The first public expression ofMr.Clay’s feelings in relation to South American independence, was made in connection with a proposition to reduce the direct taxes of the United States, which he thought too high for a state of peace. The aspect of our foreign relations at that time was peculiarly amicable, although, from a report that the Spanish minister had made an informal demand for a portion of Florida, seemed to indicate that a rupture with Spain was by no means improbable, and he expressed himself in favor of husbanding our means as much as practicable, in anticipation of such an event. At the same time, he hinted the propriety of assisting her colonial dependents in their endeavors to establish a free government. His remarks causedMr.Randolph to express his sentiments concerning the same subject, which among other things chargedMr.Clay with entertaining a desire for conquest, indeed as being influenced by unworthy motives. He said he was not ‘going a tilting for the liberties of South America.’ She came not to our aid; let us mind our own business, and not tax our people for the liberties of the people of Spanish America. He declared that her inhabitants were incapable of appreciating or enjoying liberty. He thoughtMr.Clay had imbibed the war-spirit of Europe. ‘The honorable gentleman has been sent on a late occasion to Europe; he had been near the field of Waterloo, and he was apprehensive had snuffed the carnage and caught the infection.’ He intimated thatMr.Clay advocated an increase of the army for the purpose of marching them to the scene of action. ‘What! increase our standing army in time of peace on the suggestion that we are to go on a crusade to South America?’Mr.Claydenied having made the most remote suggestions to that effect,—that his remarks were incapable of being so construed. ‘Do I not understand the gentleman?’—‘I am sorry I do not. I labor under two great misfortunes—I can never understand the honorable speaker, and he can never understand me.’ Such being the case,Mr.Randolph remarked, he should be under the necessity of abandoning the argument with him, since it would be impossible to proceed.Mr.Clay again alluded to the same subject a few days after, in a most feeling manner. A bill was brought forward to prohibit ‘our citizens from selling vessels of war to subjects of a foreign power,’ which he vigorously opposed because of its evident bearing upon the belligerent state of South America. He said it was impossible to conceal the true character of that bill. ‘Bestow upon it what denomination you will, disguise it as you may, it will be understood by the world as a law to discountenance any aid being given to the South American patriots, now in a state of revolution against the parent country. With respect to the nature of that struggle, I have not now for the first time to express my opinion and wishes. I wish them independence. It is the first step towards improving their condition. Let them have a free government, if they are capable of enjoying it. At any rate let them have independence.Yes, from the inmost recesses of my soul I wish them independence.In this I may be accused of imprudence in the utterance of my feelings on this occasion. I care not, when the independence, the happiness, the liberty of a whole people is at stake, and that people our neighbors, our brethren occupying a portion of the same continent, imitating our example, and participating of the same sympathies with ourselves.’During the following month an attempt was made to appropriate and pledge the bonus paid by the United States bank into the public treasury, as a permanent fund to be employed in constructing works of internal improvement.Mr.Clay gave his hearty concurrence to this measure, declaring his belief that ‘there were no two subjects which could engage the attention of the national legislature, more worthy of its deliberate consideration, than those of internal improvements and domestic manufactures.’ A bill was passed constituting such fund, but the president vetoed it on alleged constitutional grounds.Mr.Clay’s remarks caused great interest to be felt in behalf of South American liberty, and during the summer following, the president appointed three commissioners,Messrs.Rodney, Graham, and Bland, to proceed to South America, and examine her political, civil and social condition as preliminary to rendering them any assistance.Mr.Clay regarded the appointment as impolitic, and when a bill came before the house in March 1818, providing for the support of government, objected to having itembrace a clause appropriating thirty thousand dollars for their compensation, for constitutional reasons. For it he proposed to substitute an amendment, appropriating eighteen thousand dollars as the outfit and one year’s salary of a minister from the United States to the Independent Provinces of the river La Plata in South America. He accompanied the presentation of the amendment with a speech of great power, evincing great geographical and historical knowledge, and setting forth clearly the condition of the people. The amendment, however, was not adopted.Many members of prominence differed withMr.Clay, for whose opinions he expressed his respect, and regretted that his own convictions of expediency and duty led him to take a different view of the subject. He directly avowed that considerations of liberty and humanity had no little weight with him in advocating their cause, but at the same time his belief, that the adoption of the measure under consideration, while it would add to the renown of the republic, would render material assistance to those who were greatly in need of it. He vindicated himself from the charge which had been made, that he was desirous of fomenting a war between the states and Spain. He indulged in animating anticipations of the number and importance of the governments which might be formed in those vast, fertile, and beautiful provinces. To attempts at proving the movements of the colonists as rebellious, opposing the lawful government of Spain, he replied by clearly showing that if that power had possessed a legal claim to their allegiance, she had forfeited it by withholding that protection requisite to entitle her to it, and that consequently the people of Spanish America were contending for nothing more than their legal and natural rights. ‘But’ saidMr.Clay, ‘I take a broader, bolder position. I maintain that an oppressed people are authorized, whenever they can, to rise and break their fetters. This was the great principle of the English revolution. It was the great principle of our own. We must therefore pass sentence of condemnation upon the founders of our liberty, say that they were rebels and traitors, and that we are at this moment legislating without competent powers, before we can condemn the course of Spanish America.’ He contended that if we were justified in our attempts at independence, much more was she, who had writhed beneath the scourge of oppression so long, so much longer than we; that if they were worthy of success, if they were entitled to succeed from the justness of their cause, then surely we ought to wish it, especially when we consider the barbarous character of the war. He maintained that we were deeply interested, in recognizing their independence. Even then our commerce with those provinces was considerable, and would greatly increase after they should become permanently settled as free and independent nations. Theact would attach them to us, nay, it would bind them to us by relations as intimate as those of kindred; they would become our powerful allies.Mr.Clay said he took this ground, not because he desired to force our principles where they were not wished, but simply from feelings of sympathy. We knew by experience how sweet it was to receive that when we were in circumstances that tried men’s souls. There could be no danger, nor objection to stretch out towards their people the hand of friendly sympathy, to present to those abused and oppressed communities an expression of our good will, to make them a tender of those great principles which we have adopted as the basis of our institutions. Their ignorance and inability had been brought forward, by those opposing the measure, as completely incapacitating them for self-government. These, he contended, had been greatly magnified, but admitting them to be as unqualifying as they had been represented to be, the fact ought rather to increase our pity for them, and to urge us to seek the more earnestly, by all reasonable and just means within our reach, their liberation from that detestable system which chained them to such a servile state. He ridiculed the idea that recognition could be made a just pretext for war. ‘Recognition’ said he, ‘without aid is no just cause of war; with aid, it is not because of the recognition, but because of the aid, as aid without recognition is cause of war.’Mr.Clay’s efforts were not successful at this time; no minister was despatched to South America; the friendly mission was deferred until 1821, when he submitted, on the tenth of February, a resolution to the house, ‘declaring that the house of representatives participated with the people of the United States in the deep interest which they felt for the success of the Spanish provinces of South America, which were struggling to establish their liberty and independence, and that it would give its constitutional support to the president of the United States, whenever he might deem it expedient to recognize the sovereignty and independence of those provinces.’On this resolution, a warm and protracted debate ensued, which was finally adopted, by a vote of eighty-seven to sixty-eight, andMr.Clay was appointed chairman of a committee to communicate to the president the action of the house.On the eighth day of March, 1822, the president transmitted to the house of representatives a message recommending the recognition, whichMr.Clay had so long struggled for. On the twenty-eighth the vote of recognition was taken, when it appeared that there was but one dissenting voice.Thus at last were the noble and generous efforts of the patriot statesman crowned with success as complete as they had been persevering. Years had elapsed between their commencement and glorious consummation; years of toil, anxiety, and hope, butnow the harvest time had come. The president and congress, from vehemently opposing his views in relation to their independence, by his persuasive arguments were brought over to them, who officially stretched out the hand of the nation, to clasp with friendly pressure those of the infant republics of the south. As a matter of course, the act was denounced as one of folly and fraught with danger, by the personal and political enemies ofMr.Clay, but the truly philanthropic, throughout the land, regarded it with approbation, and described it as just what the greatest free nation on the globe should do towards those who were worthy of it. It was applauded throughout the world, but particularly by those towards whom it was directed, with enthusiastic expressions of gratitude. The supreme congress of Mexico voted him the thanks of the nation, for his zeal and efficient labors in their behalf.During the struggle, his speeches were frequently read at the head of the patriot army, and the effect was always to increase their intrepidity and valor. The name of Clay became associated with every thing dear and valuable in freedom, and was pronounced by both officer and soldier with reverence; and many were the epistolary notices which he received, of the high estimation in which his services were held, by that suffering, but successfully struggling people. The following is a specimen.BOGOTA,21stNovember, 1827.SIR,—I cannot omit availing myself of the opportunity afforded me by the departure of colonel Watts,chargé d’affairesof the United States, of taking the liberty to address your excellency. This desire has long been entertained by me, for the purpose of expressing my admiration of your excellency’s brilliant talents and ardent love of liberty. All America, Colombia, and myself, owe your excellency our purest gratitude, for the incomparable services you have rendered to us, by sustaining our course with a sublime enthusiasm. Accept, therefore, this sincere and cordial testimony, which I hasten to offer to your excellency and to the government of the United States, who have so greatly contributed to the emancipation of your southern brethren.‘I have the honor to offer to your excellency my distinguished consideration.‘Your excellency’s obedient servant,‘BOLIVAR.’To the above,Mr.Clay replied, of which the following is an extract.WASHINGTON,27thOctober, 1828.‘SIR,—It is very gratifying to me to be assured directly by your excellency, that the course which the government of the United States took on this memorable occasion, and my humble efforts, have excited the gratitude and commanded the approbation of your excellency. I am persuaded that I do not misinterpret the feelings of the people of the United States, as I certainly express my own, in saying that the interest which was inspired in this country by the arduous struggles of South America, arose principally from the hope that along with its independence would be established free institutions, insuring all the blessings of civil liberty. To the accomplishing of that object we still anxiously look. We are aware that great difficulties oppose it, among which not the least is that which arises out of the existence of a large military force, raised for the purpose of resisting the power of Spain. Standing armies, organized with the most patriotic intentions, are dangerous instruments. They devour the substance, debauch the morals, and too often destroy the liberties of a people. Nothing can be more perilous or unwise, than to retain them after thenecessity has ceased which led to their formation, especially if their numbers are disproportioned to the revenues of the state.‘But notwithstanding all these difficulties, we had fondly cherished and still indulge the hope that South America would add a new triumph to the cause of human liberty, and that Providence would bless her as he had her northern sister, with the genius of some great and virtuous man, to conduct her securely through all her trials. We had even flattered ourselves that we beheld that genius in your excellency. But I should be unworthy the consideration with which your excellency honors me, and deviate from the frankness which I have ever endeavored to practice, if I did not on this occasion state that ambitious designs have been attributed by your enemies, to your excellency, which have created in my mind great solicitude. They have cited late events in Colombia as proofs of these designs. But slow in the withdrawal of confidence which I have once given, I have been most unwilling to credit the unfavorable accounts which have from time to time reached me.‘I cannot allow myself to believe that your excellency will abandon the bright and glorious path which lies plainly before you, for the bloody road passing over the liberties of the human race, on which the vulgar crowd of tyrants and military despots have so often trodden. I will not doubt that your excellency will in due time render a satisfactory explanation to Colombia, and to the world, of the parts of your public conduct which have excited any distrust, and that preferring the true glory of our immortal Washington to the ignoble fame of the destroyers of liberty, you have formed the patriotic resolution of ultimately placing the freedom of Colombia upon a firm and sure foundation. That your efforts to that end may be crowned with complete success, I most fervently pray.‘I request that your excellency will accept assurances of my sincere wishes for your happiness and prosperity.