[62]Said the Examiner in its issue of May 16, 1906: “It looks very much as if Patrick Calhoun, Thornwell Mullally and their pals of the United Railroads had sneaked up behind San Francisco just as she lay wounded from earthquake and conflagration. In the guise of helping her, they were caught picking her pocket. If the Supervisors aid and abet them, the people will be warranted in setting up their effigies in lasting bronze, a group of everlasting infamy, with the inscription: ‘THESE MEN LOOTED SAN FRANCISCO AT THE TIME OF THE GREAT FIRE OF 1906.’”[63]Of the failure to exact pay for the franchise, the Examiner of May 17, 1906, said:“Mayor Schmitz and the Board of Supervisors must know, and if they do not know they are now informed, that the franchises they propose to give away to the United Railroads are worth a great deal of money to the city of San Francisco, and they certainly do know that the city never was so greatly in need of money as now. To give away so much of value at such a time is so hideous a crime that it will leave a scar upon the reputation of everybody concerned in it, no matter what that reputation has been up to the time of the infamy.”[64]The Supervisors’ letter to the Examiner was as follows:“San Francisco, Cal., May 26, 1906.“To ‘The San Francisco Examiner,’ City—Gentlemen: The Board of Supervisors of the City and County of San Francisco, regretting the hostile stand which your journal has in these distressing times assumed toward the rebuilding of our destroyed city, by indiscriminately attacking every vested interest and all intending investments of capital in this city, respectfully submits for your consideration the propriety of joining with instead of assailing those who are in good faith and with their energy and ability striving to restore and rebuild our beloved city.“Irrespective of any personal feeling caused by your wanton attacks on his Honor the Mayor, and on this Board, we ask of you, as citizens of San Francisco and as the legislative branch of our government, to cease your thoughtless and dangerous efforts to drive away from our city every interest which has expressed its intention to assist in our rebuilding and which has manifested a practical confidence in our future. Otherwise, the day will certainly not be far distant when the people, realizing the result of your course, will seek to protect the city against its further continuance.“In all good faith for the city’s interests and without any personal rancor, these suggestions are submitted to your careful attention.“Respectfully, James L. Gallagher, Max Mamlock, Chas. Boxton, L. A. Rea, F. P. Nicholas, Andrew M. Wilson, Geo. F. Duffey, J. J. Furey. M. W. Coffey, Daniel G. Coleman, C. J. Harrigan, J. J. Phillips, P. M. McGushin, E. I. Walsh, Sam Davis, Jas. T. Kelly, Thomas F. Lonergan, W. W. Sanderson.”[65]Ruef, in his story of his political career, “The Road I Traveled,” states that in an interview with William F. Herrin, chief of the Southern Pacific law department, previous to the primary campaign, the necessary expenses of the primary campaign and of the primary election were discussed. Herrin, according to Ruef’s account, agreed not to oppose the Ruef tickets. “As agreed prior to the primary,” Ruef goes on to say in his narrative: “Herrin paid me $14,000 for the purpose of securing for his organization the certainty of the votes of the San Francisco delegation.” See San Francisco Bulletin, August 31, 1912.[66]Henshaw was re-elected. After Ruef had been convicted and the Appellate Court had refused to grant him a new trial, Henshaw, before the briefs had been filed in the matter of the appeal from the Appellate to the Supreme Court, signed an order granting Ruef a new hearing. SeeChapter XXIX.[67]See decisions in Edson vs. The Southern Pacific Co., 133 Cal. Reports and 144 Cal. Reports.[68]Nor was this criticism confined to San Francisco; it was general throughout the State. The Sacramento Bee, in describing the conditions prevailing at San Francisco, said:“In the hold-ups which are now terrorizing the people of San Francisco the citizens are seeing the effects of a loose or dishonest municipal administration. The form of lawlessness now prevailing in San Francisco follows upon bad local government as inevitably as night follows day.”[69]Definite figures, alleged to be the graft schedule enforced in the San Francisco tenderloin after the fire, were published. The Chronicle of April 24, 1907, said on this score:“After the great disaster of last April, or so soon as the new tenderloin began to build up and the Barbary Coast district began to establish itself, a schedule of prices for protected vice was formulated. This schedule has been rigidly adhered to. In the case of houses of ill-fame, the proprietors were required to pay the policemen on the beat the sum of $5, the sergeants $15, the captains $25, and the chief of police $75 to $100 every week for the privilege of conducting their nefarious business. The gambling houses were assessed according to their ability to pay, but the average price for police protection, according to Heney, was about the same as the houses of prostitution. The dives along Pacific street and in the Barbary Coast district were required to pay $50 every week to the police captain and the chief, those two functionaries presumably dividing the money. The sporting saloons where women of the night life congregate were taxed a similar amount.”[70]Ruef advised strongly against Schmitz leaving San Francisco. In an interview printed in the San Francisco Call, May 16, 1907, the day after he had plead guilty to a charge of extorting money from French restaurant dives, Ruef said:“The great mistake of this whole thing began with the Mayor’s trip to Europe. The Mayor had been proclaimed as the man of the hour after the disaster of last April. He was suddenly seized with the desire of making a trip to Europe, where he expected to be received as one of the crowned heads. He thought his fame would spread throughout the world and he hoped to be lionized abroad and, incidentally, gain social prestige. The whole thing was a mistake. I begged him not to go. I pointed out to him that the city was in ruins and the place for the Mayor was at home. He persisted, and all my pleadings were in vain.”[71]At a preliminary meeting of the organizers of this movement, held in the office of the California Canners, October 10, 1906, responsibility for the state of affairs in San Francisco was charged to Ruef. It was stated at this meeting, and given out to the press, that convincing evidence had been secured against Ruef which warranted his prosecution.[72]Acting Mayor Gallagher was emphatic in declaring that no vigilance committee should disgrace San Francisco. The interior press, which was following the San Francisco situation closely and from an independent standpoint, advised Mayor Gallagher that the best way to prevent organization of such a committee would be to enforce the laws. Said the Stockton Record:“If Acting Mayor Gallagher and his associates wish to abate the agitation in favor of a committee of safety for San Francisco, they should do less talking and take more energetic action against the thug element. The police department of the afflicted city is now virtually on trial. It is even under suspicion of offenses graver than that of inefficiency. One or two more crimes of violence with well-known people as victims will fire the public indignation of San Francisco to a point where incapable officers will be forced aside and an authority created to meet the grave emergency confronting respectable citizenry.”The Stockton Independent went even further. Said that paper of the San Francisco situation:“Acting Mayor Gallagher of San Francisco declares there shall be no vigilance committee and no lynching in San Francisco. If he and the police are unable to prevent daily murders, or attempted murders, by single criminals, how can he prevent good citizens in hundreds of thousands from lynching those criminals if they catch them? Perhaps some of the purblind members of the police force may be among the first to be lynched.”[73]After Ruef’s capture of the Union Square meeting, Rev. P. C. Macfarlane, pastor of the First Christian Church at Alameda, said in a sermon (October 21, 1906) of the San Francisco situation:“Let a few resolute, clean-handed business men of San Francisco who are not cowards, who are not quitters or grafters, get together and make a purse of twenty, fifty or a hundred thousand dollars, then employ the ablest attorney to be had and set quietly to work to find the graft and punish the grafters. They could make chapel exercises on Sunday afternoon in San Quentin look like a political rally in San Francisco inside of two years.“Thus Eugene E. Schmitz stands before the world as a man who tried to reform and could not. He is a moral inebriate. He is a welcher. He is a wanderer on the face of the globe, a man without country, expatriated by his own cowardice. This is Dr. Jekyll.“But there are some who see in Schmitz Mr. Hyde. These do not give the Mayor credit for even a spasm of virtue and say that the great work of the morning of April 18 was done by General Funston and prominent citizens of their own volition. These people say that he has now gone from San Francisco, taking with him vast sums of money gained through the granting of the trolley franchise, plotted even while the embers smoldered, and that he will never return.“The United Railroads is universally believed to have acquired its trolley franchises by corrupt means. It is said that prominent merchants will crane and crook and bow and scrape to get a nod of recognition from Abe Ruef. Ruef has used the advantages given him by the state of affairs to corrupt the greatest city in California. Ruef owns the Board of Supervisors. The Police Commissioners belong to him. The saloon-keeper who wants a license, a corporation that wants a favor from the Board of Supervisors, has only to retain Ruef as an attorney at a fee sufficiently large.”Dr. Macfarlane gave expression to what many thoughtful men were thinking, but of which few with interests at San Francisco dared to admit openly.[74]Mr. Langdon’s statement was published October 21, 1906. It was in full as follows:“In view of the present extraordinary conditions prevalent in the City and County of San Francisco, the unusual increase in crime, which threatens to grow worse as the winter sets in, and in view of the numerous charges of official graft and malfeasance in office, I have determined to seize the opportunity presented, by the impanelment of a new grand jury, which has been set down for next Wednesday by Hon. Thomas F. Graham, the Presiding Judge of the Superior Court in the City and County of San Francisco, to inaugurate a systematic and thorough investigation into these conditions. It is my official duty to do so, and in pursuance of that duty and in view of the magnitude of the task, I have decided to seek the best assistance obtainable. It is my purpose to set at rest these charges of official graft by either proving them false or convicting those who are guilty. If the charges be untrue, their falsity should be demonstrated to the world, so as to remove the impressions which have been circulated to the injury of the credit and fair name of the city. If they be true we should show to the country that there is enough strength, virtue and civic pride in our people to enable the regularly constituted machinery of justice to re-establish conditions on a clean, righteous and just basis, without resort to any extraordinary expedients outside the law. This is to be an honest, fair, thorough and searching investigation. We shall protect no man. We shall persecute no man, but we shall prosecute every man who is guilty, regardless of position or standing in the city. In order that we may have the benefit of expert services in this work I have requested Mr. Francis J. Heney, who has won national fame for his work in the prosecution of the Oregon land fraud cases, to become a regular deputy in my office. Mr. Heney has accepted. It is unfortunate that this work should be commenced during a political campaign, but the conditions in San Francisco to-day require that radical action be taken at once, and though I may be charged with instituting this investigation at this particular juncture for political advantage, I must ask the public to judge me by the results attained, which will be the best answer.“I am not unmindful of the great difficulties involved in this investigation. It will be both laborious and costly. The money available under the appropriations made to the District Attorney’s office and the grand jury is, of course, utterly inadequate. Often previous investigations by other grand juries have been made abortive because of this lack of necessary funds to meet expenses. In the present instance we shall not suffer this severe handicap. I am authorized to announce that Mr. Rudolph Spreckels has guaranteed that he will personally undertake the collection from public-spirited citizens of a fund to provide for the expenses necessary to make the investigation thorough and so that good results may ensue. The city is in deep affliction consequent upon the dreadful calamities of last spring; it is in danger from certainly increasing invasion of desperate criminals from all over the world; some of the public departments are undoubtedly in bad hands, and I appeal to my fellow-citizens to give this investigation their moral support, so that the innocent may be protected, so that the guilty may be punished, and so that San Francisco may be helped to her feet and started again on the high road of prosperity in her material conditions, and have restored decency, efficiency, honesty and honor in her public affairs.“WILLIAM H. LANGDON, District Attorney.”[75]The persecution of the Bulletin during this period was characteristic of Ruef’s methods and reflected the state of lawlessness which prevailed in San Francisco. R. A. Crothers, proprietor of the paper, was assaulted and badly beaten. The newsboys organized into a union. The boys were sincere enough, but the movement was in reality engineered from the tenderloin. Soon a strike of newsboys against the Bulletin was inaugurated. Copies of the paper were snatched from the hands of citizens who purchased it. Bulletin carriers and agents were assaulted. Tugs of its delivery wagons were cut. When the paper was delivered to stores, sticks and stones were thrown in after it. The police did not interfere. The manifestations of lawlessness went unchecked. Libel suits were brought against the Bulletin. Business boycotts were attempted against it.[76]See address made by Heney before Citizens’ League of Justice in October, 1908.[77]Rudolph Spreckels, although connected with large enterprises, had steadfastly refused to employ Ruef as an attorney, or to join with him in any way. Given control of the San Francisco Gas Company, for example, although he was importuned to do so, Spreckels refused to employ Ruef as attorney for that company. Spreckels testified at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, that he had first realized the necessity of proceeding against Ruef and the Ruef-Schmitz administration when Ruef proposed to him to organize a syndicate to purchase San Francisco municipal bonds. Spreckels testified that Ruef set forth his plan as follows:“He (Ruef) asked me if I would get together a syndicate for the purpose of bidding on these bonds; that he would guarantee that if I did get up such a syndicate, our bid would be a successful bid; that we would not be obliged to bid above par, and that he would guarantee that we would be the successful bidders. My reply to Mr. Ruef was that I could not understand how anybody could make such an agreement or promise, and how did he propose to make such a statement—to carry out what he had stated. He said: ‘Why, that is a simple matter. You know my connection with the Labor Unions and the Labor Union party. Just at the time that the bids are about to come in, I will arrange to tie up this town; we will have the biggest strike that the community has ever known, and I would like to see any of your bankers or your capitalistic friends bid on the bonds under those circumstances, excepting yourself, those that are in the know’—words to that effect, was his expression. I said to Mr. Ruef: ‘Do you mean to say, Mr. Ruef, that for the purpose of making money you would bring about a strike which might entail even bloodshed, for the mere sake of making money?’ And Mr. Ruef flushed up and said: ‘Oh, no; I was only joking.’ And he soon withdrew from my office.”It is interesting to compare Spreckels’ attitude toward Ruef with that of I. W. Hellman, as shown by Hellman’s testimony at the trial of Tirey L. Ford. See footnote7,page 15.[78]Heney, in his address on the work of the Graft Prosecution, October, 1908, paid Langdon the following high tribute:“Mr. Langdon, as soon as we laid the matter before him and convinced him it was in good faith and not to serve private interests, said: ‘Yes, I will appoint Mr. Heney assistant in my office and give him full sway to make a thorough investigation, on one condition, and that is that I am kept personally in touch with everything going on at all times. I am District Attorney and I propose to be District Attorney and to act upon my own judgment.’ And there never has been a time that Mr. Langdon didn’t have absolute sway over all matters, and did not wholly consent to what was done, and he has had the final say in everything, and I wish to say that there is more credit due to him than to any of us. He had a greater personal sacrifice to make.“The first thing he had to take into consideration was that he had gone into office as the candidate of the Labor party, and he knew he would be called a traitor and denounced if it appeared that any man who had been on the same ticket as he had been elected upon had been grafting. He had to possess more moral than physical courage, and a higher kind of moral courage, and that courage was exercised to the credit of San Francisco as well as to the credit of Mr. Langdon.”[79]The Graft Defense labored without success to make it appear that Heney was compensated for his service. Out of the Prosecution fund, the expenses—rental, clerical hire, etc.—of offices, so far as they were maintained especially for the work of the Graft Prosecution, were paid. These were known as “Heney’s offices.” When Rudolph Spreckels was on the stand at the Calhoun trial, he testified under Heney’s announcement that the Defense could ask him any question it chose and no objection would be made. Earl Rogers, for Calhoun, endeavored to make it appear that Heney was getting pay.“Mr. Spreckels,” Rogers asked, “in addition to paying Mr. Heney’s office expenses, amounting to five or six hundred dollars a month, have you paid other expenses for Mr. Heney?”“No, sir,” Spreckels replied.Heney, the testimony all through shows, received not a dollar to compensate him for his services to the city; moreover, it shows that he had given up business which would have brought him large fees, that he might be free to conduct the Graft Prosecution. See transcript Calhoun trial, pages 3837 and on, 3746, 3743, etc.The efforts of well-compensated attorneys for the Defense to make it appear that Heney was paid for his work, furnish one of the amusing features of the graft trials.[80]The conference was held on May 10 or 11. This was four days before the Supervisors took the preliminary steps toward granting the United Railroads its overhead trolley permit, and several months before the bribe money was paid.[81]See testimony of Rudolph Spreckels at trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436.[82]Al McKinley was the first detective put to work for the Graft Prosecution. On May 25, 1906, Chief Burns detailed him to watch Ruef. Later, June 19, 1906, Burns directed Robert Perry to shadow Ruef. Perry did so until nearly a year later, when Ruef was placed in the custody of an elisor.[83]That prosecution of officials of the United Railroads was not thought of when the graft prosecution was begun, was brought out at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436. The following, for example, is taken from Rudolph Spreckels’ testimony:“Mr. Heney—Q. At the time that Mr. Phelan agreed to contribute the $10,000, Mr. Spreckels, what did you say, if anything, about contributing yourself? A. That was in the first meeting, I think, Mr. Heney, and I told him that I was ready and willing to contribute a similar amount: that I believed it would be possible to get others to join and contribute.“Q. At that time was anything said by any person about prosecuting Mr. Calhoun? A. Absolutely no.“Q. Or any person connected with the United Railroads Company? A. The discussion was entirely confined to the administration, the corrupt administration as we termed it.“Q. At that time did you have any purpose or intention of prosecuting Mr. Calhoun? A. I had not.“Q. Did you have any reason to believe that Mr. Calhoun at that time had committed any crime? A. I had no indication of such a crime.“Mr. Moore—Was that time fixed, Mr. Heney?“Mr. Heney—Yes, it was fixed; the first conversation, and he has fixed it as nearly as he could.“The Court—Have you in mind the testimony on that point, Mr. Moore? There was some reference to it in an earlier part of the examination.“Mr. Heney—Q. When you had the talk with Mr. Heney in April, 1906, did you say anything about prosecuting Mr. Calhoun, or anybody connected with the United Railroads? A. I did not.“Q. Did you at any time tell Mr. Heney that you desired to have him prosecute Mr. Patrick Calhoun? A. I did not, at any time.“Q. Did you tell him at any time that you desired to have him prosecute any person connected with the United Railroads Company? A. I did not.” See transcript The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436, page 3730.[84]Rudolph Spreckels testified at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436:“Mr. Perry was employed to get information in regard to Mr. Abraham Ruef and the city administration as early as June, 1906, and his efforts and of one other man employed at that time were directed toward that and that only.”[85]See San Francisco newspapers, November 1, 1906.[86]Gallagher’s statement was in full as follows:It seems to me that these assaults that are being made upon Mayor Schmitz are exceedingly reprehensible. It is strange that the gentlemen who are making the attacks did not see fit to make them while Mayor Schmitz was here. Especially does this apply to Langdon, who, by reason of past association with Mayor Schmitz, and favors received by him from the Mayor, should have been the last man to attempt to besmirch the Mayor in his absence. I am satisfied that all these attacks upon the administration officials have their origin in the long-continued attempt on behalf of the Citizens’ Alliance to disrupt the labor organizations of the city. An administration that is friendly to organized labor is an impassable obstacle in the way of such a purpose. The enormous amount of labor of all kinds that will have to be performed in this city during the next few years has undoubtedly prompted the organizers of the old Citizens’ Alliance to renew their assaults upon the officials elected by the Union Labor party in the hope that they may thereby themselves secure control of the municipal administration and thus work out their own will in the matter of the conditions under which labor shall perform the task of rebuilding this city.“So far as I am concerned personally, I consider that the disruption of the labor organization would be a great sacrifice of the interests of all of the people. The city must be built up; but the Citizens’ Alliance and all organizations and individuals in sympathy with it may as well understand, first as last, that the work will only be done through organized labor, and not by the employment of pauper labor in competition with the mechanics and artisans of the labor unions.“That this view of the situation is well recognized by the labor organizations of the city is shown by the action of the Building Trades Council last night in approving and indorsing my action in removing Mr. Langdon.”[87]Contained in a statement published May 18, 1907. See San Francisco papers of that date.[88]The nature of the attacks upon the supporters of the Prosecution is shown by the proceedings in the libel suit brought by the San Francisco First National Bank against the Oakland Tribune. Rudolph Spreckels was president of the bank; the Tribune was one of the stanchest of the opponents of the prosecution. The Tribune charged that the Graft Prosecution had for one of its objects the unloading of the Spring Valley Water Company’s plant upon San Francisco, and that the First National Bank was burdened with Spring Valley securities. Among other things the article set forth:“The recent disclosures of the methods by which it was sought to unload Spring Valley’s old junk, called a distributing system, together with its inadequate supply of inferior water, on the city at an outrageous figure by the swinging of the ‘big stick’ has not enhanced the value of the securities of the corporation in the view of the national examiners. Even the efforts to cloud the real purposes of the promoters of the Spring Valley job by calling it a civic uprising to stamp out municipal graft is said to have failed to mislead the Federal experts. The suggestion that the ‘big stick’ would force the city to purchase the plant of the decrepit corporation for $28,000,000 after its real estimate was appraised by an expert at $5,000,000 and held by the bondholders to be worth, as realty speculation, $15,000,000, has not enthused the Federal bank examiners in relation to the value of Spring Valley bonds as security for a national bank.”The First National Bank did not hold Spring Valley Company securities. As the Tribune’s charges were calculated to injure the bank, action for libel followed. At the hearings, it developed that the articles had been furnished the Tribune by the political editor of the San Francisco Chronicle, who testified that he was paid fifty dollars a week for his Tribune articles. This was more than his salary as political editor of the Chronicle. He admitted on the stand that he had heard what he stated in his article, “only as a matter of gossip.”[89]The San Francisco Call, in an editorial article, printed October 22, expressed the general sentiment in San Francisco. The Call said:“San Francisco will welcome the undertaking by Mr. Francis J. Heney of the duty to search out and bring to justice the official boodlers and their brokers that afflict the body politic. Public opinion is unanimous in the belief that Supervisors have been bribed and that administrative functions such as those of the Board of Works and the Health Board have been peddled in secret market. Even the Board of Education is not exempted from suspicion.“These convictions, prevailing in the public mind, call for verification or refutation. The sudden affluence of certain members of the Board of Supervisors, the current and generally credited reports that the United Railroads paid upward of $500,000 in bribes to grease the way of its overhead trolley franchise, the appearance of public officials in the guise of capitalists making large investments in skating rinks and other considerable enterprises—these and other lines of investigation demand the probe. If there has been no dishonesty in office the officials should be the first to insist on a thorough inquiry.“If it is true, as we believe, that official boodling has been the practice, a systematic inquiry will surely uncover the crimes. It is impossible to commit such offenses where so many are concerned without leaving some trace that can be followed and run to earth. The crimes of the gaspipe thugs seemed for the moment hidden in impenetrable mystery, but patient search discovers the trail that leads to conviction. Criminals are rarely men of high intelligence. They betray themselves at one or other turn of their windings. We are convinced that some of our Supervisors and not a few of the executive officials appointed by Schmitz are in no degree superior in point of intelligence and moral sense to the gaspipe robbers.“Mr. Heney’s record as a remorseless and indefatigable prosecutor of official rascals is known. He will have the assistance in his new work of Mr. William J. Burns, who did so much to bring to light the Oregon land frauds. Those crimes were surrounded and protected by fortifications of political influence that were deemed impregnable. When the inquiry was first undertaken nobody believed it would ever come to anything. It was a slow business, even as the mills of the gods grind slowly, but if fine the grist of the criminal courts of Oregon is large and satisfying.“The people of San Francisco have been sorely tried. Fire and earthquake we cannot help, but the unhappy city has been made the prey of a set of conscienceless thieves who have done nothing since our great calamity beyond promoting schemes to fill their own pockets. Our streets, our sewers, our schools and our public buildings have been neglected, but the sale of permits and franchises, the working of real estate jobs and the market for privileges of every variety have been brisk and incessant. Officials have grown rich: Some of them are spending money like a drunken sailor. It is time for housecleaning and a day of reckoning. Heney and Burns will put the question: ‘Where did they get it?’”[90]Bishop Montgomery, of the Roman Catholic Church, in an interview in the San Francisco Call, October 20, 1906, said in reference to the San Francisco graft prosecution:“Mere accusations have been so long and so persistently made that the public has a right to know the truth; and, above all, those who are innocently so charged have a right to a public and complete vindication. Nothing now but a thorough and honest investigation can clear the atmosphere and set us right before the world and with ourselves.“I have such confidence in the courts of California that I believe no innocent man needs to fear that he will suffer from them, and no guilty man has any just right to complain.“I believe the investigation has been undertaken in good faith for the best interests of the city, and that it will be conducted thoroughly and honestly.”[91]Mr. Spreckels’ statement was contained in an interview printed in the San Francisco Call, October 28, 1906. It was as follows:“This is no question of capital and labor,” he said, “but of dishonesty and justice. There is no association of men, capitalists or others, behind what we have undertaken, and it cannot be made a class question. No one knows that better than Ruef. And it will be impossible for him to fool the workingman by these insinuations.“I want the workingmen of this city to recall that meeting which was recently held in Union Square. I was asked to attend that meeting and be its chairman. I refused to preside, to speak or go there unless I could be assured that it was not to be a movement of the capitalistic class on the one hand against the workingmen on the other. And because I did not receive that assurance I did not attend. Mr. Heney stayed away for the same reason.“Now, who was it that originated that meeting? Sam Shortridge. Who was it who drew the resolutions; who was it who prompted the speakers and the chairman? It was Sam Shortridge.S“Mr. Ruef says that meeting was dominated and arranged by the Citizens’ Alliance. Very well. Then let Mr. Ruef explain to the workingmen why it was that a few days afterward he hired Sam Shortridge as his attorney.