DISSENSIONS IN THE GOVERNMENT
The new government had not been long in existence before rumours of dissensions in its ranks became very common. Mr. Wilmot made no secret to his friends of his dissatisfaction, and it was understood that other members found their position equally unpleasant. An element of difficulty was early introduced by the resignation of the chief-justice, Sir James Carter, who, in September, 1865, found it necessary, in consequence of failing health, to retire from the bench, rendering it immediately necessary for the government to fill his place. The Hon. Albert J. Smith, the leader of the government, had he chosen, might have then taken the vacant position, but he did not desire to retire from political life at that time, and the Hon. John C. Allen, his attorney-general, was appointed to the bench as a puisne judge, while the Hon. Robert Parkerwas made chief-justice. The latter, however, had but few weeks to enjoy his new position, dying in November of the same year, and leaving another vacancy on the bench to be filled. Again, as before, the Hon. Mr. Smith declined to go on the bench, and the Hon. John W. Weldon, who had been a long time a member of former legislatures, and was at one time Speaker, was appointed to the puisne judgeship, and the Hon. William J. Ritchie was made chief-justice. The entire fitness of the latter for the position of chief-justice made his appointment a popular one, but he was the junior of the Hon. Lemuel A. Wilmot as a judge, and the Hon. R. D. Wilmot, who was a cousin of the latter, thought the senior judge should have received the appointment of chief-justice. His disappointment at the office being given to another caused a very bad feeling on his part towards the government, and he would have resigned his seat forthwith but for the persuasions of some of those who were not friends of the government, who intimated to him that he could do them a great deal more damage by retaining his seat, and resigning at the proper time than by abandoning the government at that moment. Mr. Wilmot remained in the government until January, 1866, but although of their number, his heart was estranged from them, and he may properly be regarded as an enemy in their camp.
CONFEDERATION VICTORY IN YORK
Mr. Anglin also had some difference with his colleagues with regard to railway matters, and heresigned his seat early in November, 1865; still he gave a general support to the government, although no longer in its councils. But the most severe blow which the administration received arose from the election in the county of York, which followed the seating of the Hon. John C. Allen on the bench. The confederation party had been so badly beaten in York at the general election that no doubt was felt by the government that any candidate they might select would be chosen by a very large majority. The candidate selected by the government to contest York was Mr. John Pickard, a highly respectable gentleman, who was engaged in lumbering, and who was extremely popular in that county, in consequence of his friendly relations with all classes of the community and the amiability of his disposition. The Hon. Charles Fisher was brought forward by the confederation party as their candidate in York, although the hope of defeating Mr. Pickard seemed to be desperate, for at the previous election Mr. Fisher had received only 1,226 votes against 1,799 obtained by Mr. Needham, who stood lowest on the poll among the persons elected for York. Mr. Fisher by his efforts in the York campaign, which resulted in his election, struck a blow at the anti-confederate government from which it never recovered. His election was the first dawn of light and hope to the friends of confederation in New Brunswick, for it showed clearly enough that whenever the people of the province were givenanother opportunity of expressing their opinion on the question of confederation, their verdict would be a very different one from that which they had given at the general election. Mr. Fisher beat Mr. Pickard by seven hundred and ten votes, receiving seven hundred and one votes more than at the general election, while Mr. Pickard's vote fell five hundred and seventy-two below that which Mr. Needham had received on the same occasion.
Amongthe causes that had assisted to defeat confederation in New Brunswick, when the question was first placed before the people, was the active hostility of the lieutenant-governor, Mr. Arthur Hamilton Gordon, a son of that Earl of Aberdeen who was prime minister of England at the outbreak of the Crimean War. Mr. Gordon had been a strong advocate of maritime union and had anticipated that he would be the first governor of the united province of Acadia, or by whatever name the maritime union was to be known. He was therefore greatly disappointed and annoyed when the visit of the Canadians to Charlottetown, in September, 1864, put an end to the conference which had met for the purpose of arranging the terms of a union of that character. While a governor cannot take a very active part in political matters, he may stimulate others to hostility or to a certain course of action, who, under other circumstances, would be neutral or inactive, and there is reason to believe that some of the men who were most prominent in opposing confederation at the general election of 1865 were mainly influenced by the views of the lieutenant-governor. Confederation,however, had been approved by the British government, after the terms arranged at Quebec had been submitted to it in a despatch from the governor-general; and those officials in New Brunswick and elsewhere, who expected to find support in Downing Street in their hostility to confederation, were destined to be greatly disappointed. Not long after the new government was formed in New Brunswick, Mr. Gordon returned to England, and it was generally believed that he was sent for by the home authorities. Instead of being favourably received on the ground of his opposition to confederation, he is said to have been compelled to submit to a stern reproof for his anti-constitutional meddling in a matter which did not concern him, and to have been given decidedly to understand that if he returned to New Brunswick, to fill out the remainder of his term of office, it must be as one pledged to assist in carrying out confederation and not to oppose it. When Mr. Gordon returned he was an entirely changed man, and whatever influence he was able to exert from that time forward was used in favour of confederation.