‘H. CLAY.’His magnanimity, his disinterestedness, and his philanthropy, stand out in bold relief, in the above extract from his appeal to Bolivar. It evinces the same spirit of kind regard for the welfare of the South American republics which he invariably manifested towards that of his own. Its tone, the nature of its sentiments, and its more than open frankness, utterly preclude the belief that selfishness had any agency in its dictation. It exhibits him, cherishing as strong a desire that the happy institutions, immunities, and privileges of liberty should be established and enjoyed in them, as he felt in supporting and perpetuating those of his own. No one can rise up from its perusal and candidly question the purity of his motives, nor charge him with an overweening ambition. In short, no one unblinded by prejudice can fail of beholding in it, his generous, uncalculating attitude.DuringMr.Madison’s administration,Mr.Clay was twice offered a seat in his cabinet by him, or the mission to Russia. The president reposed in him most unbounded confidence, and correctly appreciated his preëminent abilities. At the breaking out of hostilities,Mr.Madison selected him as commander-in-chief of the army. ButMr.Clay, thinking that he could render his country more efficient service in her public councils, declined all attempts at removing him from them, though he well knew that he did so at the expense of his private interests. These, however, never appear to have entered into or influenced in the least his calculations. ‘My country first, myself afterwards,’ is legibly written on every part of his public career.After the accomplishment of his desires in relation to South America, he again reverted to his favorite policy; favorite, because he saw its intimate connection with the growth and prosperity of his country, as calculated to develope her vast resources, and to pour into her lap the blessings of a virtuous and free people. The formation ofMr.Clay’s attachment to internal improvements and domestic manufactures, is coeval with his entrance into congress; and when matters demanding immediate attention had been disposed of, he would bring them forward, and labor to make the conviction of their importance sink deep into the heart of the nation. WhenMr.Madison returned, with his objections, the bill appropriating the bonus of the United States bank for purposes of internal improvements,Mr.Clay expressed his astonishment. He had confidently calculated on its receiving the signature of the president; for he had particularly invited the attention of congress, in his message, ‘to the expediency of exercising their existing powers, and where necessary, of resorting to the prescribed mode of enlarging them, in order to effectuate a comprehensive system of roads and canals, such as will have the effect of drawing more closely together every part of our country, by promoting intercourse and improvements, and by increasing the share of every part in the common stock of national prosperity.’Mr.Clay had heard, through the medium of uncertain rumor, thatMr.Madison designed to veto the bill, whereupon he sent him a communication, requesting him, if he entertained any constitutional scruples about signing it to let the whole matter rest and pass over to his successor for action. The president, however, took a different view of the subject, and on the third of March, returned the bill. On the following day,Mr.Monroe was inducted into his office, who, it was conjectured, prior to seeingMr.Madison’s veto-message, had prepared his inaugural address in such a manner as to recommend, in strong terms, the policy of promoting internal improvements, but that, on readingMr.Madison’s objections to the bill, he changed his opinion. It was thought he was led to do so partly from fear, and partly from a desire to conform his views with those of his predecessor. Subsequently he stated that a careful investigation had conducted him to the conclusion, that the power of making internal improvements was not vested in congress, and that to clothe that body with it, an amendment of the constitution was requisite. Opposition such as this policy had encountered, from so exalted a source as that of three chief magistrates, (Messrs.Jefferson, Madison and Monroe,) would have appalled a mind of ordinary strength and perseverance; butMr.Clay was one who never formed an opinion with precipitancy, but only when, by the most diligent inquiry, he had established a foundation for it in reason and philosophy. Erected upon this basis, he would adhere to it, though confronted by thecombined opposition of the world. A compromise of principle he was a stranger to. Nothing disheartened, therefore, by the magnitude of the obstacles opposed to his progress in advocating his favorite measures, by those high in authority, he seemed to gather fresh energy from every new one that he encountered. In March, 1818, a resolution was submitted to the house, declaring that congress had power to construct military post-roads and canals, and also to appropriate money for that object. The opposition to this presented a formidable array of strength, and brought forward every objection that political ingenuity could devise.Mr.Clay did not deem it advisable to consume the time of the house in examining in detail any except those denominatedconstitutional. His whole aim, therefore, was to prove that the power alleged in the resolution, was derivable from the constitution; and this he accomplished in the most convincing manner. In construing this instrument, he observed the same rules which governed his action in relation to the bank bill of 1816. He maintained that every power, whichappeared necessary and proper, to secure the lawful exercise of constitutional rights,was fairly impliable, and that thisnecessity and proprietymust be determined by the discretion of those who exercised it, ‘under all the responsibility of a solemn oath,’ and the knowledge that they were the subjects of those laws that they passed, and that they were amenable to thepeople, who held in reserve the right to resist tyrannic usurpation.Mr.Clay argued that the power toestablishpost-roads, expressly specified in the constitution, involved the power toconstructthem. This position he illustrated with the clearness of demonstration, by referring to that clause which gives congress the power of making war, and employing the resources of the country in prosecuting it. He declared that, from the same provision, the power of transporting those means was derived by implication; and that therefore, to secure such transportation, congress might legally construct military roads,&c.His adversaries, compelled to yield before his powerful reasoning, fell back, and intrenched themselves behind theconcessionthat peculiar emergencies might justify the exercise of the power in question. From this he drove them, by proving that thisconcession contained the admissionthat the constitution conveyed ‘the power; and,’ saidMr.Clay, ‘we may safely appeal to the judgment of the candid and enlightened to decide between the wisdom of these two constructions, of which one requires you to wait for the exercise of your power until the arrival of an emergency, which may not allow you to exert it, and the other, without denying the power if you can exercise it during the emergency, claims the right of providing beforehand against the emergency.’ They finally fortified themselves behind the position, that it was not requisite for the general government to construct such works, because individual enterprise would do itas soon as sectional interests should demand their construction. Here he hemmed in and captured them. His motion was adopted by a vote of ninety to seventy-five. It was a triumph, and a signal one, over opposition that had been accumulating and strengthening during two previous administrations; and which in the then existing one, was directed against him with all the violence and impetuosity that reserved energies could impart to it. It must have been a moment of proud satisfaction to the indefatigable statesman, as he beheld the last vestige of opposition disappear beneath his feet, and himself the sole occupant of the place on which he had so happily succeeded in founding a basis for that noble, incomparably noble system, fraught with every good and every immunity which a virtuous people could desire. This system has since been erected so much under his supervision, and through his direct instrumentality, as to give him the title of ‘its father.’Mr.Clay advocated the policy of carrying forward the construction of the Cumberland road, as rapidly as possible, and exerted himself from time to time, to procure appropriations for that purpose; with what earnestness, we may learn from his own language, declaring that ‘he had tobeg, entreat, and supplicatecongress, session after session, to grant the necessary appropriations to complete the road.’ Said he, ‘I have myselftoiled until my powers have been exhausted and prostratedto prevail on you to make the grant.’ A monument of stone has been erected on the road, surmounted by the genius of liberty, and bearing as an inscription, the name of ‘Henry Clay.’ The importance of this road to the public may be learned from some remarks made byMr.Clay, on the occasion of a dinner given him by the mechanics of Wheeling, Virginia, in which he declared the great interest that work had awakened in his breast, and expressed his ardent desire that it might be prosecuted to a speedy completion. He said that a few years since, he and his family had employed the whole or greater part of a day, in travelling the distance of about nine miles, from Uniontown to Freeman’s on Laurel Hill, which now, since the construction of the Cumberland road over the mountains, could be accomplished, together with seventy more, in the same time. He considered its importance so great to the union, that he would not consent to give it up to the keeping of the several states through which it passed.Mr.Clay’s latest congressional efforts in behalf of internal improvements, were made on the sixteenth of January, 1824, when he made a speech before the house, on a bill authorizing the president to cause certain surveys and estimates of roads and canals to be made.Mr.Monroe and a strong party of supporters assumed the ground, that congress had no control over the post roads, other than to use such as had been established by the states individually,and that their construction and repair (and consequent alteration and closure) did not belong to the general government. To this doctrineMr.Clay replied, by saying, ‘is it possible that this construction of the constitution can be correct—a construction which allows a law of the United States, enacted for the good of the whole, to be obstructed or defeated in its operations by a county court in any one of the twenty-four sovereignties? Suppose a state, no longer having occasion to use a post-road for its own separate and peculiar purposes, withdraws all care and attention from its preservation. Can the state be compelled to repair it? No! Then may not the general government repair this road, which is abandoned by the state power? And may it not protect and defend that which it has thus repaired, and which there is no longer an interest or inclination in the state to protect and defend? Is it contended that a road may exist in the statute book, which the state will not, and the general government cannot repair and improve? What sort of an account should we render to the people of the United States, of the execution of the high trust committed to us for their benefit, if we were to tell them, that we had failed to execute it because a state would not make a road for us? The same clause of the constitution which authorizes congress to establish post roads, authorizes it also to establish post offices. Will it be contended that congress, in the exercise of the power to establish post offices, can do no more than adopt or designate some preëxisting office, enacted and kept in repair by state authority? There is none such. It may then fix, build, create and repair offices of its own, and its power over the post roads, is by the constitution equally extensive.’Mr.Barbour, of Virginia, was among the most vigorous assailants of the policy advocated byMr.Clay. He contended, that if it were carried out, an encroachment on the rights of the states would be the inevitable consequence; that their jurisdiction would be abridged. He was answered in such a manner as to show that there was no ground of alarm to be apprehended from that source; that all the control which the general government sought to exercise, related simply to constructing and preserving the road, and the maintenance of the necessary measures of its defence, and that all illegal acts committed upon it would be left for adjudication by the state through which it passed.Mr.Clay contended that the general government derived the right of constructing canals, from the specified rights of making war and regulating domestic and foreign commerce. His reasoning was clear and conclusive, and when the final vote was taken, the majority was much greater than the most sanguine supporters of the measure had anticipated, showing a great increase since 1818, when he discussed the same subject. The opposition were now prostrated, indeed they had on this occasion brought out their whole strength, and many wereheard to say, that if defeated now, they should regard the policy of internal improvements permanently settled. Many, therefore, who had formerly opposed it, on witnessingMr.Clay’s complete triumph, adopted his views, and came over to his aid.It has always been a prominent principle withMr.Clay, in his legislative career, to give a judicious direction to his exertions, so that if they were successful, his country would be benefited, but if unsuccessful, that she should not sustain any harm. In this one feature of his action, is seen, as in a mirror, the purity of his patriotism. His exertions, as directed towards the subject of internal improvements, have been productive of incalculable benefit to the nation, and to individuals. They have awakened, and employed, and given an impetus to an amount of enterprise unmeasured, the salutary effects of which, every hill and vale of our vast country has felt. And the sea has felt them too; the sails of commerce have been multiplied by them, and foreign shores have groaned beneath the burdens of rich freights, which they have heaped upon them. But who, in imagination, even, can enumerate the number and the depth of the new channels of enterprise which they are destined yet to create, where industry may roll her golden tide, and build by their sides the abodes of a mighty, free, and happy people. Through the long vista of years to come, it needs no prophetic ken to look, and read, on many a monument of adamant, interspersed among them, in characters of imperishable fame, inscribed the name ofHENRYCLAY.Near the commencement of 1817, efforts were made by the friends of the free colored population in the United States, to ameliorate their condition. For this purpose, a meeting was convened at Washington, on the twenty-first of December, 1816, over whichMr.Clay was called to preside. On taking the chair, he stated the object of the meeting to be, to consider the propriety and practicability of colonizing the free people of color of the United States, and of forming an association relative to that object. In regard to the various schemes of colonization which had been suggested, that appeared the most feasible, which contemplated some portion of the coast of Africa.There, he said, ample provision might be made for the colony itself, and it might be rendered