“I believe that it is impossible to fool the laboring men of this city now. Absolutely and definitely I want to say to them that there is nothing behind this movement but the desire for a clean city. It is absolutely regardless of class. Every man who owns a home, who has a family, is as much interested in what we have undertaken as is the wealthiest citizen.”[92]See San Francisco Examiner, October 28, 1906, from which the following is taken: “Of course there was no bribery(said General Ford),nor offer to bribe, nor was there anything done except upon clean and legitimate lines.”“Q. General, if any bribe, or offer to bribe, had been made by your company to any person connected with the San Francisco municipal administration, or to any political boss having control of the same, or if any member of the Board of Supervisors, or of the municipal government had benefited to the extent of one dollar financially by the agreement to grant to the United Railroads the privilege desired, you, in your official capacity, would undoubtedly be aware of it, would you not? A. I am certain that I would; I am, therefore, equally certain that no such thing was ever done or contemplated.”[93]The following are excerpts from interviews published in the San Francisco Examiner, October 23, 1906:Abraham Ruef: “I am satisfied that if Mayor Schmitz had known that this investigation was afoot he would have postponed his trip abroad and would have remained here to disprove all allegations of graft.”Supervisor Andrew Wilson: “I shall be glad to welcome any investigation as to my official acts or as to my official conduct. I never took a dishonest dollar in my life.”Supervisor Patrick McGushin: “The more they investigate, the better I shall like it. I do not believe Mr. Heney has any evidence of graft. Speaking for myself, he can investigate me or my bank account if he likes.”Acting Mayor James L. Gallagher: “So far as the administration is concerned from the statements I have received, everything is straight. So far as the Police Department is concerned no one can tell. I can not tell.”Supervisor Jennings Phillips: “This investigation will be a good thing. There has been so much talk of graft and so many accusations that it all will be settled once and for all. If Mr. Heney has any evidence I know nothing of its nature nor against what part of the administration it is directed.”Supervisor Edward Walsh: “As a Supervisor I have tried to do my best. I court an investigation. I do not pay much attention to Mr. Heney’s statements. I have been here thirty-seven years and I can hold up my head, as can every other member of this Board.”Supervisor Michael Coffey: “Nothing would afford me more pleasure than to have them investigate my integrity and my official acts. I hope they’ll make a full and thorough investigation and clear us all of the slurs that have been cast upon us.”Supervisor S. Davis: “I think there is nothing to this whole thing. If Mr. Heney can find out anything let him do it. It is hard to have insinuations cast at you. My personal connection with the administration has been straight.”Supervisor F. P. Nicholas: “There has been so much noise about graft that it will be a good thing to go thoroughly into the matter. Personally I court an investigation of my official acts. If Mr. Heney has any evidence of corruption I know nothing of it.”Supervisor Daniel Coleman: “These loud cries of graft that have been current of late will be silenced through this investigation. It should be thoroughly gone into so that the purity of the administration cannot hereafter be questioned.”Supervisor Max Mamlock: “I do not think it is worth my while to think about this investigation. I do not see where Mr. Burns or Mr. Heney could get any evidence of graft.”[94]Acting-Mayor Gallagher’s order removing Langdon is printed in full in the appendix. One of the charges alleged against Langdon was that he had appointed Francis J. Heney to be his deputy for ulterior purposes. Of Heney it was alleged that he had “in a public speech in said city and county (San Francisco), aspersed the character and good name of a prominent citizen of this community (Abe Ruef), and stated that he knew him to be corrupt, etc.”Acting-Mayor Gallagher’s order of removal was made in persuance of Sections 18 and 19 of Article XVI of the San Francisco Charter, which read as follows:“Sec. 18. Any elected officer, except Supervisor, may be suspended by the Mayor and removed by the Supervisors for cause; and any appointed officer may be removed by the Mayor for cause. The Mayor shall appoint some person to discharge the duties of the office during the period of such suspension.“Sec. 19. When the Mayor shall suspend any elected officer he shall immediately notify the Supervisors of such suspension and the cause therefor. If the Board is not in session, he shall immediately call a session of the same in such manner as shall be provided by ordinance. The Mayor shall present written charges against such suspended officer to the Board and furnish a copy of the same to said officer, who shall have the right to appear with counsel before the Board in his defense. If by an affirmative vote of not less than fourteen members of the Board of Supervisors, taken by ayes and noes and entered on its record, the action of the Mayor is approved, then the suspended officer shall thereby be removed from office; but if the action of the Mayor is not so approved such suspended officer shall be immediately reinstated.”[95]Gallagher testified at the trial of The People vs. Ruef, No. 1437, to the conversation at Ruef’s law offices when Ruef first broached the matter of Langdon’s removal, as follows: “The substance of the conversation was that Mr. Ruef stated that it might become necessary to remove Mr. Langdon from the office of District Attorney, and to appoint somebody else. I replied that that was a matter for him to make up his mind on; if he determined it had to be done. I would do it; words to that effect. I cannot give the exact language.”[96]The San Francisco Chronicle, in its issue of October 26, thus describes the proceedings attending Langdon’s removal:“Gallagher took the chair at 6:30 p. m. and there was ten minutes’ perfunctory business.“His honor seemed uneasy, but at the careful prompting of Secretary Keane, he called for ‘communications from executive officers.’“Keane then announced, ‘From his honor, the Mayor,’ and read Gallagher’s letter suspending District Attorney Langdon ‘for neglect of duty’ and sundry other charges.“During the reading of the long document there was no sound In the hall save the hoarse voice of Secretary Keane, and on its completion Supervisor Sanderson arose.“Gallagher explained that Langdon would ‘be given an opportunity next Thursday afternoon at 2:30 o’clock to appear before the board and defend himself against the charges.’“He then recognized Sanderson, who offered a motion accepting the communication from the Mayor and directing that Langdon be directed to appear to answer.“Supervisor Wilson seconded the motion.“Upon the call for the ‘ayes,’ although the Supervisors usually let silence Indicate their consent, there was a chorus of approval, and upon the call for the ‘noes’ there was dead silence.“Supervisors L. A. Rea and J. J. Furey were not present.”[97]At the trial of The People vs. Ruef, No. 1437, page of Transcript 2654, Wilson testified: “I told him (Ruef) that I thought it was a bad move at this time and that the papers in the morning would state it was simply a confession of guilt; and I said that I had stood there and taken my program on the matter, but I felt it would ruin my chances in the face of an election, running for Railroad Commissioner, and he said I would feel better after I had something to eat, and we went over to Tait’s and had supper. On the way over he (Ruef) sent Charlie Hagerty in to notify Mr. Heney of his removal.”[98]Ruef’s order dismissing Heney was as follows:“Mr. Francis J. Heney: You are hereby removed from the position of Assistant District Attorney of the City and County of San Francisco.“Dated. October 25, 1906.“(Signed) A. RUEF,“Acting District Attorney.”[99]P. H. McCarthy and O. A. Tveitmoe, respectively president and secretary of the Building Trades Council.[100]The resolutions adopted by Bricklayers’ and Masons’ International Union No. 7, were as follows:“Whereas, The office of District Attorney of San Francisco County has been declared vacant by the Acting Mayor and Supervisors at a time when the said District Attorney was preparing an investigation into the official acts of the said Supervisors and others; and“Whereas, One of the persons accused by the said District Attorney of being guilty of criminal acts, has been appointed by the Acting Mayor and Supervisors to fill the office thus vacated; and“Whereas, The Building Trades Council of San Francisco has indorsed the action of the administration, and the president and secretary of said Council has aided and abetted said usurpation of power to the utmost of their ability; therefore, be it“Resolved, That this Union condemn the action of the Council in this matter, and that we condemn the president and secretary of the Council for lending or selling their aid to help to prevent the investigation of the public acts of officials who have thrown themselves open to suspicion, and thereby placing the honest union men of San Francisco in the false light of indorsing such high-handed defiance of the law; and be it“Resolved, That we deny that the proposed prosecution of the present administration is an attack on organized labor; and further, be it“Resolved, That it is the sense of this Union that the president and secretary of the Building Trades Council are not fit persons to be at the head of the Union movement in San Francisco, and that the delegates representing this Union in the Council are hereby instructed to use every honorable means to carry out the spirit of this resolution; and further, be it“Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be furnished by the corresponding secretary to each and every Union affiliated with the Council, so that they will consider this an invitation from this Union to assist in ridding the central body of officers whom we believe have done all in their power to bring unionism into disrepute.”Similar resolutions were adopted by Journeymen Plumbers, Gas and Steam Fitters’ Local, No. 442.
[62]Said the Examiner in its issue of May 16, 1906: “It looks very much as if Patrick Calhoun, Thornwell Mullally and their pals of the United Railroads had sneaked up behind San Francisco just as she lay wounded from earthquake and conflagration. In the guise of helping her, they were caught picking her pocket. If the Supervisors aid and abet them, the people will be warranted in setting up their effigies in lasting bronze, a group of everlasting infamy, with the inscription: ‘THESE MEN LOOTED SAN FRANCISCO AT THE TIME OF THE GREAT FIRE OF 1906.’”
Said the Examiner in its issue of May 16, 1906: “It looks very much as if Patrick Calhoun, Thornwell Mullally and their pals of the United Railroads had sneaked up behind San Francisco just as she lay wounded from earthquake and conflagration. In the guise of helping her, they were caught picking her pocket. If the Supervisors aid and abet them, the people will be warranted in setting up their effigies in lasting bronze, a group of everlasting infamy, with the inscription: ‘THESE MEN LOOTED SAN FRANCISCO AT THE TIME OF THE GREAT FIRE OF 1906.’”
[63]Of the failure to exact pay for the franchise, the Examiner of May 17, 1906, said:“Mayor Schmitz and the Board of Supervisors must know, and if they do not know they are now informed, that the franchises they propose to give away to the United Railroads are worth a great deal of money to the city of San Francisco, and they certainly do know that the city never was so greatly in need of money as now. To give away so much of value at such a time is so hideous a crime that it will leave a scar upon the reputation of everybody concerned in it, no matter what that reputation has been up to the time of the infamy.”
Of the failure to exact pay for the franchise, the Examiner of May 17, 1906, said:
“Mayor Schmitz and the Board of Supervisors must know, and if they do not know they are now informed, that the franchises they propose to give away to the United Railroads are worth a great deal of money to the city of San Francisco, and they certainly do know that the city never was so greatly in need of money as now. To give away so much of value at such a time is so hideous a crime that it will leave a scar upon the reputation of everybody concerned in it, no matter what that reputation has been up to the time of the infamy.”
[64]The Supervisors’ letter to the Examiner was as follows:“San Francisco, Cal., May 26, 1906.“To ‘The San Francisco Examiner,’ City—Gentlemen: The Board of Supervisors of the City and County of San Francisco, regretting the hostile stand which your journal has in these distressing times assumed toward the rebuilding of our destroyed city, by indiscriminately attacking every vested interest and all intending investments of capital in this city, respectfully submits for your consideration the propriety of joining with instead of assailing those who are in good faith and with their energy and ability striving to restore and rebuild our beloved city.“Irrespective of any personal feeling caused by your wanton attacks on his Honor the Mayor, and on this Board, we ask of you, as citizens of San Francisco and as the legislative branch of our government, to cease your thoughtless and dangerous efforts to drive away from our city every interest which has expressed its intention to assist in our rebuilding and which has manifested a practical confidence in our future. Otherwise, the day will certainly not be far distant when the people, realizing the result of your course, will seek to protect the city against its further continuance.“In all good faith for the city’s interests and without any personal rancor, these suggestions are submitted to your careful attention.“Respectfully, James L. Gallagher, Max Mamlock, Chas. Boxton, L. A. Rea, F. P. Nicholas, Andrew M. Wilson, Geo. F. Duffey, J. J. Furey. M. W. Coffey, Daniel G. Coleman, C. J. Harrigan, J. J. Phillips, P. M. McGushin, E. I. Walsh, Sam Davis, Jas. T. Kelly, Thomas F. Lonergan, W. W. Sanderson.”
The Supervisors’ letter to the Examiner was as follows:
“San Francisco, Cal., May 26, 1906.
“To ‘The San Francisco Examiner,’ City—Gentlemen: The Board of Supervisors of the City and County of San Francisco, regretting the hostile stand which your journal has in these distressing times assumed toward the rebuilding of our destroyed city, by indiscriminately attacking every vested interest and all intending investments of capital in this city, respectfully submits for your consideration the propriety of joining with instead of assailing those who are in good faith and with their energy and ability striving to restore and rebuild our beloved city.
“Irrespective of any personal feeling caused by your wanton attacks on his Honor the Mayor, and on this Board, we ask of you, as citizens of San Francisco and as the legislative branch of our government, to cease your thoughtless and dangerous efforts to drive away from our city every interest which has expressed its intention to assist in our rebuilding and which has manifested a practical confidence in our future. Otherwise, the day will certainly not be far distant when the people, realizing the result of your course, will seek to protect the city against its further continuance.