FENIAN THREATS
Another cause which made confederation more acceptable to the people of the province arose from the threats of the Fenians to invade Canada, which were made during the year 1865, and which were followed by armed invasions during the following year. Although there was no good reason for believing that the opponents of confederation wereless loyal than its supporters or less inclined to favour British connection, it was remarked that all the enemies of British connection seemed to have got into the anti-confederate camp. The Fenian movement had its origin in the troubles in Ireland arising out of oppressive land laws and other local causes, and it soon extended to America, where the politicians found it useful as a means of increasing their strength among the Irish people. At that time, there were in the United States many hundreds of thousands of men who had been disbanded from the army at the close of the Civil War, and who were only too ready to embrace any new opportunity of winning for themselves fame and rank on other fields of glory. Among these disbanded soldiers were many Irishmen, and it soon came to be known that bands of men could be collected in the United States for the invasion of this country, with the avowed object of driving the British flag from the American continent and substituting the stars and stripes. It was impossible that the people of Canada could view without emotion these preparations for their undoing, and in New Brunswick, especially, which was the first province to be threatened, the Fenian movement materially assisted in deciding the manner in which the people should vote on this great question of confederation when it came to be submitted to them a second time.
The House of Assembly met on March 8th,1866, and the speech from the throne, delivered by the lieutenant-governor, contained the following paragraph: "I have received Her Majesty's commands to communicate to you a correspondence on the affairs of British North America, which has taken place between Her Majesty's principal secretary of state for the colonies and the governor-general of Canada; and I am further directed to express to you the strong and deliberate opinion of Her Majesty's government that it is an object much to be desired that all the British North American colonies should agree to unite in one government. These papers will immediately be laid before you." This paragraph was not inserted in the speech without considerable pressure on the part of the lieutenant-governor, and it excited a great deal of comment at the time, because it seemed to endorse the principle of confederation, although emanating from a government which had been placed in power as the result of an election in which confederation had been condemned. When this portion of the speech was read by the lieutenant-governor, in the legislative council chamber, the crowd outside the bar gave a hearty cheer,—a circumstance which never occurred before in the province of New Brunswick, and perhaps not in any other British colony.
The members of the House favourable to confederation immediately took up the matter, and dealt with it as if the government had therebypledged themselves in favour of that policy, and indeed there was a fair excuse for such an inference. When the secret history of the negotiations between the lieutenant-governor and his advisers, prior to the meeting of the legislature, comes to be told, it will be found that at least some of the members of the government had given His Excellency to understand that they were prepared to reverse their former action and to adopt confederation. The difficulty with them was that they feared their own supporters, and thought that if they made such a move they would lose the favour of those who had placed them in power, and this fear was certainly a very natural one.
DESERTED BY FRIENDS
As soon as the House met, it was discovered that Mr. A. R. Wetmore, one of the prominent supporters of the government who had been elected to represent the city of St. John as an anti-confederate, was no longer in sympathy with the government. Mr. Wetmore's long experience as anisi priuslawyer, and his curt and imperturbable manner, rendered him a most exasperating and troublesome opponent, and at a very early period of the session he commenced to make it unpleasant for his former friends. He cross-examined the members of the government in the fashion which he had learned from long experience in the courts. Such attacks proved extremely damaging as well as very annoying.