instrumental in introducing into that extensive portion of the globe, the arts of civilization and christianity. He said there was a peculiar and moral fitness in restoring them to the land of their fathers.He went on to state, that he had understood it constituted no part of the object of the meeting to touch or agitate in theslightestdegree, a delicate question connected with another portion of the colored population of our country. It was not proposed to deliberate on or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or that was connected with the abolition of slavery. It was upon that condition alone, he was sure that many gentlemen from the southand west, whom he saw present, had attended, or could be expected to coöperate. The meeting resulted in the formation of the Colonization Society, of which Bushrod Washington was chosen president.In March previous,Mr.Clay expressed his views relative to holding congressional caucuses, for the purpose of making nominations. He thought them not compatible with the nature of the powers delegated to them by the people, as calculated to meet their disapprobation, and establish a precedent which might prove dangerous to their liberties.When congress adjourned, in March, 1817, the house unanimously votedMr.Clay their thanks, for the ability and impartiality with which he had presided over their deliberations, and the correctness of his decisions on all questions referred to the chair. He replied in an apposite and beautiful manner, saying that next to the approbation of one’s own conscience, and one’s own country, was that of the immediate representatives of the people. He spoke of the difficulties of legislation; said there were three periods that might be denominated difficult; the first was that which immediately preceded a state of war; the second was that which existed during its continuance; and the third was that which immediately succeeded it. The last was the one through which they had just passed—the most difficult of the three, when every thing pertaining to the general and state governments was unsettled, and when disorganization to a greater or less extent prevailed; when the task of supplying deficiences, strengthening weaknesses, and correcting abuses, was by no means light or pleasant. He congratulated them on the efficient manner in which they had discharged that task, to which the records of the house bore ample testimony. He closed by tendering them his thanks, for the flattering expression of good feeling with which they had honored him, presuming that it was prompted more by a spirit of kindness, than by a sense of justice to him, as he was sure he did not merit it, and by pledging their united efforts, as an offering to their common country, in advancing their best interests.When he reached Lexington, its citizens gave him a dinner, and as heretofore, showered on him their enthusiastic approbation and applause.In January, 1817, the subject of the well known Seminole war was brought before the house for its consideration. Several features relating to the mode in which it had been conducted, demanded, in the opinion of many humane members, a critical investigation. The character which had been given to that war, by the chieftain to whose management it was intrusted, was reflecting strongly on the honor and justice of our country. She had sustained a grievous injury from a portion of the Seminole Indians, who, during the last war, aided the British arms againsther, and feeling that she had just cause for seeking redress, despatched general Andrew Jackson, at the head of a strong military force, to obtain it. He marched into their territory, and in a short time so reduced them, that a portion sued for peace. A treaty was accordingly prepared, in August, 1814, but which was not signed by many of the chiefs, except those previously friendly to our country, who constituted only about one third of the nation. This misnomered treaty, from its cruel and unheard-of tyrannical exactions, had found a much more appropriate resting place by the side of the ruthless interdicts of a Nero, or a Trajan, than in the archives of a christian nation. The poor natives, reduced to actual starvation, their wigwams and villages in ashes, withering in the dust beneath the feet of the conqueror, had no alternative but to submit to death, or just such terms as he chose to dictate. They preferred the latter, which was meted out with a hand nerved with all the unrelenting sternness of patriotism, without any of its mercy. The Indians obtained what they sought, but they paid dearly for it. The instrument granted them peace, on condition that they would cede a large portion of their territory to the United States, and yield them important powers and privileges over the remainder, and deliver into the hands of the conqueror the prophets of their nation. It needed only a superficial knowledge of the Indian character, to perceive that their proud and haughty spirit would not long brook a compliance with terms so abjectly humiliating. Not many months elapsed before they began to renew their depredations on our frontiers. Though acts of cruelty, on the part of the Seminoles, were of frequent occurrence, apparently calling loudly for vengeance, still they were greatly palliated by a letter from ten of the Seminole towns, addressed to the commanding officer of fort Hawkins, on the eleventh of September, 1817, in which it was stated that not a solitary white man had been butchered by them, except in revenge for the unprovoked murder of an Indian. ‘The white people,’ it declared, ‘killed our people first, the Indians then took satisfaction. There are yetthree menthat the red people have never taken satisfaction for.’ The governor of Georgia, accurately acquainted with all the facts, declared his honest and sincere conviction that they were not in fault. But supposing the whites hadnotbeen guilty of outrages on the Seminoles, subsequent to the date of the treaty, yet its unjustly oppressive character, the paucity of their chieftains’ signatures attached to it, and the obligations imposed on the United States, by the ninth article of the treaty of Ghent, towards the Indian tribes, to say nothing of the law of nature, justified, in our humble opinion, the attempts of the Seminoles to shake off the insupportably heavy burden which military despotism had bound upon them. In view of these facts, in relation to general Jackson’s treatment of the Seminoles, it is unnecessary to say, that his second expedition against them wasnot marked byone mitigating or lenient feature; that they were treated more likedogsthan men; that their chiefs were decoyed by him into his camp, and there seized and instantly put to death. In short, that every principle of honor, humanity, and justice, which ought to accompany the operations of a civilized army, wasutterly disregarded. It is not surprising, therefore, that the patriotically disposed, in congress, on beholding the dark spot gathering on the escutcheon of their country’s fame, in consequence of such high-handed proceedings, should rise up and attempt to efface it. General Jackson’s conduct in the Florida war, was made the subject of special investigation, during the session of 1818–19. A series of resolutions were offered to congress, severely censuring it, whichMr.Clay sustained in a speech of unparalleled ability. Although on terms of personal intimacy with the general, although he accorded to him his just meed of praise, for the distinguished service he had rendered his country in the battle of New Orleans, stillMr.Clay thought he had transcended the limits of both law and equity, and did not allow his feelings of friendship for him to interpose any obstacle to the frank and fearless avowal of his sentiments. He commented very severely upon his treatment ofIndian prisoners, in ordering their inhuman massacre, after obtaining possession of them, by the artifice of a ‘false flag,’ not hesitating to pronounce it wanton, barbaric, and uncalled for. But his flagrant violations of the rights of neutrality called forth his sharpest animadversions. During the campaign, two Indian traders,Messrs.Arbuthnot and Ambrister, the former a Scotchman, the latter an Englishman, had fallen into the hands of general Jackson. Ambrister was found in the Indian camp, Arbuthnot within the limits of Spanish jurisdiction. The Englishman was suspected of having instigated the savages to make war upon the whites, and the Scotchman was charged with informing the Indians of their rights, as secured to them by the treaty of Ghent, and of having advised them to maintain them by force of arms. These unfortunate men, he ordered the one to be shot and the other hung, in direct opposition to the decision of a court martial of his own choosing. The turpitude of this act,Mr.Clay exhibited in its true colors. He contrasted the execution of Arbuthnot with the blackest act of Napoleon, the execution of Louis of France, and showed that for atrocity, and disregard for justice and clemency, it cast the latter far into the back-ground. His aggression committed upon the Spanish authorities, in seizing uponSt.Marks and Pensacola, fell under the rod of his reprobation.Mr.Clay denounced these acts as falling little short of tyrannic usurpation, and which could not be justified on any ground of justice or reason. His speech on this occasion, has been compared to the polished orations of Sheridan, in the case of Hastings, but as exhibiting a much milder spirit, one of sincere sorrow, instead of revenge.The resolutions were rejected by a small majority, which is not surprising, on considering thatMr.Monroe, his cabinet, and nearly all the house, were disinclined to arraign the conduct of general Jackson in the Seminole war, and when we reflect thatMr.Clay did not repeat his efforts, as he usually did. The general, who soon after visited Washington, took umbrage atMr.Clay’s speech, and carried his animosity so far as to refuse to have any intercourse with him, although he called on him directly after his arrival, thus evincing an unabatement of friendship.To whatever part ofMr.Clay’s congressional career we turn our eyes, we invariably find him actively engaged in building up that magnificent system of domestic utility, whenever circumstances admitted. This he commenced, as we have seen, previous to the war, and his attachment to it had been increasing ever since, until the conviction of its indispensable importance to the country had sunk so deep into his mind, as to cause him to toil unremittingly, in order that the beneficial influences of that system might be diffused over it as soon as possible. For these, the farmer at his plough and the mechanic in his shop were stretching out their hands. These, our infant manufactories, which sprang up to supply the demands caused by the war, demanded, and these were requisite to make the union (whatMr.Clay never lost sight of,) independent inreality, as she was inname, of all foreign powers.It was obvious to both parties in congress, that in order to accomplish an object so essential to the welfare of the nation, aprotective tariffwas necessary. Accordingly, on the twelfth of March, 1816,Mr.Lowndes, of South Carolina, one of the committee of ways and means, made a report relative to the policy of protection. He sustained the policy by an able speech, and was followed byMr.Calhoun, who also advocated it.Mr.Clay yielded his unqualified assent and vindication, and sought to cause the bill to be so formed as to secure efficient protection for woollen fabrics. It was finally adopted.In April, 1820, the subject of a protective tariff came again before congress. The distress which the country had experienced since 1816, was seen to have originated, in a great degree, from inadequate protection, particularly that which had fallen upon the manufacturing districts. To a bill revising and improving the tariff of 1816,Mr.Clay gave his ardent support. As on former similar occasions, he urged its adoption on the high ground of national utility. ‘I frankly own,’ said he, ‘that I feel great solicitude for the success of this bill. The entire independence of my country of all foreign states, as it respects a supply of our essential wants, has ever been with me a favorite object. The war of our revolution effected our political emancipation. The last war contributed greatly towards accomplishing our commercialfreedom. But our complete independence will only be consummated after the policy of this bill shall be recognized and adopted.’ The bill, though passed by the house, was defeated in the senate.In 1824, the distress of the country had increased to such an enormous extent, that the most serious apprehensions began to be entertained, lest the productive energies of the land would be completely annihilated, unless some remedy should be devised. There was no department which did not feel its blighting influence; navigation and commerce, no less than agriculture and manufactures, tottered beneath the tremendous weight of gloom, which, like a dense cloud of ruin, overshadowed the whole nation. Our vessels were either lying idle at their moorings, or mostly going in ballast; all encouragement for enterprise was taken away; produce was plenty, but purchasers few; our granaries and store houses were full to overflowing, and in many instances, their contents were going to decay; to obtain money, except at ruinous rates, was out of the question, consequently labor was in little demand and poorly rewarded; the depreciation of property of all kinds was unparalleled, and disorder and embarrassment pervaded every rank and condition of every industrial department. It was under such circumstances, that a farther revision and enlargement of the tariff of 1816 was proposed. In the house, the committee on manufactures reported a bill to that effect, at the same time expressing their opinion, that the evils which then existed, were clearly traceable to inefficient protection of domestic industry, and of relying too much on foreign producers, thereby allowing the specie, the life-blood of the country, to be drained out of it. This defect the bill proposed to remedy.Mr.Clay came forward in its support, under the most solemn impressions of the exceedingly lamentable condition which his country was in, and evinced, by every tone of his voice and look of his countenance, his deep anxiety to extend to her the hand of speedy relief. ‘If it were allowable for us at the present day,’ said he, ‘to imitate ancient examples, I would invoke the aid of the Most High. I would anxiously and fervently implore his divine assistance, that he would be graciously pleased to shower on my country his richest blessings, and that he would sustain, on this interesting occasion, the individual who stands before him, and lend him the power, moral and physical, to perform the solemn duties which now belong to his public station.’ He felt that it was indeed a sad sight, to behold a free and mighty nation sitting in sackcloth and ashes, with her hands shackled by a policy as unwise as it was foreign to her interests, with which, had they been free, she could have clothed herself with beautiful garments, excited the envy and admiration of the world, and brushed like chaff every vestige of depression and distress from her borders. He contended that the causes ofthese were easily discoverable, and as easily removable; that they were entirely within our control, and that we had but to will it and the work was done, and it was high time, he said, to set about it. Evils of every description had been accumulating during the last ten years, until they had become so numerous and great as to be no longer patible. But it was a source of satisfaction to know that theyneed not be endured—that they were medicable—that with a change of policy they would disappear, as certainly as darkness disappears before light. A cultivation of her own resources, he said, would relieve the country. If she would break away from that state of foreign vassalage, into which she had voluntarily entered, the streams of commerce would again fertilize her fair fields.If she would butextendher hand and pluck from her breast the thorn, which her own suicidal policy had planted there, he avowed his belief that the rose of industry would spring up in its place. This change of policy, he believed, would accomplish all that would be requisite to her peace and prosperity. In supporting the bill, however, he had to encounter much and strong opposition, at the head of which stood Daniel Webster. The collision of these eloquent and intellectual giants, is said to have been inconceivably grand. Says a gentleman who witnessed it, ‘the eloquence ofMr.Webster was the majestic roar of a strong and steady blast, pealing through the forest; but that ofMr.Clay was the tone of a god-like instrument, sometimes visited by an angel touch, and swept anon by all the fury of the raging elements.’Mr.Clay, aware that he was contending for the very vitality of his country, had nerved himself up to one of his mightiest efforts, one which would demolish every opposing obstacle, and plant his foot in complete triumph on the ruins of the strongest holds of his assailants. He turned aside every weapon directed against his system, and entirely disarmed all opposition. The bill passed the house on the sixteenth of April, by a vote of one hundred and seven to one hundred and two, and shortly after became a law, and its beneficial effects were felt throughout the country. The operations of this system, in connection with the United States bank, which was now rapidly correcting the derangements in the currency, filled the land with gladness and prosperity. Enterprise came forth from his retiracy, to which the previous embarrassment had driven him, and shaking the dust of sloth from his garments, cast his eyes about over the vast and beautiful field which invited his occupancy. Encouraged by the loud and united voices of this wisely regulated institution, and the American system, he took immediate possession. The desert bloomed, the forest fell, the mill arose, and the wheel of industry, which before was slumbering on its rusting axle, under the guidance of his potent hand began again its healthful revolutions, and soon the land was belted by her green and golden tracks. He hushed the voice of woe, and caused the loud shout of joy to goup from every hill and vale throughout the nation. After she had enjoyed his life-imparting influence eight years,Mr.Clay thus describes her appearance. ‘We have the agreeable contemplation of a people out of debt, innumerable flocks and herds browsing on ten thousand hills and plains covered with rich and verdant grasses, our cities expanded, and whole villages springing up as it were by enchantment, our exports and imports increased and increasing, our tonnage, foreign and coastwise, fully occupied, the rivers of our interior animated by countless steamboats, the currency sound and abundant, the public debt of two wars nearly redeemed, and, to crown all, the public treasury overflowing, embarrassing congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select the objects which shall be relieved from the imposts. If the term of seven years were to be selected, of the greatest prosperity which this people have enjoyed since the establishment of their present constitution, it would be exactly the period of seven years which immediately followed the passage of the tariff of 1824.’ Who can doubt, after an impartial survey of the whole ground, (and a superficial one is sufficient,) who can doubt that the materials for limning the above strong, but correct picture, were furnished by asound currency, and ajudicious tariff. As long as the termtariffshall remain in the English vocabulary, will the memory of Henry Clay, in all the verdancy of spring, abide in the heart of the nation.Notwithstanding the sturdy opposition whichMr.Webster arrayed against this system, as advocated byMr.Clay, he became its ardent supporter when time had tested and proved its importance. Many other public functionaries also, who had assailed it in the most vindictive manner, laid down their weapons, and cordially embraced, with strong protecting arms, its salutary provisions. Even bigotry and prejudice were forced into an unwilling acknowledgement of its utility, and were soon seen placing themselves in a situation where its benign influences would fall upon them.In 1819, the most exciting question that ever agitated the councils of the nation, came before congress for adjustment—the question of admitting Missouri as a state into the Union. It was correctly called a ‘distracting question,’ for it caused a political earthquake, whose quaking influences were felt from one end of the land to the other; and even now its recollection causes a sensation of terror to come over those who were the immediate witnesses of it. Its contemplation made the stout-hearted patriot, and the immovably good of all classes, to turn pale with fear, who believed, that unless it could be calmed, it would engulph in irremediable ruin the liberties of the republic. It was not the simple question of admission which convulsed the country, but the terms with which it was proposed to connect her reception into the confederacy—terms involving another question, one which furnishedall the fuel which kindled the fires of the most acrimonious strife, in every section of the nation—thequestion of slavery. The question of admission divided the country into two great parties. A large and respectable portion of her representatives at Washington, desired the admission to be unconditional, while the other wished it to be subject to certain conditions, among which was the following: that ‘all children of slaves, born within the said state after the admission thereof into the union, shall be free, but may be held to service until the age of twenty-five years, and the farther introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude is prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.’ With the certainty of intuition,Mr.Clay foresaw and predicted the alarming consequences which would flow from the fiery crucible of public debate, if this combustible condition was placed in it, and rang the tocsin peal of his voice in the ears of the nation. Although opposed to slavery, and declaring that if he were a citizen of Missouri, he would strenuously oppose any farther introduction of slaves into her, and provide for the emancipation of those already within her borders, still he believed we had no right to compel her to adopt our opinions, especially as she was unrepresented, and preferred leaving the subject of slavery to be settled by her alone.The condition, however, was made the subject of the most stormy debate in the house, and carried. The bill containing it was sent to the senate, which returned it to the house, after rejecting the condition. Neither house would abandon its opinion, consequently the bill for admitting Missouri was defeated, and unfortunately the question was laid over for the action of the next session. This gave time greatly to augment and embitter the tempest of contention that had been raised over this matter in congress, which soon drew within its eddying vortex, in one fierce wrangle, theentire people. Their representatives, on the adjournment of congress, carried the infection among them in every direction, which created the most violent monomania relative to this condition, demanding the sacrifice of ease, domestic avocations, and even health itself. The press reeked with inflammatory appeals, and when they reässembled at the session of 1819–20, they were almost wafted to their seats on the wings of the furious commotion. Under such circumstances the discussion was renewed, which was conducted in such an angry manner as to add fresh fuel to the flame raging without. Resolutions in favor of, and opposed to the condition, were passed by several states, and placed on the tables in congress, which already groaned beneath the ponderous weight of similar documents, from associations and public meetings throughout the country. These, instead of shortening, tended only to prolong the debate. At one time,Mr.Clay spoke about four hours against the condition, but his speech, we regret to say, wasnever reported. Those who were in favor of subjecting her admission to the specific condition, brought forward the acts of congress passed in connection with the admission of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, into the union, which was coupled with a similar condition, or one even more restrictive in relation to slavery, as proof that it had a right to impose conditions on admitting a state. The principal argument of those opposed to the condition was derived from the constitution, which they contended bestowed on congress no power whatever over slaves, except what had already been exercised, in prohibiting their importation after the year 1808, that the slave states never would have joined the confederacy, if the power now claimed had been conferred by the constitution, that the day when it should be usurped, would be the last of the union, that Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, had been admitted into the union, unsubjected to any such condition, and that therefore Missouri should also be received on the same ground.After the smoke of the political battle had somewhat cleared up, the vote was again taken on the question of restriction, which showed a majority in the senate against, and in the house for it. At the same time before congress was an application from Maine for admission to the privileges of a state, which the senate coupled with that of Missouri, but the house refused to sanction the union. Finally, the question was referred to a joint committee from both houses, who attempted to decide it by compromise. By this, Missouri was admitted without restriction, but it was provided ‘that in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited. Provided always, that any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any state or territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid.’By this act of congress the territory was authorized to frame a constitution and state government, which should not infringe any article of the constitution of the United States, and required to transmit to congress ‘a true and attested copy of the same,’ when a final resolution of congress would be requisite to its admission into the union.In June, 1820, the territory complied with these conditions, and introduced into her constitution an article making it the duty of the legislature ‘as soon as might be to pass such laws as were necessary to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming toand settling in the state under any pretext whatever.’ This clause called forth the most violent censure of the friends of restriction, which caused the flames of contention to burst out anew and with redoubled violence.Mr.Clay found himself, in the autumn of 1820, obliged to resign his seat as speaker, and retire from congress, to repair by the practice of law, his fortune, which had been greatly diminished by heavy losses sustained by his becoming security for a friend.At the commencement of the session of 1820–21, the constitution of Missouri was placed in the hands of a committee, who reported in favor of her admission. The senate passed an act to that effect, but the house rejected it. The admission of Missouri was opposed on the ground that free people of color were citizens of the state of their residence, and as such they possessed an undoubted right to remove to Missouri, and that her prohibition of their removal within her limits, was a flagrant violation of the constitution of the United States. On the other hand it was maintained that whether bond or free, the African race were not parties to our political institutions, that therefore free negroes and mulattoes were not citizens within the meaning of the constitution of the United States, and that even if the constitution of Missouriwererepugnant to that of the United States, the latter was permanent and would overrule the conflicting provision of the former, without the interference of congress.Such was the question which menaced a disruption of the union. Almost daily, in some form or other, it presented itself, wearing a more threatening aspect at each successive appearance, engendering in the hearts of the two contending parties, feelings of the most bitter animosity, clogging the wheels of government, and effectually impeding, and almost extinguishing all legislative action.Says one familiar with this question,‘popular meetings,legislative resolves, and other demonstrations of feeling and passion were resorted to; crimination and recrimination followed; and separation, disunion, and civil war, with all its infinite of horrors, were the common topics of every village and hamlet. Had a few more materials of excitement been kindled, the work of destruction would have been instant and complete.In this crisis, when the last fingerings of hope seemed to have departed, that an amicable adjustment of the question would be effected, all eyes were turned towardsMr.Clay, as the only person who could avert the calamities which seemed suspended over the nation. He reached Washington on the sixteenth of January 1821, and found congress in the greatest scene of confusion imaginable. Legislation was absolutely terminated. The most envenomed feelings of hatred rankled in the bosoms of the two parties, who, frowning darkly on each other, bore a stronger resemblance to two belligerent armies, with their weapons in their hands,impatiently waiting for the word to rush into the maddening conflict, than to companies of grave and sober legislators. He was immediately waited on by both parties, who expressed the strongest anxiety that thevexed questionmight be settled and entreated him to devise some method by which it might be consummated. He expressed his views freely, and urged them to select some common ground on which both parties could meet and harmonize their opinions. On the second day of February, he made a motion to commit the question to a committee of thirteen, to be chosen from both parties, a number suggested by the original states of the union, which was accepted.Mr.Clay, in a report submitted to the house on the tenth of February, by him as chairman of the committee of thirteen, introduced a resolution for the admission of Missouri, on the following conditions:‘It is provided that the said state shall never pass any law preventing any description of persons from coming to or settling in the said state, who now are or may hereafter become citizens of any of the states of this union, and also that the legislature of the said state by a public act shall declare the assent of the state to this provision, and shall transmit to the president of the United States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next, an authentic copy of the said act, upon the receipt whereof, the president by proclamation shall announce the fact, whereupon and without any farther proceedings on the part of congress, the admission of the said state into the union shall be considered as complete, and it is provided further that nothing herein contained shall be construed to take from the state of Missouri, when admitted into the union, the exercise of any right or power which can now be constitutionally exercised by any of the original states.’ The report was made to include this provision with direct reference to those who opposed the admission in consequence of the repugnance of a clause of the constitution of Missouri to the constitution of the United States, which, if they were sincere in their opposition, would cause them to desist. The house took up the report on the twelfth, whenMr.Clay entered into a minute detail of the deliberations of the committee, the difficulties that attended them, and the causes which led to the adoption of the resolution in the report, and concluded by beseeching them to cherish a feeling of conciliation, and to temper their proceedings by moderation. The report was rejected in committee of the whole on the state of the union, but was afterwards adopted in the house. On the third reading of the resolution, another sharp debate ensued, which was terminated byMr.Clay, who is represented as having reasoned, remonstrated, and entreated, that the house would settle the question. He is represented as having been almost the only individual who was collected and calm. While others were covered with the foam of fierce debate, and lashed into fury by the combinedinfluences of political or personal animosity, he seemed like one dwelling in the region of perpetual serenity on some lofty mountain, and contemplating unmoved the storm that was raging and bursting around its base. ‘Every darker passion seemed to have died within him, and he looked down upon the maddening and terrific scene with that calm and sublime regret, and gave utterance to his thoughts in that high, majestic, and pathetic eloquence, which seemed almost to designate him as a superior being commissioned by heaven to warn our country against the sin of anarchy and blood.’ The resolution, notwithstanding his exertions, was lost.On the fourteenth, the two houses met for the purpose of ascertaining the result of an election that had been held for president and vice president, and while the ceremony was being performed, a scene of confusion occurred, on the presentation of the votes of the electors for Missouri. The senate withdrew, and with much difficultyMr.Clay finally succeeded in restoring order, when the senate, on its being announced to them that the house was ready to complete the business for which they were assembled, returned. On proclaiming the result, it appeared that James Monroe had received two hundred and thirty-one votes, including those of the electors from Missouri, and two hundred and twenty-eight, if these were excluded. While the president of the senate was announcing the result, two members of the house claimed the floor to inquire what disposition had been made of the votes of Missouri, whereupon a scene of confusion and turmoil ensued, that beggars description, and the house was compelled to adjourn, in order to put a period to it.The rejection of the report of thirteen, both in and out of congress, was regarded as a disaster. Those who had been most active in effecting it, soon began to repent their rashness, and the blackness of despair seemed to be settling down upon the councils of the nation.Mr.Clay sagaciously concluded that the feelings of despondency which they began to evince, would, if allowed to take their course, accomplish what reason, and argument, and philosophy could not; that they would cause the headstrong to reflect, and retrace their steps. He had driven them to the very ‘ultima thule’ of argumentative debate, applying the lash of logic at every step, until they had become insensible to its infliction. ‘What is your plan as to Missouri,’ he would say to them. ‘She is no longer a territory. She is a state, whether admitted into the union or not. She is capable of self-government, and she is governing herself. Do you mean to force her permanently from the union? Do you mean to lose the vast public domain which lies within her limits? Do you mean to drive her back to a territorial condition? Do you intend to coërce her to alter her constitution?Howwill you do all this? Is it your design to employ the bayonet? We tellyou frankly our views. They are, to admit her absolutely if we can, and if not, with the condition which we have offered. You are bound to disclose your views with equal frankness. You aspire to be thought statesmen. As sagacious and enlightened statesmen, you should look forward to the fearful future, and let the country understand what is your remedy for the evils which lie before us.’Various propositions were submitted in both houses, for the purpose of healing the breach which every day seemed to be widening, but all fell short of accomplishing the object. Finally, on the twenty-second,Mr.Clay presented the following resolution:‘Resolved, that a committee be appointed on the part of the house, jointly with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the senate, to consider and report to the senate and house of representatives respectively, whether it be expedient or not, to make provision for the admission of Missouri into the union, on the same footing as the original states, and for the due execution of the laws of the United States within Missouri, and if not, whether any other, and what provision adapted to her actual condition ought to be made a law.’This resolution was adopted in the house by a majority of nearly two-thirds, and in the senate by a much larger one. The committee,Mr.Clay proposed, should consist of twenty-three, a number answering to all the states in the union, and so exerted his influence in their selection, as to secure a majority favorable to the settlement of the whole matter, in the manner and form proposed.The joint committees met on the twenty-fifth of February, 1821, and proceeded to consider and discuss the question of admission.Mr.Clay, with a vigilance that did not slumber for an instant, exerted himself to infuse into the members of the committees a portion of his own conciliatory spirit, exhorting them to mutual concession, and declared that it would be utterly futile to report any plan of adjustment in which they could not unanimously concur, when it should be submitted to the final test. So firmly convinced was he, that the effort which they were then making, was the last feasible one thatcouldbe made for the settlement of the question on which they were deliberating, as to cause him to address individually the members of the committees, in order to make such thorough preparation as to preclude the possibility of defeat. And it was found on the next day that such preparation had been made; the resolution was adopted by a vote of eighty-seven to eighty-one in the house, and despatched to the senate, which unhesitatingly agreed to it, and thus the question which had convulsed congress for three sessions, and nearly distracted the land, was at last settled, and mainly through the influence ofMr.Clay. The proclamation of the president was issued, and Missouritook her place among her sisters of the confederacy. This event was greeted with the highest demonstrations of joy, and Missouri, beautiful Missouri, from her majestic forests and broad prairies, from her ancient mounds and mighty rivers, pealed her loud anthems of grateful praise to her and her country’s deliverer, hailing him as the second Washington, as one who had plucked the brand of discord from the hands of ten millions of enraged and exasperated people, and put in its place the olive branch of peace. The incense of exulting hearts was lavished onMr.Clay like rain. His agency in settling one of the most difficult and dangerous questions that ever has arisen since the adoption of our present constitution, was clearly seen, deeply and gratefully felt, and thus publicly acknowledged. No one then was so blind as not to see that it was his hand that rent the pall of gloom, which enshrouded the whole land. His labors and his incessant and health-destroying toils to bring this question to a happy consummation, constituted a topic of conversation which was in the mouth of every one. Although the journals of the day do not record the many speeches made by him on the occasion, yet it is reported that his exertions in speaking and acting were almost superhuman. If a stranger arrived in Washington, whose influence he thought could be made to bear favorably on the settlement of the question, he instantly endeavored to enlist it.Mr.Clay himself was heard to say, that so intense had become his excitement, and so exhausting his efforts, his life would in all probability have been sacrificed to them, if the admission of Missouri had been delayed a fortnight longer. There is no doubt, that he taxed his patriotism, his eloquence, his philanthropy, his intellect, and his every attribute of mind and body, to the utmost, and strained the bow of life almost to breaking, to accomplish this, and it is saying very little to observe, that a nation’s thanks are his due, and that his signal service, in allaying the most tremendous storm that passion, prejudice, and sectional feeling ever raised, has imposed a debt of gratitude upon her, which posterity alone can pay.At the time of the greatest turbulence over the Missouri question, when the fury of the contending parties in congress had broken down every barrier of order and decency, and was rushing rampant over the field of debate, certain southern gentlemen in the house, headed byMr.Randolph, concocted a plan for withdrawing the entire body of members from the slaveholding states, from its deliberations, and abandon the business to the representatives of the other states. Had this been carried out, anarchy, civil war, and the effusion of blood would have followed inevitably. About this time, when an amicable settlement was nearly despaired of, and when the house was in session one evening,Mr.Randolph approachedMr.Clay and said, ‘Mr.speaker, I wish you wouldleave the house. I will follow you to Kentucky, or any where else in the world.’Mr.Clay, regarding him with one of his most searching looks for an instant, replied, in an under tone, ‘Mr.Randolph, your proposition is an exceedingly serious one, and demands most serious consideration; be kind enough to call at my room to-morrow morning, and we will deliberate over it together.’ Punctual to a minute,Mr.Randolph was there, and closeted withMr.Clay, discussed for some time the then all absorbing question connected with the admission of Missouri.Mr.Clay maintained, with all the force of his fine colloquial powers, theplan of compromise, as the wisest and best which he could suggest, and, in his opinion, that could be suggested, declaring his sincere conviction that the slaveholding states might adopt it, without any sacrifice of principle or interest. On the other hand,Mr.Randolph contended that it could not and would not be adopted; that the slave states occupied a correct position, and would maintain it at all hazards, and would not proceed an inch towards a compromise. They finally separated without agreeing on any thing that was calculated to harmonize their action in congress. ‘Oh!Mr.Randolph,’ saidMr.Clay, as the former was about stepping from the house, ‘Mr.Randolph, with your permission I will embrace the present occasion to observe, that your language and deportment on the floor of the house, it has occurred to me, were rather indecorous and ungentlemanly on several occasions, and very annoying indeed to me, for, being in the chair, I had no opportunity of replying.’ Admitting that such, perhaps, might be the case,Mr.Randolph replied that he too had often been much vexed at witnessingMr.Clay’s neglect to attend to him when speaking. Said he, ‘I have seen you often, when I have been addressing the chair, I have seen you often turn away your head and ask for apinch of snuff.’ ‘Oh! you are certainly mistaken,Mr.Randolph, you are mistaken if you think I do not listen to you; although I frequently turn away my head, it is true, and ask for a pinch of snuff, still I hear every thing you say, when seeming to hear nothing, and I will wager, retentive as I know your memory to be,Mr.Randolph,that I can repeat as much of any of your recent speeches as you yourself can.’ ‘Well, I do not know but Iammistaken,’ he replied, ‘and suppose we drop the matter, shake hands, and become good friends again.’ ‘Agreed,’ saidMr.Clay, and extended his hand, which was cordially embraced byMr.Randolph. They never spoke to each other, however, during the remainder of the session.
The first public expression ofMr.Clay’s feelings in relation to South American independence, was made in connection with a proposition to reduce the direct taxes of the United States, which he thought too high for a state of peace. The aspect of our foreign relations at that time was peculiarly amicable, although, from a report that the Spanish minister had made an informal demand for a portion of Florida, seemed to indicate that a rupture with Spain was by no means improbable, and he expressed himself in favor of husbanding our means as much as practicable, in anticipation of such an event. At the same time, he hinted the propriety of assisting her colonial dependents in their endeavors to establish a free government. His remarks causedMr.Randolph to express his sentiments concerning the same subject, which among other things chargedMr.Clay with entertaining a desire for conquest, indeed as being influenced by unworthy motives. He said he was not ‘going a tilting for the liberties of South America.’ She came not to our aid; let us mind our own business, and not tax our people for the liberties of the people of Spanish America. He declared that her inhabitants were incapable of appreciating or enjoying liberty. He thoughtMr.Clay had imbibed the war-spirit of Europe. ‘The honorable gentleman has been sent on a late occasion to Europe; he had been near the field of Waterloo, and he was apprehensive had snuffed the carnage and caught the infection.’ He intimated thatMr.Clay advocated an increase of the army for the purpose of marching them to the scene of action. ‘What! increase our standing army in time of peace on the suggestion that we are to go on a crusade to South America?’Mr.Claydenied having made the most remote suggestions to that effect,—that his remarks were incapable of being so construed. ‘Do I not understand the gentleman?’—‘I am sorry I do not. I labor under two great misfortunes—I can never understand the honorable speaker, and he can never understand me.’ Such being the case,Mr.Randolph remarked, he should be under the necessity of abandoning the argument with him, since it would be impossible to proceed.
Mr.Clay again alluded to the same subject a few days after, in a most feeling manner. A bill was brought forward to prohibit ‘our citizens from selling vessels of war to subjects of a foreign power,’ which he vigorously opposed because of its evident bearing upon the belligerent state of South America. He said it was impossible to conceal the true character of that bill. ‘Bestow upon it what denomination you will, disguise it as you may, it will be understood by the world as a law to discountenance any aid being given to the South American patriots, now in a state of revolution against the parent country. With respect to the nature of that struggle, I have not now for the first time to express my opinion and wishes. I wish them independence. It is the first step towards improving their condition. Let them have a free government, if they are capable of enjoying it. At any rate let them have independence.Yes, from the inmost recesses of my soul I wish them independence.In this I may be accused of imprudence in the utterance of my feelings on this occasion. I care not, when the independence, the happiness, the liberty of a whole people is at stake, and that people our neighbors, our brethren occupying a portion of the same continent, imitating our example, and participating of the same sympathies with ourselves.’