“In all good faith for the city’s interests and without any personal rancor, these suggestions are submitted to your careful attention.
“Respectfully, James L. Gallagher, Max Mamlock, Chas. Boxton, L. A. Rea, F. P. Nicholas, Andrew M. Wilson, Geo. F. Duffey, J. J. Furey. M. W. Coffey, Daniel G. Coleman, C. J. Harrigan, J. J. Phillips, P. M. McGushin, E. I. Walsh, Sam Davis, Jas. T. Kelly, Thomas F. Lonergan, W. W. Sanderson.”
[65]Ruef, in his story of his political career, “The Road I Traveled,” states that in an interview with William F. Herrin, chief of the Southern Pacific law department, previous to the primary campaign, the necessary expenses of the primary campaign and of the primary election were discussed. Herrin, according to Ruef’s account, agreed not to oppose the Ruef tickets. “As agreed prior to the primary,” Ruef goes on to say in his narrative: “Herrin paid me $14,000 for the purpose of securing for his organization the certainty of the votes of the San Francisco delegation.” See San Francisco Bulletin, August 31, 1912.
Ruef, in his story of his political career, “The Road I Traveled,” states that in an interview with William F. Herrin, chief of the Southern Pacific law department, previous to the primary campaign, the necessary expenses of the primary campaign and of the primary election were discussed. Herrin, according to Ruef’s account, agreed not to oppose the Ruef tickets. “As agreed prior to the primary,” Ruef goes on to say in his narrative: “Herrin paid me $14,000 for the purpose of securing for his organization the certainty of the votes of the San Francisco delegation.” See San Francisco Bulletin, August 31, 1912.
[66]Henshaw was re-elected. After Ruef had been convicted and the Appellate Court had refused to grant him a new trial, Henshaw, before the briefs had been filed in the matter of the appeal from the Appellate to the Supreme Court, signed an order granting Ruef a new hearing. SeeChapter XXIX.
Henshaw was re-elected. After Ruef had been convicted and the Appellate Court had refused to grant him a new trial, Henshaw, before the briefs had been filed in the matter of the appeal from the Appellate to the Supreme Court, signed an order granting Ruef a new hearing. SeeChapter XXIX.
[67]See decisions in Edson vs. The Southern Pacific Co., 133 Cal. Reports and 144 Cal. Reports.
See decisions in Edson vs. The Southern Pacific Co., 133 Cal. Reports and 144 Cal. Reports.
[68]Nor was this criticism confined to San Francisco; it was general throughout the State. The Sacramento Bee, in describing the conditions prevailing at San Francisco, said:“In the hold-ups which are now terrorizing the people of San Francisco the citizens are seeing the effects of a loose or dishonest municipal administration. The form of lawlessness now prevailing in San Francisco follows upon bad local government as inevitably as night follows day.”
Nor was this criticism confined to San Francisco; it was general throughout the State. The Sacramento Bee, in describing the conditions prevailing at San Francisco, said:
“In the hold-ups which are now terrorizing the people of San Francisco the citizens are seeing the effects of a loose or dishonest municipal administration. The form of lawlessness now prevailing in San Francisco follows upon bad local government as inevitably as night follows day.”
[69]Definite figures, alleged to be the graft schedule enforced in the San Francisco tenderloin after the fire, were published. The Chronicle of April 24, 1907, said on this score:“After the great disaster of last April, or so soon as the new tenderloin began to build up and the Barbary Coast district began to establish itself, a schedule of prices for protected vice was formulated. This schedule has been rigidly adhered to. In the case of houses of ill-fame, the proprietors were required to pay the policemen on the beat the sum of $5, the sergeants $15, the captains $25, and the chief of police $75 to $100 every week for the privilege of conducting their nefarious business. The gambling houses were assessed according to their ability to pay, but the average price for police protection, according to Heney, was about the same as the houses of prostitution. The dives along Pacific street and in the Barbary Coast district were required to pay $50 every week to the police captain and the chief, those two functionaries presumably dividing the money. The sporting saloons where women of the night life congregate were taxed a similar amount.”
Definite figures, alleged to be the graft schedule enforced in the San Francisco tenderloin after the fire, were published. The Chronicle of April 24, 1907, said on this score:
“After the great disaster of last April, or so soon as the new tenderloin began to build up and the Barbary Coast district began to establish itself, a schedule of prices for protected vice was formulated. This schedule has been rigidly adhered to. In the case of houses of ill-fame, the proprietors were required to pay the policemen on the beat the sum of $5, the sergeants $15, the captains $25, and the chief of police $75 to $100 every week for the privilege of conducting their nefarious business. The gambling houses were assessed according to their ability to pay, but the average price for police protection, according to Heney, was about the same as the houses of prostitution. The dives along Pacific street and in the Barbary Coast district were required to pay $50 every week to the police captain and the chief, those two functionaries presumably dividing the money. The sporting saloons where women of the night life congregate were taxed a similar amount.”
[70]Ruef advised strongly against Schmitz leaving San Francisco. In an interview printed in the San Francisco Call, May 16, 1907, the day after he had plead guilty to a charge of extorting money from French restaurant dives, Ruef said:“The great mistake of this whole thing began with the Mayor’s trip to Europe. The Mayor had been proclaimed as the man of the hour after the disaster of last April. He was suddenly seized with the desire of making a trip to Europe, where he expected to be received as one of the crowned heads. He thought his fame would spread throughout the world and he hoped to be lionized abroad and, incidentally, gain social prestige. The whole thing was a mistake. I begged him not to go. I pointed out to him that the city was in ruins and the place for the Mayor was at home. He persisted, and all my pleadings were in vain.”
Ruef advised strongly against Schmitz leaving San Francisco. In an interview printed in the San Francisco Call, May 16, 1907, the day after he had plead guilty to a charge of extorting money from French restaurant dives, Ruef said:
“The great mistake of this whole thing began with the Mayor’s trip to Europe. The Mayor had been proclaimed as the man of the hour after the disaster of last April. He was suddenly seized with the desire of making a trip to Europe, where he expected to be received as one of the crowned heads. He thought his fame would spread throughout the world and he hoped to be lionized abroad and, incidentally, gain social prestige. The whole thing was a mistake. I begged him not to go. I pointed out to him that the city was in ruins and the place for the Mayor was at home. He persisted, and all my pleadings were in vain.”
[71]At a preliminary meeting of the organizers of this movement, held in the office of the California Canners, October 10, 1906, responsibility for the state of affairs in San Francisco was charged to Ruef. It was stated at this meeting, and given out to the press, that convincing evidence had been secured against Ruef which warranted his prosecution.
At a preliminary meeting of the organizers of this movement, held in the office of the California Canners, October 10, 1906, responsibility for the state of affairs in San Francisco was charged to Ruef. It was stated at this meeting, and given out to the press, that convincing evidence had been secured against Ruef which warranted his prosecution.
[72]Acting Mayor Gallagher was emphatic in declaring that no vigilance committee should disgrace San Francisco. The interior press, which was following the San Francisco situation closely and from an independent standpoint, advised Mayor Gallagher that the best way to prevent organization of such a committee would be to enforce the laws. Said the Stockton Record:“If Acting Mayor Gallagher and his associates wish to abate the agitation in favor of a committee of safety for San Francisco, they should do less talking and take more energetic action against the thug element. The police department of the afflicted city is now virtually on trial. It is even under suspicion of offenses graver than that of inefficiency. One or two more crimes of violence with well-known people as victims will fire the public indignation of San Francisco to a point where incapable officers will be forced aside and an authority created to meet the grave emergency confronting respectable citizenry.”The Stockton Independent went even further. Said that paper of the San Francisco situation:“Acting Mayor Gallagher of San Francisco declares there shall be no vigilance committee and no lynching in San Francisco. If he and the police are unable to prevent daily murders, or attempted murders, by single criminals, how can he prevent good citizens in hundreds of thousands from lynching those criminals if they catch them? Perhaps some of the purblind members of the police force may be among the first to be lynched.”
Acting Mayor Gallagher was emphatic in declaring that no vigilance committee should disgrace San Francisco. The interior press, which was following the San Francisco situation closely and from an independent standpoint, advised Mayor Gallagher that the best way to prevent organization of such a committee would be to enforce the laws. Said the Stockton Record:
“If Acting Mayor Gallagher and his associates wish to abate the agitation in favor of a committee of safety for San Francisco, they should do less talking and take more energetic action against the thug element. The police department of the afflicted city is now virtually on trial. It is even under suspicion of offenses graver than that of inefficiency. One or two more crimes of violence with well-known people as victims will fire the public indignation of San Francisco to a point where incapable officers will be forced aside and an authority created to meet the grave emergency confronting respectable citizenry.”
The Stockton Independent went even further. Said that paper of the San Francisco situation:
“Acting Mayor Gallagher of San Francisco declares there shall be no vigilance committee and no lynching in San Francisco. If he and the police are unable to prevent daily murders, or attempted murders, by single criminals, how can he prevent good citizens in hundreds of thousands from lynching those criminals if they catch them? Perhaps some of the purblind members of the police force may be among the first to be lynched.”
[73]After Ruef’s capture of the Union Square meeting, Rev. P. C. Macfarlane, pastor of the First Christian Church at Alameda, said in a sermon (October 21, 1906) of the San Francisco situation:“Let a few resolute, clean-handed business men of San Francisco who are not cowards, who are not quitters or grafters, get together and make a purse of twenty, fifty or a hundred thousand dollars, then employ the ablest attorney to be had and set quietly to work to find the graft and punish the grafters. They could make chapel exercises on Sunday afternoon in San Quentin look like a political rally in San Francisco inside of two years.“Thus Eugene E. Schmitz stands before the world as a man who tried to reform and could not. He is a moral inebriate. He is a welcher. He is a wanderer on the face of the globe, a man without country, expatriated by his own cowardice. This is Dr. Jekyll.“But there are some who see in Schmitz Mr. Hyde. These do not give the Mayor credit for even a spasm of virtue and say that the great work of the morning of April 18 was done by General Funston and prominent citizens of their own volition. These people say that he has now gone from San Francisco, taking with him vast sums of money gained through the granting of the trolley franchise, plotted even while the embers smoldered, and that he will never return.“The United Railroads is universally believed to have acquired its trolley franchises by corrupt means. It is said that prominent merchants will crane and crook and bow and scrape to get a nod of recognition from Abe Ruef. Ruef has used the advantages given him by the state of affairs to corrupt the greatest city in California. Ruef owns the Board of Supervisors. The Police Commissioners belong to him. The saloon-keeper who wants a license, a corporation that wants a favor from the Board of Supervisors, has only to retain Ruef as an attorney at a fee sufficiently large.”Dr. Macfarlane gave expression to what many thoughtful men were thinking, but of which few with interests at San Francisco dared to admit openly.
After Ruef’s capture of the Union Square meeting, Rev. P. C. Macfarlane, pastor of the First Christian Church at Alameda, said in a sermon (October 21, 1906) of the San Francisco situation:
“Let a few resolute, clean-handed business men of San Francisco who are not cowards, who are not quitters or grafters, get together and make a purse of twenty, fifty or a hundred thousand dollars, then employ the ablest attorney to be had and set quietly to work to find the graft and punish the grafters. They could make chapel exercises on Sunday afternoon in San Quentin look like a political rally in San Francisco inside of two years.
“Thus Eugene E. Schmitz stands before the world as a man who tried to reform and could not. He is a moral inebriate. He is a welcher. He is a wanderer on the face of the globe, a man without country, expatriated by his own cowardice. This is Dr. Jekyll.
“But there are some who see in Schmitz Mr. Hyde. These do not give the Mayor credit for even a spasm of virtue and say that the great work of the morning of April 18 was done by General Funston and prominent citizens of their own volition. These people say that he has now gone from San Francisco, taking with him vast sums of money gained through the granting of the trolley franchise, plotted even while the embers smoldered, and that he will never return.
“The United Railroads is universally believed to have acquired its trolley franchises by corrupt means. It is said that prominent merchants will crane and crook and bow and scrape to get a nod of recognition from Abe Ruef. Ruef has used the advantages given him by the state of affairs to corrupt the greatest city in California. Ruef owns the Board of Supervisors. The Police Commissioners belong to him. The saloon-keeper who wants a license, a corporation that wants a favor from the Board of Supervisors, has only to retain Ruef as an attorney at a fee sufficiently large.”
Dr. Macfarlane gave expression to what many thoughtful men were thinking, but of which few with interests at San Francisco dared to admit openly.