The address in reply to the speech from the throne was moved in the House of Assembly byColonel Boyd, of Charlotte County, and when the paragraph relating to confederation was read, Mr. Fisher asked him what it meant. Mr. Boyd replied that the government had no objection to confederation, provided the terms were satisfactory. This reply still further strengthened the feeling that the government were inclined to pass the measure which they had been elected to oppose. Mr. Fisher moved an amendment to the fourth paragraph of the address, which referred to the Fenian conspiracy against British North America, expressing the opinion that while His Excellency might rely with confidence on the cordial support of the people for the protection of the country, his constitutional advisers were not by their general conduct entitled to the confidence of the legislature. This amendment was seconded by Mr. DesBrisay, of Kent, who had been elected as a supporter of the government, and it was debated at great length. The discussion upon it continued from day to day for about three weeks, when, on April 10th, the government resigned in consequence of difficulties with His Excellency in regard to his reply to the address of the legislative council. The legislative council had proceeded to pass the address in reply to the speech, but in consequence of the delay in the House of Assembly, this reply had not before been presented to the governor. In answer to the address of the legislative council, His Excellency said: "I will immediately transmit your address to the secretaryof state for the colonies in order that it may be laid at the foot of the throne. Her Majesty the Queen has already been pleased to express deep interest in a closer union of her North America colonies and will no doubt greatly appreciate this decided expression of your opinion, and the avowal of your desire that all British North America should unite in one community, under one strong and efficient government, which cannot but tend to hasten the accomplishment of this great measure."
THE GOVERNMENT RESIGNS
The resignation of the government was announced in the House of Assembly on April 13th by the Hon. A. J. Smith, and the correspondence between the lieutenant-governor and his advisers was laid before the House at the same time. The immediate and ostensible cause of the resignation was the terms of approval in which the lieutenant-governor had replied to the address of the legislative council in reference to confederation. Mr. Smith claimed that it was the duty of the lieutenant-governor to consult his constitutional advisers in regard to the answer to be given, and that, in assuming to himself the right to reply to such an address without consulting them, he had not acted in accordance with the true spirit of the constitution. This was certainly sound doctrine, and the reply of the lieutenant-governor was by no means satisfactory on this point, but he was able to show that Mr. Smith had himself expressed his willingness to enter into a scheme of union, althoughopposed to the Quebec scheme, and had suggested that, as a preliminary step, the papers on that subject should be referred to a joint committee of both Houses with an understanding that the committee should report in favour of a measure of union. At a later period Mr. Smith seemed indisposed to carry out this arrangement, his conduct evidently being the result of timidity, and so he found himself, to use the language of Sir Arthur Gordon, "entangled in contradictory pledges from which he found it impossible to extricate himself." He had, in fact, placed himself in the power of the lieutenant-governor, and his only resource was to resign. It was understood at the time, and has never been denied, that His Excellency was acting under the advice of the Hon. Peter Mitchell, a member of the legislative council, who was a strong supporter of confederation. Mr. Mitchell was a man of great force of character, and, next to Mr. Tilley, must be regarded as the most potent factor in bringing about the change in the sentiments of the people of the province with respect to confederation.
The lieutenant-governor called upon the Hon. Peter Mitchell, who was a member of the legislative council, to form a government. Mr. Mitchell had been very active in the cause of confederation, and was the moving spirit in the legislative council in all the proceedings in its favour taken in that body; but, when asked to form a new government, he advised the lieutenant-governor that the properperson to undertake that responsibility was the Hon. Mr. Tilley. The latter, however, declined the task on the ground that he was not a member of the legislature, whereupon Mr. Mitchell associated with himself the Hon. Mr. Wilmot for the purpose of forming a new government. The government was announced on April 18th, and was formed as follows:—Hon. Peter Mitchell, president of the council; Hon. S. L. Tilley, provincial secretary; Hon. Charles Fisher, attorney-general; Hon. Edward Williston, solicitor-general; Hon. John McMillan, postmaster-general; Hon. A. R. McClelan, chief commissioner of public works; Hon. R. D. Wilmot and Hon. Charles Connell, members without office. The latter afterwards became surveyor-general.
THE FENIAN INVASION
While the government was being formed in New Brunswick, a Fenian army was gathering upon the border for the purpose of invading the province. This force consisted of four or five hundred young men, most of whom had been in the army of the United States. It was recruited at New York, and its chief was a Fenian named Doran Killian. A part of his force arrived at Eastport on April 10th, and a schooner, laden with arms for the Fenians, soon after reached that place. From this schooner, which was seized by the United States authorities, one hundred and seventeen cases of arms and ammunition were taken,—a clear proof that the intentions of the Fenians were warlike, and that their presence onthe border was not a mere demonstration. The Fenians appeared to have been under the impression—as many residents of the United States are to this day—that the people of Canada and of New Brunswick were dissatisfied with their own form of government, and were anxious to come under the protection of the stars and stripes. This absurd idea was responsible, largely, for the War of 1812, and it has been responsible, since then, for many other movements, with respect to the British provinces of North America, in which residents of the United States have taken part. There never was a greater delusion than this, and, in the instance referred to, the Fenians were doomed to be speedily undeceived. The presence of a Fenian force on the border sounded like a bugle blast to every able-bodied man in New Brunswick, and the call for troops to defend the country was instantly responded to. About one thousand men were called out and marched to the frontier. The troops called out consisted of the three batteries of the New Brunswick regiment of artillery, seven companies of the St. John volunteer battalion, one company of the first battalion of the York County militia, one company each of the first and third battalions of the Charlotte County militia, and two companies each of the second and fourth battalions of the Charlotte County militia. These troops remained in arms on the frontier for nearly three months, and were disbanded by a general order dated June 20th. TheFenian raid on New Brunswick proved to be a complete fiasco. The frontier was so well guarded by the New Brunswick militia and by British soldiers, and the St. Croix so thoroughly patrolled by British warships, that the Fenians had no opportunity to make any impression upon the province. It ought to be added that the United States government was prompt to take steps to prevent any armed invasion, and General Meade was sent down to Eastport with a force of infantry and a ship of war to prevent the Fenians from making that place a base of operations against these provinces.