During the following month an attempt was made to appropriate and pledge the bonus paid by the United States bank into the public treasury, as a permanent fund to be employed in constructing works of internal improvement.Mr.Clay gave his hearty concurrence to this measure, declaring his belief that ‘there were no two subjects which could engage the attention of the national legislature, more worthy of its deliberate consideration, than those of internal improvements and domestic manufactures.’ A bill was passed constituting such fund, but the president vetoed it on alleged constitutional grounds.
Mr.Clay’s remarks caused great interest to be felt in behalf of South American liberty, and during the summer following, the president appointed three commissioners,Messrs.Rodney, Graham, and Bland, to proceed to South America, and examine her political, civil and social condition as preliminary to rendering them any assistance.Mr.Clay regarded the appointment as impolitic, and when a bill came before the house in March 1818, providing for the support of government, objected to having itembrace a clause appropriating thirty thousand dollars for their compensation, for constitutional reasons. For it he proposed to substitute an amendment, appropriating eighteen thousand dollars as the outfit and one year’s salary of a minister from the United States to the Independent Provinces of the river La Plata in South America. He accompanied the presentation of the amendment with a speech of great power, evincing great geographical and historical knowledge, and setting forth clearly the condition of the people. The amendment, however, was not adopted.
Many members of prominence differed withMr.Clay, for whose opinions he expressed his respect, and regretted that his own convictions of expediency and duty led him to take a different view of the subject. He directly avowed that considerations of liberty and humanity had no little weight with him in advocating their cause, but at the same time his belief, that the adoption of the measure under consideration, while it would add to the renown of the republic, would render material assistance to those who were greatly in need of it. He vindicated himself from the charge which had been made, that he was desirous of fomenting a war between the states and Spain. He indulged in animating anticipations of the number and importance of the governments which might be formed in those vast, fertile, and beautiful provinces. To attempts at proving the movements of the colonists as rebellious, opposing the lawful government of Spain, he replied by clearly showing that if that power had possessed a legal claim to their allegiance, she had forfeited it by withholding that protection requisite to entitle her to it, and that consequently the people of Spanish America were contending for nothing more than their legal and natural rights. ‘But’ saidMr.Clay, ‘I take a broader, bolder position. I maintain that an oppressed people are authorized, whenever they can, to rise and break their fetters. This was the great principle of the English revolution. It was the great principle of our own. We must therefore pass sentence of condemnation upon the founders of our liberty, say that they were rebels and traitors, and that we are at this moment legislating without competent powers, before we can condemn the course of Spanish America.’ He contended that if we were justified in our attempts at independence, much more was she, who had writhed beneath the scourge of oppression so long, so much longer than we; that if they were worthy of success, if they were entitled to succeed from the justness of their cause, then surely we ought to wish it, especially when we consider the barbarous character of the war. He maintained that we were deeply interested, in recognizing their independence. Even then our commerce with those provinces was considerable, and would greatly increase after they should become permanently settled as free and independent nations. Theact would attach them to us, nay, it would bind them to us by relations as intimate as those of kindred; they would become our powerful allies.Mr.Clay said he took this ground, not because he desired to force our principles where they were not wished, but simply from feelings of sympathy. We knew by experience how sweet it was to receive that when we were in circumstances that tried men’s souls. There could be no danger, nor objection to stretch out towards their people the hand of friendly sympathy, to present to those abused and oppressed communities an expression of our good will, to make them a tender of those great principles which we have adopted as the basis of our institutions. Their ignorance and inability had been brought forward, by those opposing the measure, as completely incapacitating them for self-government. These, he contended, had been greatly magnified, but admitting them to be as unqualifying as they had been represented to be, the fact ought rather to increase our pity for them, and to urge us to seek the more earnestly, by all reasonable and just means within our reach, their liberation from that detestable system which chained them to such a servile state. He ridiculed the idea that recognition could be made a just pretext for war. ‘Recognition’ said he, ‘without aid is no just cause of war; with aid, it is not because of the recognition, but because of the aid, as aid without recognition is cause of war.’Mr.Clay’s efforts were not successful at this time; no minister was despatched to South America; the friendly mission was deferred until 1821, when he submitted, on the tenth of February, a resolution to the house, ‘declaring that the house of representatives participated with the people of the United States in the deep interest which they felt for the success of the Spanish provinces of South America, which were struggling to establish their liberty and independence, and that it would give its constitutional support to the president of the United States, whenever he might deem it expedient to recognize the sovereignty and independence of those provinces.’
On this resolution, a warm and protracted debate ensued, which was finally adopted, by a vote of eighty-seven to sixty-eight, andMr.Clay was appointed chairman of a committee to communicate to the president the action of the house.
On the eighth day of March, 1822, the president transmitted to the house of representatives a message recommending the recognition, whichMr.Clay had so long struggled for. On the twenty-eighth the vote of recognition was taken, when it appeared that there was but one dissenting voice.
Thus at last were the noble and generous efforts of the patriot statesman crowned with success as complete as they had been persevering. Years had elapsed between their commencement and glorious consummation; years of toil, anxiety, and hope, butnow the harvest time had come. The president and congress, from vehemently opposing his views in relation to their independence, by his persuasive arguments were brought over to them, who officially stretched out the hand of the nation, to clasp with friendly pressure those of the infant republics of the south. As a matter of course, the act was denounced as one of folly and fraught with danger, by the personal and political enemies ofMr.Clay, but the truly philanthropic, throughout the land, regarded it with approbation, and described it as just what the greatest free nation on the globe should do towards those who were worthy of it. It was applauded throughout the world, but particularly by those towards whom it was directed, with enthusiastic expressions of gratitude. The supreme congress of Mexico voted him the thanks of the nation, for his zeal and efficient labors in their behalf.
During the struggle, his speeches were frequently read at the head of the patriot army, and the effect was always to increase their intrepidity and valor. The name of Clay became associated with every thing dear and valuable in freedom, and was pronounced by both officer and soldier with reverence; and many were the epistolary notices which he received, of the high estimation in which his services were held, by that suffering, but successfully struggling people. The following is a specimen.
BOGOTA,21stNovember, 1827.
SIR,—I cannot omit availing myself of the opportunity afforded me by the departure of colonel Watts,chargé d’affairesof the United States, of taking the liberty to address your excellency. This desire has long been entertained by me, for the purpose of expressing my admiration of your excellency’s brilliant talents and ardent love of liberty. All America, Colombia, and myself, owe your excellency our purest gratitude, for the incomparable services you have rendered to us, by sustaining our course with a sublime enthusiasm. Accept, therefore, this sincere and cordial testimony, which I hasten to offer to your excellency and to the government of the United States, who have so greatly contributed to the emancipation of your southern brethren.
‘I have the honor to offer to your excellency my distinguished consideration.
‘Your excellency’s obedient servant,
‘BOLIVAR.’
To the above,Mr.Clay replied, of which the following is an extract.
WASHINGTON,27thOctober, 1828.
‘SIR,—It is very gratifying to me to be assured directly by your excellency, that the course which the government of the United States took on this memorable occasion, and my humble efforts, have excited the gratitude and commanded the approbation of your excellency. I am persuaded that I do not misinterpret the feelings of the people of the United States, as I certainly express my own, in saying that the interest which was inspired in this country by the arduous struggles of South America, arose principally from the hope that along with its independence would be established free institutions, insuring all the blessings of civil liberty. To the accomplishing of that object we still anxiously look. We are aware that great difficulties oppose it, among which not the least is that which arises out of the existence of a large military force, raised for the purpose of resisting the power of Spain. Standing armies, organized with the most patriotic intentions, are dangerous instruments. They devour the substance, debauch the morals, and too often destroy the liberties of a people. Nothing can be more perilous or unwise, than to retain them after thenecessity has ceased which led to their formation, especially if their numbers are disproportioned to the revenues of the state.
‘But notwithstanding all these difficulties, we had fondly cherished and still indulge the hope that South America would add a new triumph to the cause of human liberty, and that Providence would bless her as he had her northern sister, with the genius of some great and virtuous man, to conduct her securely through all her trials. We had even flattered ourselves that we beheld that genius in your excellency. But I should be unworthy the consideration with which your excellency honors me, and deviate from the frankness which I have ever endeavored to practice, if I did not on this occasion state that ambitious designs have been attributed by your enemies, to your excellency, which have created in my mind great solicitude. They have cited late events in Colombia as proofs of these designs. But slow in the withdrawal of confidence which I have once given, I have been most unwilling to credit the unfavorable accounts which have from time to time reached me.
‘I cannot allow myself to believe that your excellency will abandon the bright and glorious path which lies plainly before you, for the bloody road passing over the liberties of the human race, on which the vulgar crowd of tyrants and military despots have so often trodden. I will not doubt that your excellency will in due time render a satisfactory explanation to Colombia, and to the world, of the parts of your public conduct which have excited any distrust, and that preferring the true glory of our immortal Washington to the ignoble fame of the destroyers of liberty, you have formed the patriotic resolution of ultimately placing the freedom of Colombia upon a firm and sure foundation. That your efforts to that end may be crowned with complete success, I most fervently pray.
‘I request that your excellency will accept assurances of my sincere wishes for your happiness and prosperity.
‘H. CLAY.’
His magnanimity, his disinterestedness, and his philanthropy, stand out in bold relief, in the above extract from his appeal to Bolivar. It evinces the same spirit of kind regard for the welfare of the South American republics which he invariably manifested towards that of his own. Its tone, the nature of its sentiments, and its more than open frankness, utterly preclude the belief that selfishness had any agency in its dictation. It exhibits him, cherishing as strong a desire that the happy institutions, immunities, and privileges of liberty should be established and enjoyed in them, as he felt in supporting and perpetuating those of his own. No one can rise up from its perusal and candidly question the purity of his motives, nor charge him with an overweening ambition. In short, no one unblinded by prejudice can fail of beholding in it, his generous, uncalculating attitude.
DuringMr.Madison’s administration,Mr.Clay was twice offered a seat in his cabinet by him, or the mission to Russia. The president reposed in him most unbounded confidence, and correctly appreciated his preëminent abilities. At the breaking out of hostilities,Mr.Madison selected him as commander-in-chief of the army. ButMr.Clay, thinking that he could render his country more efficient service in her public councils, declined all attempts at removing him from them, though he well knew that he did so at the expense of his private interests. These, however, never appear to have entered into or influenced in the least his calculations. ‘My country first, myself afterwards,’ is legibly written on every part of his public career.
