansets. “We found,” says Winthrop, “that all the sachems of Narraganset, except Canonicus and Miantonomi were the contrivers of Mr. Oldham’s death, and the occasion was because he went to make peace and trade with the Pequots.”

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