CONFEDERATION VICTORIES
The general elections to decide whether or not New Brunswick was willing to become confederated with Canada, were held in May and June. The first election was that for the county of Northumberland on May 25th, and the result was that the four candidates who favoured confederation, Messrs. Johnson, Sutton, Kerr and Williston, were elected by large majorities. The same result followed in the county of Carleton, where the election was held on May 26th, Messrs. Connell and Lindsay being elected by a vote of more than two to one over their anti-confederate opponents. The third election was in Albert County on the 29th, and there Messrs. McClelan and Lewis, the two candidates in favour of confederation, were triumphantly returned. On May 31st, elections were held in Restigouche and Sunbury, and, in these counties, the candidates in favour of confederation were returned by largemajorities. The York election came next. In that county, the anti-confederates had placed a full ticket in the field, the candidates being Messrs. Hatheway, Fraser, Needham and Brown. Mr. Fisher had with him on the ticket, Dr. Dow and Messrs. Thompson and John A. Beckwith. Every person expected a vigorous contest in York, notwithstanding the victory of Mr. Fisher over Mr. Pickard a few months before. But, to the amazement of the anti-confederates in other parts of the province, the Hon. George L. Hatheway and Dr. Brown retired after nomination day and left Messrs. Fraser and Needham to do battle alone. Mr. Hatheway's retirement at this time was a deathblow to the hopes of the anti-confederates all over New Brunswick, affecting not only the result in the county of York, but in every other county in which an election was to be held. A few nights before his resignation, Mr. Hatheway had been in St. John addressing a packed meeting of anti-confederates in the hall of the Mechanics' Institute, and he had spoken on that occasion with apparent confidence. When his friends in St. John, who had been so much moved by his vigorous eloquence, learned that he had deserted them, their indignation was extreme, and they felt that matters must indeed be in a bad way when he did not dare to face the York electors.
The election in the county of St. John was held on June 6th, and that in the city, on the seventh.For the county, the confederate candidates were Messrs. C. N. Skinner, John H. Gray, James Quinton and R. D. Wilmot, and the anti-confederate candidates were Messrs. Coram, Cudlip, Robertson and Anglin. The former were elected by very large majorities, Mr. Wilmot, who stood lowest on the poll among the confederates, having a majority of six hundred over Mr. Coram, who stood highest among the defeated candidates. The election for the city was an equally emphatic declaration in favour of confederation. The candidates were the Hon. S. L. Tilley and A. R. Wetmore on the confederate side, and J. V. Troop and S. R. Thompson opposed to confederation. Mr. Tilley's majority over Mr. Troop, who stood highest on the poll of the two defeated candidates, was seven hundred and twenty-six. The only counties which the anti-confederate party succeeded in carrying were Westmorland, Gloucester and Kent,—three counties in which the French vote was very large,—so that of the forty-one members returned, only eight were opponents of confederation. The victory was as complete as that which had been recorded against confederation in the beginning of 1865.
THE BATTLE IS WON
The battle of confederation had been won, and the triumph was mainly due to the efforts of the Hon. Mr. Tilley. That gentleman, as soon as the defeat of confederation took place in March, 1865, had commenced a campaign for the purpose of educating the people on the subject. Being free from hisofficial duties and having plenty of time on his hands, he was able to devote himself to the work of explaining the advantages of the proposed union to the people of the province; and during the years 1865 and 1866, he spoke in almost every county on the subject which was so near to his heart. He had embraced confederation with a sincere desire for the benefit of his native province, and with the belief that it would be of the greatest advantage to New Brunswick. If the fruits of confederation have not yet all been realized, that has been due rather to circumstances over which neither Mr. Tilley nor any one else had any control, than to any inherent vice of confederation itself. If union is strength, then it must be admitted that the union of the British North American provinces, which consolidated them into a powerful whole, was a good thing; and there cannot be a doubt that if the provinces had remained separate from each other, their present position would have been much less favourable than it is now.