After the accomplishment of his desires in relation to South America, he again reverted to his favorite policy; favorite, because he saw its intimate connection with the growth and prosperity of his country, as calculated to develope her vast resources, and to pour into her lap the blessings of a virtuous and free people. The formation ofMr.Clay’s attachment to internal improvements and domestic manufactures, is coeval with his entrance into congress; and when matters demanding immediate attention had been disposed of, he would bring them forward, and labor to make the conviction of their importance sink deep into the heart of the nation. WhenMr.Madison returned, with his objections, the bill appropriating the bonus of the United States bank for purposes of internal improvements,Mr.Clay expressed his astonishment. He had confidently calculated on its receiving the signature of the president; for he had particularly invited the attention of congress, in his message, ‘to the expediency of exercising their existing powers, and where necessary, of resorting to the prescribed mode of enlarging them, in order to effectuate a comprehensive system of roads and canals, such as will have the effect of drawing more closely together every part of our country, by promoting intercourse and improvements, and by increasing the share of every part in the common stock of national prosperity.’Mr.Clay had heard, through the medium of uncertain rumor, thatMr.Madison designed to veto the bill, whereupon he sent him a communication, requesting him, if he entertained any constitutional scruples about signing it to let the whole matter rest and pass over to his successor for action. The president, however, took a different view of the subject, and on the third of March, returned the bill. On the following day,Mr.Monroe was inducted into his office, who, it was conjectured, prior to seeingMr.Madison’s veto-message, had prepared his inaugural address in such a manner as to recommend, in strong terms, the policy of promoting internal improvements, but that, on readingMr.Madison’s objections to the bill, he changed his opinion. It was thought he was led to do so partly from fear, and partly from a desire to conform his views with those of his predecessor. Subsequently he stated that a careful investigation had conducted him to the conclusion, that the power of making internal improvements was not vested in congress, and that to clothe that body with it, an amendment of the constitution was requisite. Opposition such as this policy had encountered, from so exalted a source as that of three chief magistrates, (Messrs.Jefferson, Madison and Monroe,) would have appalled a mind of ordinary strength and perseverance; butMr.Clay was one who never formed an opinion with precipitancy, but only when, by the most diligent inquiry, he had established a foundation for it in reason and philosophy. Erected upon this basis, he would adhere to it, though confronted by thecombined opposition of the world. A compromise of principle he was a stranger to. Nothing disheartened, therefore, by the magnitude of the obstacles opposed to his progress in advocating his favorite measures, by those high in authority, he seemed to gather fresh energy from every new one that he encountered. In March, 1818, a resolution was submitted to the house, declaring that congress had power to construct military post-roads and canals, and also to appropriate money for that object. The opposition to this presented a formidable array of strength, and brought forward every objection that political ingenuity could devise.Mr.Clay did not deem it advisable to consume the time of the house in examining in detail any except those denominatedconstitutional. His whole aim, therefore, was to prove that the power alleged in the resolution, was derivable from the constitution; and this he accomplished in the most convincing manner. In construing this instrument, he observed the same rules which governed his action in relation to the bank bill of 1816. He maintained that every power, whichappeared necessary and proper, to secure the lawful exercise of constitutional rights,was fairly impliable, and that thisnecessity and proprietymust be determined by the discretion of those who exercised it, ‘under all the responsibility of a solemn oath,’ and the knowledge that they were the subjects of those laws that they passed, and that they were amenable to thepeople, who held in reserve the right to resist tyrannic usurpation.Mr.Clay argued that the power toestablishpost-roads, expressly specified in the constitution, involved the power toconstructthem. This position he illustrated with the clearness of demonstration, by referring to that clause which gives congress the power of making war, and employing the resources of the country in prosecuting it. He declared that, from the same provision, the power of transporting those means was derived by implication; and that therefore, to secure such transportation, congress might legally construct military roads,&c.His adversaries, compelled to yield before his powerful reasoning, fell back, and intrenched themselves behind theconcessionthat peculiar emergencies might justify the exercise of the power in question. From this he drove them, by proving that thisconcession contained the admissionthat the constitution conveyed ‘the power; and,’ saidMr.Clay, ‘we may safely appeal to the judgment of the candid and enlightened to decide between the wisdom of these two constructions, of which one requires you to wait for the exercise of your power until the arrival of an emergency, which may not allow you to exert it, and the other, without denying the power if you can exercise it during the emergency, claims the right of providing beforehand against the emergency.’ They finally fortified themselves behind the position, that it was not requisite for the general government to construct such works, because individual enterprise would do itas soon as sectional interests should demand their construction. Here he hemmed in and captured them. His motion was adopted by a vote of ninety to seventy-five. It was a triumph, and a signal one, over opposition that had been accumulating and strengthening during two previous administrations; and which in the then existing one, was directed against him with all the violence and impetuosity that reserved energies could impart to it. It must have been a moment of proud satisfaction to the indefatigable statesman, as he beheld the last vestige of opposition disappear beneath his feet, and himself the sole occupant of the place on which he had so happily succeeded in founding a basis for that noble, incomparably noble system, fraught with every good and every immunity which a virtuous people could desire. This system has since been erected so much under his supervision, and through his direct instrumentality, as to give him the title of ‘its father.’
Mr.Clay advocated the policy of carrying forward the construction of the Cumberland road, as rapidly as possible, and exerted himself from time to time, to procure appropriations for that purpose; with what earnestness, we may learn from his own language, declaring that ‘he had tobeg, entreat, and supplicatecongress, session after session, to grant the necessary appropriations to complete the road.’ Said he, ‘I have myselftoiled until my powers have been exhausted and prostratedto prevail on you to make the grant.’ A monument of stone has been erected on the road, surmounted by the genius of liberty, and bearing as an inscription, the name of ‘Henry Clay.’ The importance of this road to the public may be learned from some remarks made byMr.Clay, on the occasion of a dinner given him by the mechanics of Wheeling, Virginia, in which he declared the great interest that work had awakened in his breast, and expressed his ardent desire that it might be prosecuted to a speedy completion. He said that a few years since, he and his family had employed the whole or greater part of a day, in travelling the distance of about nine miles, from Uniontown to Freeman’s on Laurel Hill, which now, since the construction of the Cumberland road over the mountains, could be accomplished, together with seventy more, in the same time. He considered its importance so great to the union, that he would not consent to give it up to the keeping of the several states through which it passed.
Mr.Clay’s latest congressional efforts in behalf of internal improvements, were made on the sixteenth of January, 1824, when he made a speech before the house, on a bill authorizing the president to cause certain surveys and estimates of roads and canals to be made.Mr.Monroe and a strong party of supporters assumed the ground, that congress had no control over the post roads, other than to use such as had been established by the states individually,and that their construction and repair (and consequent alteration and closure) did not belong to the general government. To this doctrineMr.Clay replied, by saying, ‘is it possible that this construction of the constitution can be correct—a construction which allows a law of the United States, enacted for the good of the whole, to be obstructed or defeated in its operations by a county court in any one of the twenty-four sovereignties? Suppose a state, no longer having occasion to use a post-road for its own separate and peculiar purposes, withdraws all care and attention from its preservation. Can the state be compelled to repair it? No! Then may not the general government repair this road, which is abandoned by the state power? And may it not protect and defend that which it has thus repaired, and which there is no longer an interest or inclination in the state to protect and defend? Is it contended that a road may exist in the statute book, which the state will not, and the general government cannot repair and improve? What sort of an account should we render to the people of the United States, of the execution of the high trust committed to us for their benefit, if we were to tell them, that we had failed to execute it because a state would not make a road for us? The same clause of the constitution which authorizes congress to establish post roads, authorizes it also to establish post offices. Will it be contended that congress, in the exercise of the power to establish post offices, can do no more than adopt or designate some preëxisting office, enacted and kept in repair by state authority? There is none such. It may then fix, build, create and repair offices of its own, and its power over the post roads, is by the constitution equally extensive.’Mr.Barbour, of Virginia, was among the most vigorous assailants of the policy advocated byMr.Clay. He contended, that if it were carried out, an encroachment on the rights of the states would be the inevitable consequence; that their jurisdiction would be abridged. He was answered in such a manner as to show that there was no ground of alarm to be apprehended from that source; that all the control which the general government sought to exercise, related simply to constructing and preserving the road, and the maintenance of the necessary measures of its defence, and that all illegal acts committed upon it would be left for adjudication by the state through which it passed.Mr.Clay contended that the general government derived the right of constructing canals, from the specified rights of making war and regulating domestic and foreign commerce. His reasoning was clear and conclusive, and when the final vote was taken, the majority was much greater than the most sanguine supporters of the measure had anticipated, showing a great increase since 1818, when he discussed the same subject. The opposition were now prostrated, indeed they had on this occasion brought out their whole strength, and many wereheard to say, that if defeated now, they should regard the policy of internal improvements permanently settled. Many, therefore, who had formerly opposed it, on witnessingMr.Clay’s complete triumph, adopted his views, and came over to his aid.
It has always been a prominent principle withMr.Clay, in his legislative career, to give a judicious direction to his exertions, so that if they were successful, his country would be benefited, but if unsuccessful, that she should not sustain any harm. In this one feature of his action, is seen, as in a mirror, the purity of his patriotism. His exertions, as directed towards the subject of internal improvements, have been productive of incalculable benefit to the nation, and to individuals. They have awakened, and employed, and given an impetus to an amount of enterprise unmeasured, the salutary effects of which, every hill and vale of our vast country has felt. And the sea has felt them too; the sails of commerce have been multiplied by them, and foreign shores have groaned beneath the burdens of rich freights, which they have heaped upon them. But who, in imagination, even, can enumerate the number and the depth of the new channels of enterprise which they are destined yet to create, where industry may roll her golden tide, and build by their sides the abodes of a mighty, free, and happy people. Through the long vista of years to come, it needs no prophetic ken to look, and read, on many a monument of adamant, interspersed among them, in characters of imperishable fame, inscribed the name ofHENRYCLAY.
Near the commencement of 1817, efforts were made by the friends of the free colored population in the United States, to ameliorate their condition. For this purpose, a meeting was convened at Washington, on the twenty-first of December, 1816, over whichMr.Clay was called to preside. On taking the chair, he stated the object of the meeting to be, to consider the propriety and practicability of colonizing the free people of color of the United States, and of forming an association relative to that object. In regard to the various schemes of colonization which had been suggested, that appeared the most feasible, which contemplated some portion of the coast of Africa.There, he said, ample provision might be made for the colony itself, and it might be rendered instrumental in introducing into that extensive portion of the globe, the arts of civilization and christianity. He said there was a peculiar and moral fitness in restoring them to the land of their fathers.He went on to state, that he had understood it constituted no part of the object of the meeting to touch or agitate in theslightestdegree, a delicate question connected with another portion of the colored population of our country. It was not proposed to deliberate on or consider at all, any question of emancipation, or that was connected with the abolition of slavery. It was upon that condition alone, he was sure that many gentlemen from the southand west, whom he saw present, had attended, or could be expected to coöperate. The meeting resulted in the formation of the Colonization Society, of which Bushrod Washington was chosen president.
In March previous,Mr.Clay expressed his views relative to holding congressional caucuses, for the purpose of making nominations. He thought them not compatible with the nature of the powers delegated to them by the people, as calculated to meet their disapprobation, and establish a precedent which might prove dangerous to their liberties.
When congress adjourned, in March, 1817, the house unanimously votedMr.Clay their thanks, for the ability and impartiality with which he had presided over their deliberations, and the correctness of his decisions on all questions referred to the chair. He replied in an apposite and beautiful manner, saying that next to the approbation of one’s own conscience, and one’s own country, was that of the immediate representatives of the people. He spoke of the difficulties of legislation; said there were three periods that might be denominated difficult; the first was that which immediately preceded a state of war; the second was that which existed during its continuance; and the third was that which immediately succeeded it. The last was the one through which they had just passed—the most difficult of the three, when every thing pertaining to the general and state governments was unsettled, and when disorganization to a greater or less extent prevailed; when the task of supplying deficiences, strengthening weaknesses, and correcting abuses, was by no means light or pleasant. He congratulated them on the efficient manner in which they had discharged that task, to which the records of the house bore ample testimony. He closed by tendering them his thanks, for the flattering expression of good feeling with which they had honored him, presuming that it was prompted more by a spirit of kindness, than by a sense of justice to him, as he was sure he did not merit it, and by pledging their united efforts, as an offering to their common country, in advancing their best interests.
When he reached Lexington, its citizens gave him a dinner, and as heretofore, showered on him their enthusiastic approbation and applause.