[74]Mr. Langdon’s statement was published October 21, 1906. It was in full as follows:“In view of the present extraordinary conditions prevalent in the City and County of San Francisco, the unusual increase in crime, which threatens to grow worse as the winter sets in, and in view of the numerous charges of official graft and malfeasance in office, I have determined to seize the opportunity presented, by the impanelment of a new grand jury, which has been set down for next Wednesday by Hon. Thomas F. Graham, the Presiding Judge of the Superior Court in the City and County of San Francisco, to inaugurate a systematic and thorough investigation into these conditions. It is my official duty to do so, and in pursuance of that duty and in view of the magnitude of the task, I have decided to seek the best assistance obtainable. It is my purpose to set at rest these charges of official graft by either proving them false or convicting those who are guilty. If the charges be untrue, their falsity should be demonstrated to the world, so as to remove the impressions which have been circulated to the injury of the credit and fair name of the city. If they be true we should show to the country that there is enough strength, virtue and civic pride in our people to enable the regularly constituted machinery of justice to re-establish conditions on a clean, righteous and just basis, without resort to any extraordinary expedients outside the law. This is to be an honest, fair, thorough and searching investigation. We shall protect no man. We shall persecute no man, but we shall prosecute every man who is guilty, regardless of position or standing in the city. In order that we may have the benefit of expert services in this work I have requested Mr. Francis J. Heney, who has won national fame for his work in the prosecution of the Oregon land fraud cases, to become a regular deputy in my office. Mr. Heney has accepted. It is unfortunate that this work should be commenced during a political campaign, but the conditions in San Francisco to-day require that radical action be taken at once, and though I may be charged with instituting this investigation at this particular juncture for political advantage, I must ask the public to judge me by the results attained, which will be the best answer.“I am not unmindful of the great difficulties involved in this investigation. It will be both laborious and costly. The money available under the appropriations made to the District Attorney’s office and the grand jury is, of course, utterly inadequate. Often previous investigations by other grand juries have been made abortive because of this lack of necessary funds to meet expenses. In the present instance we shall not suffer this severe handicap. I am authorized to announce that Mr. Rudolph Spreckels has guaranteed that he will personally undertake the collection from public-spirited citizens of a fund to provide for the expenses necessary to make the investigation thorough and so that good results may ensue. The city is in deep affliction consequent upon the dreadful calamities of last spring; it is in danger from certainly increasing invasion of desperate criminals from all over the world; some of the public departments are undoubtedly in bad hands, and I appeal to my fellow-citizens to give this investigation their moral support, so that the innocent may be protected, so that the guilty may be punished, and so that San Francisco may be helped to her feet and started again on the high road of prosperity in her material conditions, and have restored decency, efficiency, honesty and honor in her public affairs.“WILLIAM H. LANGDON, District Attorney.”
Mr. Langdon’s statement was published October 21, 1906. It was in full as follows:
“In view of the present extraordinary conditions prevalent in the City and County of San Francisco, the unusual increase in crime, which threatens to grow worse as the winter sets in, and in view of the numerous charges of official graft and malfeasance in office, I have determined to seize the opportunity presented, by the impanelment of a new grand jury, which has been set down for next Wednesday by Hon. Thomas F. Graham, the Presiding Judge of the Superior Court in the City and County of San Francisco, to inaugurate a systematic and thorough investigation into these conditions. It is my official duty to do so, and in pursuance of that duty and in view of the magnitude of the task, I have decided to seek the best assistance obtainable. It is my purpose to set at rest these charges of official graft by either proving them false or convicting those who are guilty. If the charges be untrue, their falsity should be demonstrated to the world, so as to remove the impressions which have been circulated to the injury of the credit and fair name of the city. If they be true we should show to the country that there is enough strength, virtue and civic pride in our people to enable the regularly constituted machinery of justice to re-establish conditions on a clean, righteous and just basis, without resort to any extraordinary expedients outside the law. This is to be an honest, fair, thorough and searching investigation. We shall protect no man. We shall persecute no man, but we shall prosecute every man who is guilty, regardless of position or standing in the city. In order that we may have the benefit of expert services in this work I have requested Mr. Francis J. Heney, who has won national fame for his work in the prosecution of the Oregon land fraud cases, to become a regular deputy in my office. Mr. Heney has accepted. It is unfortunate that this work should be commenced during a political campaign, but the conditions in San Francisco to-day require that radical action be taken at once, and though I may be charged with instituting this investigation at this particular juncture for political advantage, I must ask the public to judge me by the results attained, which will be the best answer.
“I am not unmindful of the great difficulties involved in this investigation. It will be both laborious and costly. The money available under the appropriations made to the District Attorney’s office and the grand jury is, of course, utterly inadequate. Often previous investigations by other grand juries have been made abortive because of this lack of necessary funds to meet expenses. In the present instance we shall not suffer this severe handicap. I am authorized to announce that Mr. Rudolph Spreckels has guaranteed that he will personally undertake the collection from public-spirited citizens of a fund to provide for the expenses necessary to make the investigation thorough and so that good results may ensue. The city is in deep affliction consequent upon the dreadful calamities of last spring; it is in danger from certainly increasing invasion of desperate criminals from all over the world; some of the public departments are undoubtedly in bad hands, and I appeal to my fellow-citizens to give this investigation their moral support, so that the innocent may be protected, so that the guilty may be punished, and so that San Francisco may be helped to her feet and started again on the high road of prosperity in her material conditions, and have restored decency, efficiency, honesty and honor in her public affairs.
“WILLIAM H. LANGDON, District Attorney.”
[75]The persecution of the Bulletin during this period was characteristic of Ruef’s methods and reflected the state of lawlessness which prevailed in San Francisco. R. A. Crothers, proprietor of the paper, was assaulted and badly beaten. The newsboys organized into a union. The boys were sincere enough, but the movement was in reality engineered from the tenderloin. Soon a strike of newsboys against the Bulletin was inaugurated. Copies of the paper were snatched from the hands of citizens who purchased it. Bulletin carriers and agents were assaulted. Tugs of its delivery wagons were cut. When the paper was delivered to stores, sticks and stones were thrown in after it. The police did not interfere. The manifestations of lawlessness went unchecked. Libel suits were brought against the Bulletin. Business boycotts were attempted against it.
The persecution of the Bulletin during this period was characteristic of Ruef’s methods and reflected the state of lawlessness which prevailed in San Francisco. R. A. Crothers, proprietor of the paper, was assaulted and badly beaten. The newsboys organized into a union. The boys were sincere enough, but the movement was in reality engineered from the tenderloin. Soon a strike of newsboys against the Bulletin was inaugurated. Copies of the paper were snatched from the hands of citizens who purchased it. Bulletin carriers and agents were assaulted. Tugs of its delivery wagons were cut. When the paper was delivered to stores, sticks and stones were thrown in after it. The police did not interfere. The manifestations of lawlessness went unchecked. Libel suits were brought against the Bulletin. Business boycotts were attempted against it.
[76]See address made by Heney before Citizens’ League of Justice in October, 1908.
See address made by Heney before Citizens’ League of Justice in October, 1908.
[77]Rudolph Spreckels, although connected with large enterprises, had steadfastly refused to employ Ruef as an attorney, or to join with him in any way. Given control of the San Francisco Gas Company, for example, although he was importuned to do so, Spreckels refused to employ Ruef as attorney for that company. Spreckels testified at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, that he had first realized the necessity of proceeding against Ruef and the Ruef-Schmitz administration when Ruef proposed to him to organize a syndicate to purchase San Francisco municipal bonds. Spreckels testified that Ruef set forth his plan as follows:“He (Ruef) asked me if I would get together a syndicate for the purpose of bidding on these bonds; that he would guarantee that if I did get up such a syndicate, our bid would be a successful bid; that we would not be obliged to bid above par, and that he would guarantee that we would be the successful bidders. My reply to Mr. Ruef was that I could not understand how anybody could make such an agreement or promise, and how did he propose to make such a statement—to carry out what he had stated. He said: ‘Why, that is a simple matter. You know my connection with the Labor Unions and the Labor Union party. Just at the time that the bids are about to come in, I will arrange to tie up this town; we will have the biggest strike that the community has ever known, and I would like to see any of your bankers or your capitalistic friends bid on the bonds under those circumstances, excepting yourself, those that are in the know’—words to that effect, was his expression. I said to Mr. Ruef: ‘Do you mean to say, Mr. Ruef, that for the purpose of making money you would bring about a strike which might entail even bloodshed, for the mere sake of making money?’ And Mr. Ruef flushed up and said: ‘Oh, no; I was only joking.’ And he soon withdrew from my office.”It is interesting to compare Spreckels’ attitude toward Ruef with that of I. W. Hellman, as shown by Hellman’s testimony at the trial of Tirey L. Ford. See footnote7,page 15.
Rudolph Spreckels, although connected with large enterprises, had steadfastly refused to employ Ruef as an attorney, or to join with him in any way. Given control of the San Francisco Gas Company, for example, although he was importuned to do so, Spreckels refused to employ Ruef as attorney for that company. Spreckels testified at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, that he had first realized the necessity of proceeding against Ruef and the Ruef-Schmitz administration when Ruef proposed to him to organize a syndicate to purchase San Francisco municipal bonds. Spreckels testified that Ruef set forth his plan as follows:
“He (Ruef) asked me if I would get together a syndicate for the purpose of bidding on these bonds; that he would guarantee that if I did get up such a syndicate, our bid would be a successful bid; that we would not be obliged to bid above par, and that he would guarantee that we would be the successful bidders. My reply to Mr. Ruef was that I could not understand how anybody could make such an agreement or promise, and how did he propose to make such a statement—to carry out what he had stated. He said: ‘Why, that is a simple matter. You know my connection with the Labor Unions and the Labor Union party. Just at the time that the bids are about to come in, I will arrange to tie up this town; we will have the biggest strike that the community has ever known, and I would like to see any of your bankers or your capitalistic friends bid on the bonds under those circumstances, excepting yourself, those that are in the know’—words to that effect, was his expression. I said to Mr. Ruef: ‘Do you mean to say, Mr. Ruef, that for the purpose of making money you would bring about a strike which might entail even bloodshed, for the mere sake of making money?’ And Mr. Ruef flushed up and said: ‘Oh, no; I was only joking.’ And he soon withdrew from my office.”
It is interesting to compare Spreckels’ attitude toward Ruef with that of I. W. Hellman, as shown by Hellman’s testimony at the trial of Tirey L. Ford. See footnote7,page 15.
[78]Heney, in his address on the work of the Graft Prosecution, October, 1908, paid Langdon the following high tribute:“Mr. Langdon, as soon as we laid the matter before him and convinced him it was in good faith and not to serve private interests, said: ‘Yes, I will appoint Mr. Heney assistant in my office and give him full sway to make a thorough investigation, on one condition, and that is that I am kept personally in touch with everything going on at all times. I am District Attorney and I propose to be District Attorney and to act upon my own judgment.’ And there never has been a time that Mr. Langdon didn’t have absolute sway over all matters, and did not wholly consent to what was done, and he has had the final say in everything, and I wish to say that there is more credit due to him than to any of us. He had a greater personal sacrifice to make.“The first thing he had to take into consideration was that he had gone into office as the candidate of the Labor party, and he knew he would be called a traitor and denounced if it appeared that any man who had been on the same ticket as he had been elected upon had been grafting. He had to possess more moral than physical courage, and a higher kind of moral courage, and that courage was exercised to the credit of San Francisco as well as to the credit of Mr. Langdon.”
Heney, in his address on the work of the Graft Prosecution, October, 1908, paid Langdon the following high tribute:
“Mr. Langdon, as soon as we laid the matter before him and convinced him it was in good faith and not to serve private interests, said: ‘Yes, I will appoint Mr. Heney assistant in my office and give him full sway to make a thorough investigation, on one condition, and that is that I am kept personally in touch with everything going on at all times. I am District Attorney and I propose to be District Attorney and to act upon my own judgment.’ And there never has been a time that Mr. Langdon didn’t have absolute sway over all matters, and did not wholly consent to what was done, and he has had the final say in everything, and I wish to say that there is more credit due to him than to any of us. He had a greater personal sacrifice to make.
“The first thing he had to take into consideration was that he had gone into office as the candidate of the Labor party, and he knew he would be called a traitor and denounced if it appeared that any man who had been on the same ticket as he had been elected upon had been grafting. He had to possess more moral than physical courage, and a higher kind of moral courage, and that courage was exercised to the credit of San Francisco as well as to the credit of Mr. Langdon.”