Oneof the great objects of confederation was the construction of the Intercolonial Railway from St. John and Halifax to Quebec. It was thought that there could be no real union between the several colonies of British North America unless a good means of communication existed, and such a means was to be obtained only through the construction of this line of railway. The Intercolonial Railway, as we have seen, had been a part of the policy of successive governments in the province for many years, and it became an essential part of the scheme of confederation. When confederation was accepted by the people of New Brunswick in 1866, the Intercolonial Railway had yet to be built. Western Extension, as the line to the Maine border was called, had only been commenced; Eastern Extension, from the Shediac line towards Halifax, was in the same condition; in fact, the total mileage of the railways in New Brunswick did not exceed two hundred miles, and these lines were isolated and formed no part of any complete system. New Brunswick now has three separate lines of railway leading to Quebec and Montreal; it is connected with the great railway systems of the continent;there is no county in the province which has not a line of railway traversing it; and the mileage has risen from less than two hundred to more than fourteen hundred.
Mr. Tilley realized that the time had come when the communities which form the British provinces of North America must either become politically connected or else fall, one by one, beneath the influence of the United States. After confederation had been brought about between Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, enough was seen in the conduct of American statesmen towards Prince Edward Island to show that their design was to try to create a separate interest in this colony apart from the general interest of Canada. The acceptance of the scheme of confederation by Prince Edward Island, at a comparatively early period, put an end to the plots in that quarter; but in the case of Newfoundland the same thing has been repeated, and an attempt was made by American statesmen to cause the people of that island to believe that their interests and those of Canada are not identical, and that they would be specially favoured by the United States if they held aloof from the great Dominion. The attitude of the people and congress of the United States towards Canada has not been marked, for the most part, by any great friendliness. They saw in confederation an arrangement that was likely to prevent this country from ever becoming absorbed by theirown, and they believed that by creating difficulties for us with respect to the tariff and other matters, and limiting the area of our commercial relations, they could put such pressure upon Canada as would compel our people to unite with them. This scheme has failed because it was based on a misconception of the spirit of our people; but who will say that it would not have succeeded if the several provinces which now form the confederation had been disunited and inharmonious in their relations and had pursued different lines of policy?
HIS SPEECHES
It is unfortunate that, owing to the absence of verbatim reports, it is impossible to reproduce any of Tilley's speeches during the confederation campaign. No speaker that New Brunswick has ever produced has been more generally acceptable than was Tilley. His speeches were pointed, and so clear that they could not be misunderstood. He possessed, to a very large extent, that magnetism which enabled him to retain the attention and to awaken the sympathy of his audience. At all the meetings which he addressed, there were many who regarded themselves always as his friends and supporters and who formed a phalanx around him, giving him a confidence and political strength which few statesmen have ever enjoyed to a like extent. Although his addresses frequently provoked the bitter animosity of his enemies, he had always enough friends to counteract their influence; and during the many contests which he had to fightfor his seat in the city of St. John, he was always able to rely on the loyalty of those who were his early associates and who remained his supporters until the end of his career. It is quite safe to assert that confederation could not have been carried had it not been for the personal efforts of Mr. Tilley. As the leader of the government which had consented to the Quebec scheme, he was properly looked upon as the chief promoter of confederation in New Brunswick, and his name will go down to future generations identified with that large and necessary measure of colonial statesmanship.
THE LEGISLATURE MEETS
Although the vote of the electors had been taken on the question, much remained to be done before confederation could become an accomplished fact. The last elections, which were those of Kings and Charlotte, were held on June 12th, but more than a year was to elapse before the union was effected, and the result which the election was intended to bring about realized. The first thing to be done was to call the legislature together and complete the business of the province, which had been interrupted by the dissolution. The legislature met on June 21st, and the Hon. John H. Gray, who had been an active advocate of confederation, and who was one of the members for the county of St. John, was made Speaker. In the speech from the throne the following reference was made to the question of confederation:—
"Her Majesty's government have already expressed their strong and deliberate opinion that the union of the British North American provinces under one government is an object much to be desired. The legislatures of Canada and Nova Scotia have formed the same judgment, and you will now shortly be invited to express your concurrence with or dissent from the view taken of this great question by those provinces."
The address in reply was moved by Mr. Kerr, of Northumberland, and seconded by Mr. Beveridge of Victoria, and its consideration was made the order of the day for the following Saturday. When it came up for discussion the Hon. Albert J. Smith was not in his place, and Mr. Botsford, one of his colleagues from Westmorland, endeavoured to have the consideration of the matter postponed; but the House was in no humour to await the convenience of any single member, and the address was passed the same day by a vote of thirty to seven. Attorney-General Fisher, immediately on the passage of the address, gave notice of the following resolution, which was to be made the order of the day for Monday, June 26th:—
"Resolved, That an humble address be presented to His Excellency, the lieutenant-governor, praying that His Excellency be pleased to appoint delegates to unite with delegates from the other provinces in arranging with the imperial government for the union of British North America, uponsuch terms as will secure the just rights and interests of New Brunswick, accompanied with provision for the immediate construction of the Intercolonial Railway; each province to have an equal voice in such delegation, Upper and Lower Canada to be considered as separate provinces."
Mr. Fisher moved the resolution in question in a very brief speech, and was replied to by the Hon. Mr. Smith, who spoke at great length and continued his speech on the following day. Mr. Smith took exception to giving the delegates power to fix the destinies of the provinces forever, without again submitting the scheme of union to the people. He proceeded to discuss the Quebec scheme, and took exception to the construction of the Upper House of the proposed legislature of the confederation, declaring that each province should have an equal number of representatives in it, as was the case in the United States. After going over the ground pretty thoroughly and criticizing most of the terms of the scheme of confederation, he moved an amendment, to the effect that no Act or measure for a union with Canada take effect until approved by the legislature or the people of the province.
A PLAN FOR CONFEDERATION
The Hon. Mr. Tilley replied to the leader of the Opposition in one of the most effective speeches that he ever delivered in the legislature. He first took up Mr. Smith's allusion to the constitutional question, and, with immense power and solemnity, he charged that any want of constitutional actionwhich existed was due to Mr. Smith and his colleagues. He stated that the governor's sympathies were with the late government, and that he had endeavoured to aid and not to injure them. Mr. Smith had alluded to the Hon. Joseph Howe, who was then an opponent of confederation, in terms of praise, and Mr. Tilley, in reply, read from Mr. Howe's speech, made in 1861, a magnificent paragraph on the union of British America. Mr. Tilley stated that the government would take the Quebec scheme for a basis, and would seek concessions to meet the views of those who found objection to parts of it. He mentioned the various counties of the province to show that they were either expressly or potentially favourable to the Quebec scheme. He was convinced that even his friend, the ex-attorney-general and member for Westmorland, was hardly against union. He asked, "Was there one anti-unionist on the floor of the House? Where was Mr. Anglin? Mr. Needham? Mr. Hill and all the rest of the anti-unionists? They were all swept away and unionists had taken their places, and when the arrangements for union were carried out, the feeling in its favour would be deeper and deeper." Mr. Tilley showed the great advantages which would accrue to New Brunswick eventually in consequence of confederation. He combated the statement made by Mr. Smith that after confederation the provincial legislature would become a mere farce, showing that of all the Acts passedduring the previous two years there were only seven which would have come under the control of the general legislature. Mr. Tilley closed by dwelling on the impression of power which union would have on the minds of those abroad who were plotting our ruin. The speech was listened to with the utmost attention by the members of the legislature and by a very large audience which completely filled the galleries, and it was generally considered to have been one of his greatest efforts.
SMITH'S AMENDMENT
The resolution was finally carried by a vote of thirty to eight, only two members, both of whom would have voted for the resolution, being absent. As soon as the confederation resolution was passed the Hon. A. J. Smith moved a resolution which, after reciting the steps which had already been taken in favour of union with Canada, continued as follows:—
"Therefore,Resolved, as the deliberate opinion of this House, that no measure for such union should be adopted which does not contain the following provisions, viz.: first, an equal number of legislative councillors for each province; second, such legislative councillors to be required to reside in the province which they represent and for which they are appointed; third, the number of representatives in the federal parliament to be limited; fourth, the establishment of a court for the determination of questions and disputes that may arise between the federal and local governments as tothe meaning of the Act of Union; fifth, exemption of this province from taxation for the construction and enlargement of canals in Upper Canada, and for the payment of money for the mines and minerals and lands of Newfoundland; sixth, eighty cents per head to be on the population as it increases and not to be confined to the census of 1861; seventh, securing to each of the Maritime Provinces the right to have at least one executive councillor in the federal government; eighth, the commencing of the Intercolonial Railway before the right shall exist to increase taxation upon the people of the province."