[79]The Graft Defense labored without success to make it appear that Heney was compensated for his service. Out of the Prosecution fund, the expenses—rental, clerical hire, etc.—of offices, so far as they were maintained especially for the work of the Graft Prosecution, were paid. These were known as “Heney’s offices.” When Rudolph Spreckels was on the stand at the Calhoun trial, he testified under Heney’s announcement that the Defense could ask him any question it chose and no objection would be made. Earl Rogers, for Calhoun, endeavored to make it appear that Heney was getting pay.“Mr. Spreckels,” Rogers asked, “in addition to paying Mr. Heney’s office expenses, amounting to five or six hundred dollars a month, have you paid other expenses for Mr. Heney?”“No, sir,” Spreckels replied.Heney, the testimony all through shows, received not a dollar to compensate him for his services to the city; moreover, it shows that he had given up business which would have brought him large fees, that he might be free to conduct the Graft Prosecution. See transcript Calhoun trial, pages 3837 and on, 3746, 3743, etc.The efforts of well-compensated attorneys for the Defense to make it appear that Heney was paid for his work, furnish one of the amusing features of the graft trials.
The Graft Defense labored without success to make it appear that Heney was compensated for his service. Out of the Prosecution fund, the expenses—rental, clerical hire, etc.—of offices, so far as they were maintained especially for the work of the Graft Prosecution, were paid. These were known as “Heney’s offices.” When Rudolph Spreckels was on the stand at the Calhoun trial, he testified under Heney’s announcement that the Defense could ask him any question it chose and no objection would be made. Earl Rogers, for Calhoun, endeavored to make it appear that Heney was getting pay.
“Mr. Spreckels,” Rogers asked, “in addition to paying Mr. Heney’s office expenses, amounting to five or six hundred dollars a month, have you paid other expenses for Mr. Heney?”
“No, sir,” Spreckels replied.
Heney, the testimony all through shows, received not a dollar to compensate him for his services to the city; moreover, it shows that he had given up business which would have brought him large fees, that he might be free to conduct the Graft Prosecution. See transcript Calhoun trial, pages 3837 and on, 3746, 3743, etc.
The efforts of well-compensated attorneys for the Defense to make it appear that Heney was paid for his work, furnish one of the amusing features of the graft trials.
[80]The conference was held on May 10 or 11. This was four days before the Supervisors took the preliminary steps toward granting the United Railroads its overhead trolley permit, and several months before the bribe money was paid.
The conference was held on May 10 or 11. This was four days before the Supervisors took the preliminary steps toward granting the United Railroads its overhead trolley permit, and several months before the bribe money was paid.
[81]See testimony of Rudolph Spreckels at trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436.
See testimony of Rudolph Spreckels at trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436.
[82]Al McKinley was the first detective put to work for the Graft Prosecution. On May 25, 1906, Chief Burns detailed him to watch Ruef. Later, June 19, 1906, Burns directed Robert Perry to shadow Ruef. Perry did so until nearly a year later, when Ruef was placed in the custody of an elisor.
Al McKinley was the first detective put to work for the Graft Prosecution. On May 25, 1906, Chief Burns detailed him to watch Ruef. Later, June 19, 1906, Burns directed Robert Perry to shadow Ruef. Perry did so until nearly a year later, when Ruef was placed in the custody of an elisor.
[83]That prosecution of officials of the United Railroads was not thought of when the graft prosecution was begun, was brought out at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436. The following, for example, is taken from Rudolph Spreckels’ testimony:“Mr. Heney—Q. At the time that Mr. Phelan agreed to contribute the $10,000, Mr. Spreckels, what did you say, if anything, about contributing yourself? A. That was in the first meeting, I think, Mr. Heney, and I told him that I was ready and willing to contribute a similar amount: that I believed it would be possible to get others to join and contribute.“Q. At that time was anything said by any person about prosecuting Mr. Calhoun? A. Absolutely no.“Q. Or any person connected with the United Railroads Company? A. The discussion was entirely confined to the administration, the corrupt administration as we termed it.“Q. At that time did you have any purpose or intention of prosecuting Mr. Calhoun? A. I had not.“Q. Did you have any reason to believe that Mr. Calhoun at that time had committed any crime? A. I had no indication of such a crime.“Mr. Moore—Was that time fixed, Mr. Heney?“Mr. Heney—Yes, it was fixed; the first conversation, and he has fixed it as nearly as he could.“The Court—Have you in mind the testimony on that point, Mr. Moore? There was some reference to it in an earlier part of the examination.“Mr. Heney—Q. When you had the talk with Mr. Heney in April, 1906, did you say anything about prosecuting Mr. Calhoun, or anybody connected with the United Railroads? A. I did not.“Q. Did you at any time tell Mr. Heney that you desired to have him prosecute Mr. Patrick Calhoun? A. I did not, at any time.“Q. Did you tell him at any time that you desired to have him prosecute any person connected with the United Railroads Company? A. I did not.” See transcript The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436, page 3730.
That prosecution of officials of the United Railroads was not thought of when the graft prosecution was begun, was brought out at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436. The following, for example, is taken from Rudolph Spreckels’ testimony:
“Mr. Heney—Q. At the time that Mr. Phelan agreed to contribute the $10,000, Mr. Spreckels, what did you say, if anything, about contributing yourself? A. That was in the first meeting, I think, Mr. Heney, and I told him that I was ready and willing to contribute a similar amount: that I believed it would be possible to get others to join and contribute.
“Q. At that time was anything said by any person about prosecuting Mr. Calhoun? A. Absolutely no.
“Q. Or any person connected with the United Railroads Company? A. The discussion was entirely confined to the administration, the corrupt administration as we termed it.
“Q. At that time did you have any purpose or intention of prosecuting Mr. Calhoun? A. I had not.
“Q. Did you have any reason to believe that Mr. Calhoun at that time had committed any crime? A. I had no indication of such a crime.
“Mr. Moore—Was that time fixed, Mr. Heney?
“Mr. Heney—Yes, it was fixed; the first conversation, and he has fixed it as nearly as he could.
“The Court—Have you in mind the testimony on that point, Mr. Moore? There was some reference to it in an earlier part of the examination.
“Mr. Heney—Q. When you had the talk with Mr. Heney in April, 1906, did you say anything about prosecuting Mr. Calhoun, or anybody connected with the United Railroads? A. I did not.
“Q. Did you at any time tell Mr. Heney that you desired to have him prosecute Mr. Patrick Calhoun? A. I did not, at any time.
“Q. Did you tell him at any time that you desired to have him prosecute any person connected with the United Railroads Company? A. I did not.” See transcript The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436, page 3730.
[84]Rudolph Spreckels testified at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436:“Mr. Perry was employed to get information in regard to Mr. Abraham Ruef and the city administration as early as June, 1906, and his efforts and of one other man employed at that time were directed toward that and that only.”
Rudolph Spreckels testified at the trial of The People vs. Patrick Calhoun, No. 1436:
“Mr. Perry was employed to get information in regard to Mr. Abraham Ruef and the city administration as early as June, 1906, and his efforts and of one other man employed at that time were directed toward that and that only.”
[85]See San Francisco newspapers, November 1, 1906.
See San Francisco newspapers, November 1, 1906.
[86]Gallagher’s statement was in full as follows:It seems to me that these assaults that are being made upon Mayor Schmitz are exceedingly reprehensible. It is strange that the gentlemen who are making the attacks did not see fit to make them while Mayor Schmitz was here. Especially does this apply to Langdon, who, by reason of past association with Mayor Schmitz, and favors received by him from the Mayor, should have been the last man to attempt to besmirch the Mayor in his absence. I am satisfied that all these attacks upon the administration officials have their origin in the long-continued attempt on behalf of the Citizens’ Alliance to disrupt the labor organizations of the city. An administration that is friendly to organized labor is an impassable obstacle in the way of such a purpose. The enormous amount of labor of all kinds that will have to be performed in this city during the next few years has undoubtedly prompted the organizers of the old Citizens’ Alliance to renew their assaults upon the officials elected by the Union Labor party in the hope that they may thereby themselves secure control of the municipal administration and thus work out their own will in the matter of the conditions under which labor shall perform the task of rebuilding this city.“So far as I am concerned personally, I consider that the disruption of the labor organization would be a great sacrifice of the interests of all of the people. The city must be built up; but the Citizens’ Alliance and all organizations and individuals in sympathy with it may as well understand, first as last, that the work will only be done through organized labor, and not by the employment of pauper labor in competition with the mechanics and artisans of the labor unions.“That this view of the situation is well recognized by the labor organizations of the city is shown by the action of the Building Trades Council last night in approving and indorsing my action in removing Mr. Langdon.”
Gallagher’s statement was in full as follows:
It seems to me that these assaults that are being made upon Mayor Schmitz are exceedingly reprehensible. It is strange that the gentlemen who are making the attacks did not see fit to make them while Mayor Schmitz was here. Especially does this apply to Langdon, who, by reason of past association with Mayor Schmitz, and favors received by him from the Mayor, should have been the last man to attempt to besmirch the Mayor in his absence. I am satisfied that all these attacks upon the administration officials have their origin in the long-continued attempt on behalf of the Citizens’ Alliance to disrupt the labor organizations of the city. An administration that is friendly to organized labor is an impassable obstacle in the way of such a purpose. The enormous amount of labor of all kinds that will have to be performed in this city during the next few years has undoubtedly prompted the organizers of the old Citizens’ Alliance to renew their assaults upon the officials elected by the Union Labor party in the hope that they may thereby themselves secure control of the municipal administration and thus work out their own will in the matter of the conditions under which labor shall perform the task of rebuilding this city.
“So far as I am concerned personally, I consider that the disruption of the labor organization would be a great sacrifice of the interests of all of the people. The city must be built up; but the Citizens’ Alliance and all organizations and individuals in sympathy with it may as well understand, first as last, that the work will only be done through organized labor, and not by the employment of pauper labor in competition with the mechanics and artisans of the labor unions.
“That this view of the situation is well recognized by the labor organizations of the city is shown by the action of the Building Trades Council last night in approving and indorsing my action in removing Mr. Langdon.”
[87]Contained in a statement published May 18, 1907. See San Francisco papers of that date.
Contained in a statement published May 18, 1907. See San Francisco papers of that date.
[88]The nature of the attacks upon the supporters of the Prosecution is shown by the proceedings in the libel suit brought by the San Francisco First National Bank against the Oakland Tribune. Rudolph Spreckels was president of the bank; the Tribune was one of the stanchest of the opponents of the prosecution. The Tribune charged that the Graft Prosecution had for one of its objects the unloading of the Spring Valley Water Company’s plant upon San Francisco, and that the First National Bank was burdened with Spring Valley securities. Among other things the article set forth:“The recent disclosures of the methods by which it was sought to unload Spring Valley’s old junk, called a distributing system, together with its inadequate supply of inferior water, on the city at an outrageous figure by the swinging of the ‘big stick’ has not enhanced the value of the securities of the corporation in the view of the national examiners. Even the efforts to cloud the real purposes of the promoters of the Spring Valley job by calling it a civic uprising to stamp out municipal graft is said to have failed to mislead the Federal experts. The suggestion that the ‘big stick’ would force the city to purchase the plant of the decrepit corporation for $28,000,000 after its real estimate was appraised by an expert at $5,000,000 and held by the bondholders to be worth, as realty speculation, $15,000,000, has not enthused the Federal bank examiners in relation to the value of Spring Valley bonds as security for a national bank.”The First National Bank did not hold Spring Valley Company securities. As the Tribune’s charges were calculated to injure the bank, action for libel followed. At the hearings, it developed that the articles had been furnished the Tribune by the political editor of the San Francisco Chronicle, who testified that he was paid fifty dollars a week for his Tribune articles. This was more than his salary as political editor of the Chronicle. He admitted on the stand that he had heard what he stated in his article, “only as a matter of gossip.”
The nature of the attacks upon the supporters of the Prosecution is shown by the proceedings in the libel suit brought by the San Francisco First National Bank against the Oakland Tribune. Rudolph Spreckels was president of the bank; the Tribune was one of the stanchest of the opponents of the prosecution. The Tribune charged that the Graft Prosecution had for one of its objects the unloading of the Spring Valley Water Company’s plant upon San Francisco, and that the First National Bank was burdened with Spring Valley securities. Among other things the article set forth:
“The recent disclosures of the methods by which it was sought to unload Spring Valley’s old junk, called a distributing system, together with its inadequate supply of inferior water, on the city at an outrageous figure by the swinging of the ‘big stick’ has not enhanced the value of the securities of the corporation in the view of the national examiners. Even the efforts to cloud the real purposes of the promoters of the Spring Valley job by calling it a civic uprising to stamp out municipal graft is said to have failed to mislead the Federal experts. The suggestion that the ‘big stick’ would force the city to purchase the plant of the decrepit corporation for $28,000,000 after its real estimate was appraised by an expert at $5,000,000 and held by the bondholders to be worth, as realty speculation, $15,000,000, has not enthused the Federal bank examiners in relation to the value of Spring Valley bonds as security for a national bank.”