Mr. Smith supported his resolution in a lengthy speech in which he predicted increased taxation as the result of confederation. He said that the House, instead of being a deliberative assembly, had to surrender its judgment to the government. Confederation was a great experiment at best, and called for the exercise of other men's judgment. The government were going on in the most highhanded manner and were not justified in withholding information asked for. He elaborated the idea that Canada was pledged to issue treasury notes to pay present liabilities, and asserted that the government was altogether under the control of Canadian politicians. He insisted particularly on a provision in the Act of Union that each of the Maritime Provinces have an executive councillor in the federal government. Finally the vote was taken and thefollowing amendment, which had been moved by the Hon. Mr. Fisher, was carried, only eight members voting against it:—
"Resolved, That the people of this province having, after due deliberation, determined that the union of British North America was desirable, and the House having agreed to request His Excellency the lieutenant-governor to appoint delegates for the purpose of considering the plan of union upon such terms as will secure the just rights of New Brunswick, and having confidence that the action of His Excellency under the advice of his constitutional advisers will be directed to the attainment of that end, sound policy and a due regard to the interests of this province require that the responsibility of such action should be left unfettered by an expression of opinion other than what has already been given by the people and their representatives."
This ended the battle for confederation in New Brunswick, for what remained to be done was merely the arrangement of the details of the union by the delegates who had received full powers for that purpose. The session of the legislature, which must be considered one of the most important ever held in New Brunswick, came to a close on Monday, July 7th. At a meeting of the government held immediately after the prorogation, the Hon. Messrs. Tilley, Wilmot, Fisher, Mitchell, Johnson and Chandler were appointed to go to England as delegates for the purpose of meeting delegates fromCanada and Nova Scotia, and framing the bill which was to be passed by the imperial parliament for the consummation of confederation. It was understood that there would be no delay on the part of the delegates from Canada, but Sir John A. Macdonald and the other Canadian delegates were unable to leave at the time appointed, and did not meet the Maritime Provinces delegation in England until many months after the latter had arrived there. This unfortunate circumstance produced much comment at the time, because it looked as if the government of Canada was treating the delegates of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia with discourtesy. Instead of the business being completed promptly, as was expected, and the bill passed by the parliament during the autumn season, the whole matter was thrown over until the following year, and the New Brunswick delegates, most of whom were prominent members of the government, had to remain in England for about ten months at great expense and inconvenience.
THE DELEGATES IN ENGLAND
The delegates from the three provinces, Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, met at the Westminster Palace Hotel, London, in December, 1866, the Hon. John A. Macdonald in the chair and Lieut.-Col. Hewitt Bernard acting as secretary. The resolution passed at the Quebec conference held in 1864 was read, and amendments were moved in accordance with the suggestions made in the several legislatures during the discussions at the previoussessions. It was conceded by all that the Intercolonial Railway, by which facilities for interprovincial commercial intercourse should be secured, must be built by the united provinces and without delay. It was also conceded that in the provinces where separate schools were established by law, that principle should not be disturbed. In the discussion it was claimed that the sole right of imposing an export duty should be vested in the federal authority. This was objected to by the New Brunswick delegates, on the ground that as the people of that province had expended a large sum of money in the improving of the navigation of the upper St. John, they had to recoup themselves by imposing an export duty on lumber shipped from the province. A considerable portion of the income thus received was paid by the lumbermen of the state of Maine, the advantage derived by them from such improvements being very great. The claim thus presented by the New Brunswick delegates was conceded, and the province was permitted to retain the right. This right was abandoned after confederation, the Dominion paying therefor a hundred and fifty thousand dollars per annum to the New Brunswick government.
THE BRITISH NORTH AMERICA ACT
During the sitting of the delegates, which lasted for two months, many conferences were held with Lord Carnarvon, then secretary of state for the colonies, and the law officers of the Crown, in regard to objections which were taken to some of the resolutionsadopted by the delegates. The governor-general of Canada, Viscount Monck, was in London at the time, and was able to render valuable assistance during the conference, owing to his intimate knowledge of the previous negotiations at Quebec. The arrangements there made, in regard to the strengthening of the central government, founded on the experience of the United States during the War of Secession, were adhered to in the London resolutions and accepted by the imperial authorities. When the bill reached parliament some amendments were suggested, but when it was pointed out that the bill as presented was the result of the most careful consideration of both the imperial authorities and the colonial representatives, the suggested amendments were not pressed and the measure passed through both Houses with very little discussion. But one spirit seemed to animate both the imperial government and the members of parliament, and that was to give the provinces interested the fullest powers consistent with their relation to the Empire. The parliamentary opposition to the measure was much less than might have been expected, when it is remembered that the opponents of confederation had representatives in London, well able to present objections from their standpoint, who had the ear of Mr. Bright and other members of the House of Commons. Her Majesty took a deep interest in the measure and expressed that interest to members ofthe delegation, adding that she felt a great affection for her loyal Canadian subjects. While the bill was before the House of Lords, Messrs. Macdonald, Cartier, Galt, Tupper and Tilley were honoured by a private presentation to Her Majesty, at Buckingham Palace, and shortly afterwards all the members of the conference were presented at a drawing-room at the same place.
COUNTY COURT ACT
The New Brunswick delegates returned to Canada in the spring of 1867, having completed their labours, and the legislature was called together on May 8th. The business before it was of great importance, for the province was entering upon a new era as a member of the Canadian confederation, and the legislature was about to lose that portion of its powers which was delegated to the federal parliament. It is not, however, necessary to enter into any details of the work of the session, which was carried through without any particular difficulty, the Opposition being too weak to oppose seriously the measures of the government. It was felt on all sides that, as twelve members of the legislative council were about to become members of the senate of Canada, and as fifteen representatives were to be elected to the House of Commons, most of whom would come from the House of Assembly, a striking change would take place in the composition of the legislature, which would be deprived of the services of a large number of its ablest men. One of the important bills of the session was the passageof the Act establishing county courts in the province, and in respect to this measure a difference of opinion took place between Mr. John M. Johnson, one of the delegates and member for Northumberland, and his fellow delegates to England. He thought that the legislature had no authority under the terms of confederation, or from any understanding between the delegates while in England, to create county courts, while the other delegates held a different view. The Act was passed, however, and has proved to be one of the most useful ever placed upon the statute-book, relieving the supreme court of many cases, both civil and criminal, which would otherwise block its business, and enabling them to be disposed of more rapidly than before. The county court judges appointed under this Act were, with one exception, taken from the legislature, and this made another serious drain upon its experienced members.
TheBritish North America Act, by which the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia were bound into a confederation, came into force by royal proclamation on the first day of July, 1867. When it is considered how vast and vital a change this measure brought about, it is surprising that it produced so little excitement anywhere. With the exception of one or two demonstrations which were made with flags by persons hostile to confederation, it was received in the province of New Brunswick, which had been so much excited during two elections, with perfect calmness, and although for some years afterwards there were always a number of persons opposed to union who predicted direful things from confederation, and thought it must finally be dissolved, the voices of such persons were eventually silenced either by death or by their acquiescence in the situation. To-day it may be safely declared that the Canadian confederation stands upon as secure a foundation as any other government in the civilized world.
In June, 1867, the Hon. John A. Macdonald, the leading spirit in the government of Canada, wasentrusted by Lord Monck, then governor-general, with the formation of a ministry for the Dominion. Mr. Macdonald naturally experienced a good deal of difficulty in making his arrangements. In the formation of the first ministry much care was necessary; provincial and national interests were to be thought of and denominational claims had to receive some attention. But the greatest difficulty arose with respect to old party lines. Mr. Macdonald thought that these ought, as far as possible, to be ignored, and accordingly selected his men from the leading advocates of confederation belonging to both parties, placing in his cabinet seven Conservatives and six Liberals. The Liberals included the names of Mr. W. P. Rowland and Mr. William MacDougall for Ontario. A large number of the Liberals of Ontario, including George Brown and Alexander Mackenzie, opposed this arrangement, called a public meeting in Toronto, and passed resolutions in favour of a strictly party government on the old lines. It declared hostility to the proposal for a coalition, and resolved to oppose Messrs. Rowland and MacDougall, should they accept office under Mr. Macdonald. This decision was carried out, but these gentlemen were both elected by good majorities. In this first ministry there were five members from Ontario, four from Quebec, two from Nova Scotia, and two from New Brunswick: S. L. Tilley and Peter Mitchell.
The wisdom of the course adopted will be apparent when it is remembered that the question of confederation was not settled or carried on party lines, some of the Conservatives opposing and some Liberals supporting it. This was clearly the case in New Brunswick, as shown by the last two elections held there. About one-third of the Liberal party, and a like proportion of the Conservative party, opposed confederation at the second election. To have formed the first government on a party basis would have necessitated the selection of some men who were opposed to the union, and whose efforts might not have been devoted to making it a success.