The First National Bank did not hold Spring Valley Company securities. As the Tribune’s charges were calculated to injure the bank, action for libel followed. At the hearings, it developed that the articles had been furnished the Tribune by the political editor of the San Francisco Chronicle, who testified that he was paid fifty dollars a week for his Tribune articles. This was more than his salary as political editor of the Chronicle. He admitted on the stand that he had heard what he stated in his article, “only as a matter of gossip.”
[89]The San Francisco Call, in an editorial article, printed October 22, expressed the general sentiment in San Francisco. The Call said:“San Francisco will welcome the undertaking by Mr. Francis J. Heney of the duty to search out and bring to justice the official boodlers and their brokers that afflict the body politic. Public opinion is unanimous in the belief that Supervisors have been bribed and that administrative functions such as those of the Board of Works and the Health Board have been peddled in secret market. Even the Board of Education is not exempted from suspicion.“These convictions, prevailing in the public mind, call for verification or refutation. The sudden affluence of certain members of the Board of Supervisors, the current and generally credited reports that the United Railroads paid upward of $500,000 in bribes to grease the way of its overhead trolley franchise, the appearance of public officials in the guise of capitalists making large investments in skating rinks and other considerable enterprises—these and other lines of investigation demand the probe. If there has been no dishonesty in office the officials should be the first to insist on a thorough inquiry.“If it is true, as we believe, that official boodling has been the practice, a systematic inquiry will surely uncover the crimes. It is impossible to commit such offenses where so many are concerned without leaving some trace that can be followed and run to earth. The crimes of the gaspipe thugs seemed for the moment hidden in impenetrable mystery, but patient search discovers the trail that leads to conviction. Criminals are rarely men of high intelligence. They betray themselves at one or other turn of their windings. We are convinced that some of our Supervisors and not a few of the executive officials appointed by Schmitz are in no degree superior in point of intelligence and moral sense to the gaspipe robbers.“Mr. Heney’s record as a remorseless and indefatigable prosecutor of official rascals is known. He will have the assistance in his new work of Mr. William J. Burns, who did so much to bring to light the Oregon land frauds. Those crimes were surrounded and protected by fortifications of political influence that were deemed impregnable. When the inquiry was first undertaken nobody believed it would ever come to anything. It was a slow business, even as the mills of the gods grind slowly, but if fine the grist of the criminal courts of Oregon is large and satisfying.“The people of San Francisco have been sorely tried. Fire and earthquake we cannot help, but the unhappy city has been made the prey of a set of conscienceless thieves who have done nothing since our great calamity beyond promoting schemes to fill their own pockets. Our streets, our sewers, our schools and our public buildings have been neglected, but the sale of permits and franchises, the working of real estate jobs and the market for privileges of every variety have been brisk and incessant. Officials have grown rich: Some of them are spending money like a drunken sailor. It is time for housecleaning and a day of reckoning. Heney and Burns will put the question: ‘Where did they get it?’”
The San Francisco Call, in an editorial article, printed October 22, expressed the general sentiment in San Francisco. The Call said:
“San Francisco will welcome the undertaking by Mr. Francis J. Heney of the duty to search out and bring to justice the official boodlers and their brokers that afflict the body politic. Public opinion is unanimous in the belief that Supervisors have been bribed and that administrative functions such as those of the Board of Works and the Health Board have been peddled in secret market. Even the Board of Education is not exempted from suspicion.
“These convictions, prevailing in the public mind, call for verification or refutation. The sudden affluence of certain members of the Board of Supervisors, the current and generally credited reports that the United Railroads paid upward of $500,000 in bribes to grease the way of its overhead trolley franchise, the appearance of public officials in the guise of capitalists making large investments in skating rinks and other considerable enterprises—these and other lines of investigation demand the probe. If there has been no dishonesty in office the officials should be the first to insist on a thorough inquiry.
“If it is true, as we believe, that official boodling has been the practice, a systematic inquiry will surely uncover the crimes. It is impossible to commit such offenses where so many are concerned without leaving some trace that can be followed and run to earth. The crimes of the gaspipe thugs seemed for the moment hidden in impenetrable mystery, but patient search discovers the trail that leads to conviction. Criminals are rarely men of high intelligence. They betray themselves at one or other turn of their windings. We are convinced that some of our Supervisors and not a few of the executive officials appointed by Schmitz are in no degree superior in point of intelligence and moral sense to the gaspipe robbers.
“Mr. Heney’s record as a remorseless and indefatigable prosecutor of official rascals is known. He will have the assistance in his new work of Mr. William J. Burns, who did so much to bring to light the Oregon land frauds. Those crimes were surrounded and protected by fortifications of political influence that were deemed impregnable. When the inquiry was first undertaken nobody believed it would ever come to anything. It was a slow business, even as the mills of the gods grind slowly, but if fine the grist of the criminal courts of Oregon is large and satisfying.
“The people of San Francisco have been sorely tried. Fire and earthquake we cannot help, but the unhappy city has been made the prey of a set of conscienceless thieves who have done nothing since our great calamity beyond promoting schemes to fill their own pockets. Our streets, our sewers, our schools and our public buildings have been neglected, but the sale of permits and franchises, the working of real estate jobs and the market for privileges of every variety have been brisk and incessant. Officials have grown rich: Some of them are spending money like a drunken sailor. It is time for housecleaning and a day of reckoning. Heney and Burns will put the question: ‘Where did they get it?’”
[90]Bishop Montgomery, of the Roman Catholic Church, in an interview in the San Francisco Call, October 20, 1906, said in reference to the San Francisco graft prosecution:“Mere accusations have been so long and so persistently made that the public has a right to know the truth; and, above all, those who are innocently so charged have a right to a public and complete vindication. Nothing now but a thorough and honest investigation can clear the atmosphere and set us right before the world and with ourselves.“I have such confidence in the courts of California that I believe no innocent man needs to fear that he will suffer from them, and no guilty man has any just right to complain.“I believe the investigation has been undertaken in good faith for the best interests of the city, and that it will be conducted thoroughly and honestly.”
Bishop Montgomery, of the Roman Catholic Church, in an interview in the San Francisco Call, October 20, 1906, said in reference to the San Francisco graft prosecution:
“Mere accusations have been so long and so persistently made that the public has a right to know the truth; and, above all, those who are innocently so charged have a right to a public and complete vindication. Nothing now but a thorough and honest investigation can clear the atmosphere and set us right before the world and with ourselves.
“I have such confidence in the courts of California that I believe no innocent man needs to fear that he will suffer from them, and no guilty man has any just right to complain.
“I believe the investigation has been undertaken in good faith for the best interests of the city, and that it will be conducted thoroughly and honestly.”
[91]Mr. Spreckels’ statement was contained in an interview printed in the San Francisco Call, October 28, 1906. It was as follows:“This is no question of capital and labor,” he said, “but of dishonesty and justice. There is no association of men, capitalists or others, behind what we have undertaken, and it cannot be made a class question. No one knows that better than Ruef. And it will be impossible for him to fool the workingman by these insinuations.“I want the workingmen of this city to recall that meeting which was recently held in Union Square. I was asked to attend that meeting and be its chairman. I refused to preside, to speak or go there unless I could be assured that it was not to be a movement of the capitalistic class on the one hand against the workingmen on the other. And because I did not receive that assurance I did not attend. Mr. Heney stayed away for the same reason.“Now, who was it that originated that meeting? Sam Shortridge. Who was it who drew the resolutions; who was it who prompted the speakers and the chairman? It was Sam Shortridge.S“Mr. Ruef says that meeting was dominated and arranged by the Citizens’ Alliance. Very well. Then let Mr. Ruef explain to the workingmen why it was that a few days afterward he hired Sam Shortridge as his attorney.“I believe that it is impossible to fool the laboring men of this city now. Absolutely and definitely I want to say to them that there is nothing behind this movement but the desire for a clean city. It is absolutely regardless of class. Every man who owns a home, who has a family, is as much interested in what we have undertaken as is the wealthiest citizen.”
Mr. Spreckels’ statement was contained in an interview printed in the San Francisco Call, October 28, 1906. It was as follows:
“This is no question of capital and labor,” he said, “but of dishonesty and justice. There is no association of men, capitalists or others, behind what we have undertaken, and it cannot be made a class question. No one knows that better than Ruef. And it will be impossible for him to fool the workingman by these insinuations.
“I want the workingmen of this city to recall that meeting which was recently held in Union Square. I was asked to attend that meeting and be its chairman. I refused to preside, to speak or go there unless I could be assured that it was not to be a movement of the capitalistic class on the one hand against the workingmen on the other. And because I did not receive that assurance I did not attend. Mr. Heney stayed away for the same reason.
“Now, who was it that originated that meeting? Sam Shortridge. Who was it who drew the resolutions; who was it who prompted the speakers and the chairman? It was Sam Shortridge.
“Mr. Ruef says that meeting was dominated and arranged by the Citizens’ Alliance. Very well. Then let Mr. Ruef explain to the workingmen why it was that a few days afterward he hired Sam Shortridge as his attorney.
“I believe that it is impossible to fool the laboring men of this city now. Absolutely and definitely I want to say to them that there is nothing behind this movement but the desire for a clean city. It is absolutely regardless of class. Every man who owns a home, who has a family, is as much interested in what we have undertaken as is the wealthiest citizen.”
[92]See San Francisco Examiner, October 28, 1906, from which the following is taken: “Of course there was no bribery(said General Ford),nor offer to bribe, nor was there anything done except upon clean and legitimate lines.”“Q. General, if any bribe, or offer to bribe, had been made by your company to any person connected with the San Francisco municipal administration, or to any political boss having control of the same, or if any member of the Board of Supervisors, or of the municipal government had benefited to the extent of one dollar financially by the agreement to grant to the United Railroads the privilege desired, you, in your official capacity, would undoubtedly be aware of it, would you not? A. I am certain that I would; I am, therefore, equally certain that no such thing was ever done or contemplated.”
See San Francisco Examiner, October 28, 1906, from which the following is taken: “Of course there was no bribery(said General Ford),nor offer to bribe, nor was there anything done except upon clean and legitimate lines.”
“Q. General, if any bribe, or offer to bribe, had been made by your company to any person connected with the San Francisco municipal administration, or to any political boss having control of the same, or if any member of the Board of Supervisors, or of the municipal government had benefited to the extent of one dollar financially by the agreement to grant to the United Railroads the privilege desired, you, in your official capacity, would undoubtedly be aware of it, would you not? A. I am certain that I would; I am, therefore, equally certain that no such thing was ever done or contemplated.”
[93]The following are excerpts from interviews published in the San Francisco Examiner, October 23, 1906:Abraham Ruef: “I am satisfied that if Mayor Schmitz had known that this investigation was afoot he would have postponed his trip abroad and would have remained here to disprove all allegations of graft.”Supervisor Andrew Wilson: “I shall be glad to welcome any investigation as to my official acts or as to my official conduct. I never took a dishonest dollar in my life.”Supervisor Patrick McGushin: “The more they investigate, the better I shall like it. I do not believe Mr. Heney has any evidence of graft. Speaking for myself, he can investigate me or my bank account if he likes.”Acting Mayor James L. Gallagher: “So far as the administration is concerned from the statements I have received, everything is straight. So far as the Police Department is concerned no one can tell. I can not tell.”Supervisor Jennings Phillips: “This investigation will be a good thing. There has been so much talk of graft and so many accusations that it all will be settled once and for all. If Mr. Heney has any evidence I know nothing of its nature nor against what part of the administration it is directed.”Supervisor Edward Walsh: “As a Supervisor I have tried to do my best. I court an investigation. I do not pay much attention to Mr. Heney’s statements. I have been here thirty-seven years and I can hold up my head, as can every other member of this Board.”Supervisor Michael Coffey: “Nothing would afford me more pleasure than to have them investigate my integrity and my official acts. I hope they’ll make a full and thorough investigation and clear us all of the slurs that have been cast upon us.”Supervisor S. Davis: “I think there is nothing to this whole thing. If Mr. Heney can find out anything let him do it. It is hard to have insinuations cast at you. My personal connection with the administration has been straight.”Supervisor F. P. Nicholas: “There has been so much noise about graft that it will be a good thing to go thoroughly into the matter. Personally I court an investigation of my official acts. If Mr. Heney has any evidence of corruption I know nothing of it.”Supervisor Daniel Coleman: “These loud cries of graft that have been current of late will be silenced through this investigation. It should be thoroughly gone into so that the purity of the administration cannot hereafter be questioned.”Supervisor Max Mamlock: “I do not think it is worth my while to think about this investigation. I do not see where Mr. Burns or Mr. Heney could get any evidence of graft.”
The following are excerpts from interviews published in the San Francisco Examiner, October 23, 1906:
Abraham Ruef: “I am satisfied that if Mayor Schmitz had known that this investigation was afoot he would have postponed his trip abroad and would have remained here to disprove all allegations of graft.”
Supervisor Andrew Wilson: “I shall be glad to welcome any investigation as to my official acts or as to my official conduct. I never took a dishonest dollar in my life.”
Supervisor Patrick McGushin: “The more they investigate, the better I shall like it. I do not believe Mr. Heney has any evidence of graft. Speaking for myself, he can investigate me or my bank account if he likes.”
Acting Mayor James L. Gallagher: “So far as the administration is concerned from the statements I have received, everything is straight. So far as the Police Department is concerned no one can tell. I can not tell.”
Supervisor Jennings Phillips: “This investigation will be a good thing. There has been so much talk of graft and so many accusations that it all will be settled once and for all. If Mr. Heney has any evidence I know nothing of its nature nor against what part of the administration it is directed.”
Supervisor Edward Walsh: “As a Supervisor I have tried to do my best. I court an investigation. I do not pay much attention to Mr. Heney’s statements. I have been here thirty-seven years and I can hold up my head, as can every other member of this Board.”
Supervisor Michael Coffey: “Nothing would afford me more pleasure than to have them investigate my integrity and my official acts. I hope they’ll make a full and thorough investigation and clear us all of the slurs that have been cast upon us.”
Supervisor S. Davis: “I think there is nothing to this whole thing. If Mr. Heney can find out anything let him do it. It is hard to have insinuations cast at you. My personal connection with the administration has been straight.”
Supervisor F. P. Nicholas: “There has been so much noise about graft that it will be a good thing to go thoroughly into the matter. Personally I court an investigation of my official acts. If Mr. Heney has any evidence of corruption I know nothing of it.”
Supervisor Daniel Coleman: “These loud cries of graft that have been current of late will be silenced through this investigation. It should be thoroughly gone into so that the purity of the administration cannot hereafter be questioned.”
Supervisor Max Mamlock: “I do not think it is worth my while to think about this investigation. I do not see where Mr. Burns or Mr. Heney could get any evidence of graft.”
[94]Acting-Mayor Gallagher’s order removing Langdon is printed in full in the appendix. One of the charges alleged against Langdon was that he had appointed Francis J. Heney to be his deputy for ulterior purposes. Of Heney it was alleged that he had “in a public speech in said city and county (San Francisco), aspersed the character and good name of a prominent citizen of this community (Abe Ruef), and stated that he knew him to be corrupt, etc.”Acting-Mayor Gallagher’s order of removal was made in persuance of Sections 18 and 19 of Article XVI of the San Francisco Charter, which read as follows:“Sec. 18. Any elected officer, except Supervisor, may be suspended by the Mayor and removed by the Supervisors for cause; and any appointed officer may be removed by the Mayor for cause. The Mayor shall appoint some person to discharge the duties of the office during the period of such suspension.“Sec. 19. When the Mayor shall suspend any elected officer he shall immediately notify the Supervisors of such suspension and the cause therefor. If the Board is not in session, he shall immediately call a session of the same in such manner as shall be provided by ordinance. The Mayor shall present written charges against such suspended officer to the Board and furnish a copy of the same to said officer, who shall have the right to appear with counsel before the Board in his defense. If by an affirmative vote of not less than fourteen members of the Board of Supervisors, taken by ayes and noes and entered on its record, the action of the Mayor is approved, then the suspended officer shall thereby be removed from office; but if the action of the Mayor is not so approved such suspended officer shall be immediately reinstated.”
Acting-Mayor Gallagher’s order removing Langdon is printed in full in the appendix. One of the charges alleged against Langdon was that he had appointed Francis J. Heney to be his deputy for ulterior purposes. Of Heney it was alleged that he had “in a public speech in said city and county (San Francisco), aspersed the character and good name of a prominent citizen of this community (Abe Ruef), and stated that he knew him to be corrupt, etc.”
Acting-Mayor Gallagher’s order of removal was made in persuance of Sections 18 and 19 of Article XVI of the San Francisco Charter, which read as follows:
“Sec. 18. Any elected officer, except Supervisor, may be suspended by the Mayor and removed by the Supervisors for cause; and any appointed officer may be removed by the Mayor for cause. The Mayor shall appoint some person to discharge the duties of the office during the period of such suspension.
“Sec. 19. When the Mayor shall suspend any elected officer he shall immediately notify the Supervisors of such suspension and the cause therefor. If the Board is not in session, he shall immediately call a session of the same in such manner as shall be provided by ordinance. The Mayor shall present written charges against such suspended officer to the Board and furnish a copy of the same to said officer, who shall have the right to appear with counsel before the Board in his defense. If by an affirmative vote of not less than fourteen members of the Board of Supervisors, taken by ayes and noes and entered on its record, the action of the Mayor is approved, then the suspended officer shall thereby be removed from office; but if the action of the Mayor is not so approved such suspended officer shall be immediately reinstated.”
[95]Gallagher testified at the trial of The People vs. Ruef, No. 1437, to the conversation at Ruef’s law offices when Ruef first broached the matter of Langdon’s removal, as follows: “The substance of the conversation was that Mr. Ruef stated that it might become necessary to remove Mr. Langdon from the office of District Attorney, and to appoint somebody else. I replied that that was a matter for him to make up his mind on; if he determined it had to be done. I would do it; words to that effect. I cannot give the exact language.”
Gallagher testified at the trial of The People vs. Ruef, No. 1437, to the conversation at Ruef’s law offices when Ruef first broached the matter of Langdon’s removal, as follows: “The substance of the conversation was that Mr. Ruef stated that it might become necessary to remove Mr. Langdon from the office of District Attorney, and to appoint somebody else. I replied that that was a matter for him to make up his mind on; if he determined it had to be done. I would do it; words to that effect. I cannot give the exact language.”
[96]The San Francisco Chronicle, in its issue of October 26, thus describes the proceedings attending Langdon’s removal:“Gallagher took the chair at 6:30 p. m. and there was ten minutes’ perfunctory business.“His honor seemed uneasy, but at the careful prompting of Secretary Keane, he called for ‘communications from executive officers.’“Keane then announced, ‘From his honor, the Mayor,’ and read Gallagher’s letter suspending District Attorney Langdon ‘for neglect of duty’ and sundry other charges.“During the reading of the long document there was no sound In the hall save the hoarse voice of Secretary Keane, and on its completion Supervisor Sanderson arose.“Gallagher explained that Langdon would ‘be given an opportunity next Thursday afternoon at 2:30 o’clock to appear before the board and defend himself against the charges.’“He then recognized Sanderson, who offered a motion accepting the communication from the Mayor and directing that Langdon be directed to appear to answer.“Supervisor Wilson seconded the motion.“Upon the call for the ‘ayes,’ although the Supervisors usually let silence Indicate their consent, there was a chorus of approval, and upon the call for the ‘noes’ there was dead silence.“Supervisors L. A. Rea and J. J. Furey were not present.”
The San Francisco Chronicle, in its issue of October 26, thus describes the proceedings attending Langdon’s removal:
“Gallagher took the chair at 6:30 p. m. and there was ten minutes’ perfunctory business.
“His honor seemed uneasy, but at the careful prompting of Secretary Keane, he called for ‘communications from executive officers.’
“Keane then announced, ‘From his honor, the Mayor,’ and read Gallagher’s letter suspending District Attorney Langdon ‘for neglect of duty’ and sundry other charges.
“During the reading of the long document there was no sound In the hall save the hoarse voice of Secretary Keane, and on its completion Supervisor Sanderson arose.
“Gallagher explained that Langdon would ‘be given an opportunity next Thursday afternoon at 2:30 o’clock to appear before the board and defend himself against the charges.’
“He then recognized Sanderson, who offered a motion accepting the communication from the Mayor and directing that Langdon be directed to appear to answer.
“Supervisor Wilson seconded the motion.
“Upon the call for the ‘ayes,’ although the Supervisors usually let silence Indicate their consent, there was a chorus of approval, and upon the call for the ‘noes’ there was dead silence.
“Supervisors L. A. Rea and J. J. Furey were not present.”
[97]At the trial of The People vs. Ruef, No. 1437, page of Transcript 2654, Wilson testified: “I told him (Ruef) that I thought it was a bad move at this time and that the papers in the morning would state it was simply a confession of guilt; and I said that I had stood there and taken my program on the matter, but I felt it would ruin my chances in the face of an election, running for Railroad Commissioner, and he said I would feel better after I had something to eat, and we went over to Tait’s and had supper. On the way over he (Ruef) sent Charlie Hagerty in to notify Mr. Heney of his removal.”
At the trial of The People vs. Ruef, No. 1437, page of Transcript 2654, Wilson testified: “I told him (Ruef) that I thought it was a bad move at this time and that the papers in the morning would state it was simply a confession of guilt; and I said that I had stood there and taken my program on the matter, but I felt it would ruin my chances in the face of an election, running for Railroad Commissioner, and he said I would feel better after I had something to eat, and we went over to Tait’s and had supper. On the way over he (Ruef) sent Charlie Hagerty in to notify Mr. Heney of his removal.”
[98]Ruef’s order dismissing Heney was as follows:“Mr. Francis J. Heney: You are hereby removed from the position of Assistant District Attorney of the City and County of San Francisco.“Dated. October 25, 1906.“(Signed) A. RUEF,“Acting District Attorney.”
Ruef’s order dismissing Heney was as follows:
“Mr. Francis J. Heney: You are hereby removed from the position of Assistant District Attorney of the City and County of San Francisco.
“Dated. October 25, 1906.
“(Signed) A. RUEF,“Acting District Attorney.”
[99]P. H. McCarthy and O. A. Tveitmoe, respectively president and secretary of the Building Trades Council.
P. H. McCarthy and O. A. Tveitmoe, respectively president and secretary of the Building Trades Council.
[100]The resolutions adopted by Bricklayers’ and Masons’ International Union No. 7, were as follows:“Whereas, The office of District Attorney of San Francisco County has been declared vacant by the Acting Mayor and Supervisors at a time when the said District Attorney was preparing an investigation into the official acts of the said Supervisors and others; and“Whereas, One of the persons accused by the said District Attorney of being guilty of criminal acts, has been appointed by the Acting Mayor and Supervisors to fill the office thus vacated; and“Whereas, The Building Trades Council of San Francisco has indorsed the action of the administration, and the president and secretary of said Council has aided and abetted said usurpation of power to the utmost of their ability; therefore, be it“Resolved, That this Union condemn the action of the Council in this matter, and that we condemn the president and secretary of the Council for lending or selling their aid to help to prevent the investigation of the public acts of officials who have thrown themselves open to suspicion, and thereby placing the honest union men of San Francisco in the false light of indorsing such high-handed defiance of the law; and be it“Resolved, That we deny that the proposed prosecution of the present administration is an attack on organized labor; and further, be it“Resolved, That it is the sense of this Union that the president and secretary of the Building Trades Council are not fit persons to be at the head of the Union movement in San Francisco, and that the delegates representing this Union in the Council are hereby instructed to use every honorable means to carry out the spirit of this resolution; and further, be it“Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be furnished by the corresponding secretary to each and every Union affiliated with the Council, so that they will consider this an invitation from this Union to assist in ridding the central body of officers whom we believe have done all in their power to bring unionism into disrepute.”Similar resolutions were adopted by Journeymen Plumbers, Gas and Steam Fitters’ Local, No. 442.
The resolutions adopted by Bricklayers’ and Masons’ International Union No. 7, were as follows:
“Whereas, The office of District Attorney of San Francisco County has been declared vacant by the Acting Mayor and Supervisors at a time when the said District Attorney was preparing an investigation into the official acts of the said Supervisors and others; and
“Whereas, One of the persons accused by the said District Attorney of being guilty of criminal acts, has been appointed by the Acting Mayor and Supervisors to fill the office thus vacated; and
“Whereas, The Building Trades Council of San Francisco has indorsed the action of the administration, and the president and secretary of said Council has aided and abetted said usurpation of power to the utmost of their ability; therefore, be it
“Resolved, That this Union condemn the action of the Council in this matter, and that we condemn the president and secretary of the Council for lending or selling their aid to help to prevent the investigation of the public acts of officials who have thrown themselves open to suspicion, and thereby placing the honest union men of San Francisco in the false light of indorsing such high-handed defiance of the law; and be it
“Resolved, That we deny that the proposed prosecution of the present administration is an attack on organized labor; and further, be it
“Resolved, That it is the sense of this Union that the president and secretary of the Building Trades Council are not fit persons to be at the head of the Union movement in San Francisco, and that the delegates representing this Union in the Council are hereby instructed to use every honorable means to carry out the spirit of this resolution; and further, be it
“Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be furnished by the corresponding secretary to each and every Union affiliated with the Council, so that they will consider this an invitation from this Union to assist in ridding the central body of officers whom we believe have done all in their power to bring unionism into disrepute.”
Similar resolutions were adopted by Journeymen Plumbers, Gas and Steam Fitters’ Local, No. 442.