In January, 1817, the subject of the well known Seminole war was brought before the house for its consideration. Several features relating to the mode in which it had been conducted, demanded, in the opinion of many humane members, a critical investigation. The character which had been given to that war, by the chieftain to whose management it was intrusted, was reflecting strongly on the honor and justice of our country. She had sustained a grievous injury from a portion of the Seminole Indians, who, during the last war, aided the British arms againsther, and feeling that she had just cause for seeking redress, despatched general Andrew Jackson, at the head of a strong military force, to obtain it. He marched into their territory, and in a short time so reduced them, that a portion sued for peace. A treaty was accordingly prepared, in August, 1814, but which was not signed by many of the chiefs, except those previously friendly to our country, who constituted only about one third of the nation. This misnomered treaty, from its cruel and unheard-of tyrannical exactions, had found a much more appropriate resting place by the side of the ruthless interdicts of a Nero, or a Trajan, than in the archives of a christian nation. The poor natives, reduced to actual starvation, their wigwams and villages in ashes, withering in the dust beneath the feet of the conqueror, had no alternative but to submit to death, or just such terms as he chose to dictate. They preferred the latter, which was meted out with a hand nerved with all the unrelenting sternness of patriotism, without any of its mercy. The Indians obtained what they sought, but they paid dearly for it. The instrument granted them peace, on condition that they would cede a large portion of their territory to the United States, and yield them important powers and privileges over the remainder, and deliver into the hands of the conqueror the prophets of their nation. It needed only a superficial knowledge of the Indian character, to perceive that their proud and haughty spirit would not long brook a compliance with terms so abjectly humiliating. Not many months elapsed before they began to renew their depredations on our frontiers. Though acts of cruelty, on the part of the Seminoles, were of frequent occurrence, apparently calling loudly for vengeance, still they were greatly palliated by a letter from ten of the Seminole towns, addressed to the commanding officer of fort Hawkins, on the eleventh of September, 1817, in which it was stated that not a solitary white man had been butchered by them, except in revenge for the unprovoked murder of an Indian. ‘The white people,’ it declared, ‘killed our people first, the Indians then took satisfaction. There are yetthree menthat the red people have never taken satisfaction for.’ The governor of Georgia, accurately acquainted with all the facts, declared his honest and sincere conviction that they were not in fault. But supposing the whites hadnotbeen guilty of outrages on the Seminoles, subsequent to the date of the treaty, yet its unjustly oppressive character, the paucity of their chieftains’ signatures attached to it, and the obligations imposed on the United States, by the ninth article of the treaty of Ghent, towards the Indian tribes, to say nothing of the law of nature, justified, in our humble opinion, the attempts of the Seminoles to shake off the insupportably heavy burden which military despotism had bound upon them. In view of these facts, in relation to general Jackson’s treatment of the Seminoles, it is unnecessary to say, that his second expedition against them wasnot marked byone mitigating or lenient feature; that they were treated more likedogsthan men; that their chiefs were decoyed by him into his camp, and there seized and instantly put to death. In short, that every principle of honor, humanity, and justice, which ought to accompany the operations of a civilized army, wasutterly disregarded. It is not surprising, therefore, that the patriotically disposed, in congress, on beholding the dark spot gathering on the escutcheon of their country’s fame, in consequence of such high-handed proceedings, should rise up and attempt to efface it. General Jackson’s conduct in the Florida war, was made the subject of special investigation, during the session of 1818–19. A series of resolutions were offered to congress, severely censuring it, whichMr.Clay sustained in a speech of unparalleled ability. Although on terms of personal intimacy with the general, although he accorded to him his just meed of praise, for the distinguished service he had rendered his country in the battle of New Orleans, stillMr.Clay thought he had transcended the limits of both law and equity, and did not allow his feelings of friendship for him to interpose any obstacle to the frank and fearless avowal of his sentiments. He commented very severely upon his treatment ofIndian prisoners, in ordering their inhuman massacre, after obtaining possession of them, by the artifice of a ‘false flag,’ not hesitating to pronounce it wanton, barbaric, and uncalled for. But his flagrant violations of the rights of neutrality called forth his sharpest animadversions. During the campaign, two Indian traders,Messrs.Arbuthnot and Ambrister, the former a Scotchman, the latter an Englishman, had fallen into the hands of general Jackson. Ambrister was found in the Indian camp, Arbuthnot within the limits of Spanish jurisdiction. The Englishman was suspected of having instigated the savages to make war upon the whites, and the Scotchman was charged with informing the Indians of their rights, as secured to them by the treaty of Ghent, and of having advised them to maintain them by force of arms. These unfortunate men, he ordered the one to be shot and the other hung, in direct opposition to the decision of a court martial of his own choosing. The turpitude of this act,Mr.Clay exhibited in its true colors. He contrasted the execution of Arbuthnot with the blackest act of Napoleon, the execution of Louis of France, and showed that for atrocity, and disregard for justice and clemency, it cast the latter far into the back-ground. His aggression committed upon the Spanish authorities, in seizing uponSt.Marks and Pensacola, fell under the rod of his reprobation.Mr.Clay denounced these acts as falling little short of tyrannic usurpation, and which could not be justified on any ground of justice or reason. His speech on this occasion, has been compared to the polished orations of Sheridan, in the case of Hastings, but as exhibiting a much milder spirit, one of sincere sorrow, instead of revenge.
The resolutions were rejected by a small majority, which is not surprising, on considering thatMr.Monroe, his cabinet, and nearly all the house, were disinclined to arraign the conduct of general Jackson in the Seminole war, and when we reflect thatMr.Clay did not repeat his efforts, as he usually did. The general, who soon after visited Washington, took umbrage atMr.Clay’s speech, and carried his animosity so far as to refuse to have any intercourse with him, although he called on him directly after his arrival, thus evincing an unabatement of friendship.
To whatever part ofMr.Clay’s congressional career we turn our eyes, we invariably find him actively engaged in building up that magnificent system of domestic utility, whenever circumstances admitted. This he commenced, as we have seen, previous to the war, and his attachment to it had been increasing ever since, until the conviction of its indispensable importance to the country had sunk so deep into his mind, as to cause him to toil unremittingly, in order that the beneficial influences of that system might be diffused over it as soon as possible. For these, the farmer at his plough and the mechanic in his shop were stretching out their hands. These, our infant manufactories, which sprang up to supply the demands caused by the war, demanded, and these were requisite to make the union (whatMr.Clay never lost sight of,) independent inreality, as she was inname, of all foreign powers.
It was obvious to both parties in congress, that in order to accomplish an object so essential to the welfare of the nation, aprotective tariffwas necessary. Accordingly, on the twelfth of March, 1816,Mr.Lowndes, of South Carolina, one of the committee of ways and means, made a report relative to the policy of protection. He sustained the policy by an able speech, and was followed byMr.Calhoun, who also advocated it.Mr.Clay yielded his unqualified assent and vindication, and sought to cause the bill to be so formed as to secure efficient protection for woollen fabrics. It was finally adopted.
In April, 1820, the subject of a protective tariff came again before congress. The distress which the country had experienced since 1816, was seen to have originated, in a great degree, from inadequate protection, particularly that which had fallen upon the manufacturing districts. To a bill revising and improving the tariff of 1816,Mr.Clay gave his ardent support. As on former similar occasions, he urged its adoption on the high ground of national utility. ‘I frankly own,’ said he, ‘that I feel great solicitude for the success of this bill. The entire independence of my country of all foreign states, as it respects a supply of our essential wants, has ever been with me a favorite object. The war of our revolution effected our political emancipation. The last war contributed greatly towards accomplishing our commercialfreedom. But our complete independence will only be consummated after the policy of this bill shall be recognized and adopted.’ The bill, though passed by the house, was defeated in the senate.
In 1824, the distress of the country had increased to such an enormous extent, that the most serious apprehensions began to be entertained, lest the productive energies of the land would be completely annihilated, unless some remedy should be devised. There was no department which did not feel its blighting influence; navigation and commerce, no less than agriculture and manufactures, tottered beneath the tremendous weight of gloom, which, like a dense cloud of ruin, overshadowed the whole nation. Our vessels were either lying idle at their moorings, or mostly going in ballast; all encouragement for enterprise was taken away; produce was plenty, but purchasers few; our granaries and store houses were full to overflowing, and in many instances, their contents were going to decay; to obtain money, except at ruinous rates, was out of the question, consequently labor was in little demand and poorly rewarded; the depreciation of property of all kinds was unparalleled, and disorder and embarrassment pervaded every rank and condition of every industrial department. It was under such circumstances, that a farther revision and enlargement of the tariff of 1816 was proposed. In the house, the committee on manufactures reported a bill to that effect, at the same time expressing their opinion, that the evils which then existed, were clearly traceable to inefficient protection of domestic industry, and of relying too much on foreign producers, thereby allowing the specie, the life-blood of the country, to be drained out of it. This defect the bill proposed to remedy.Mr.Clay came forward in its support, under the most solemn impressions of the exceedingly lamentable condition which his country was in, and evinced, by every tone of his voice and look of his countenance, his deep anxiety to extend to her the hand of speedy relief. ‘If it were allowable for us at the present day,’ said he, ‘to imitate ancient examples, I would invoke the aid of the Most High. I would anxiously and fervently implore his divine assistance, that he would be graciously pleased to shower on my country his richest blessings, and that he would sustain, on this interesting occasion, the individual who stands before him, and lend him the power, moral and physical, to perform the solemn duties which now belong to his public station.’ He felt that it was indeed a sad sight, to behold a free and mighty nation sitting in sackcloth and ashes, with her hands shackled by a policy as unwise as it was foreign to her interests, with which, had they been free, she could have clothed herself with beautiful garments, excited the envy and admiration of the world, and brushed like chaff every vestige of depression and distress from her borders. He contended that the causes ofthese were easily discoverable, and as easily removable; that they were entirely within our control, and that we had but to will it and the work was done, and it was high time, he said, to set about it. Evils of every description had been accumulating during the last ten years, until they had become so numerous and great as to be no longer patible. But it was a source of satisfaction to know that theyneed not be endured—that they were medicable—that with a change of policy they would disappear, as certainly as darkness disappears before light. A cultivation of her own resources, he said, would relieve the country. If she would break away from that state of foreign vassalage, into which she had voluntarily entered, the streams of commerce would again fertilize her fair fields.If she would butextendher hand and pluck from her breast the thorn, which her own suicidal policy had planted there, he avowed his belief that the rose of industry would spring up in its place. This change of policy, he believed, would accomplish all that would be requisite to her peace and prosperity. In supporting the bill, however, he had to encounter much and strong opposition, at the head of which stood Daniel Webster. The collision of these eloquent and intellectual giants, is said to have been inconceivably grand. Says a gentleman who witnessed it, ‘the eloquence ofMr.Webster was the majestic roar of a strong and steady blast, pealing through the forest; but that ofMr.Clay was the tone of a god-like instrument, sometimes visited by an angel touch, and swept anon by all the fury of the raging elements.’Mr.Clay, aware that he was contending for the very vitality of his country, had nerved himself up to one of his mightiest efforts, one which would demolish every opposing obstacle, and plant his foot in complete triumph on the ruins of the strongest holds of his assailants. He turned aside every weapon directed against his system, and entirely disarmed all opposition. The bill passed the house on the sixteenth of April, by a vote of one hundred and seven to one hundred and two, and shortly after became a law, and its beneficial effects were felt throughout the country. The operations of this system, in connection with the United States bank, which was now rapidly correcting the derangements in the currency, filled the land with gladness and prosperity. Enterprise came forth from his retiracy, to which the previous embarrassment had driven him, and shaking the dust of sloth from his garments, cast his eyes about over the vast and beautiful field which invited his occupancy. Encouraged by the loud and united voices of this wisely regulated institution, and the American system, he took immediate possession. The desert bloomed, the forest fell, the mill arose, and the wheel of industry, which before was slumbering on its rusting axle, under the guidance of his potent hand began again its healthful revolutions, and soon the land was belted by her green and golden tracks. He hushed the voice of woe, and caused the loud shout of joy to goup from every hill and vale throughout the nation. After she had enjoyed his life-imparting influence eight years,Mr.Clay thus describes her appearance. ‘We have the agreeable contemplation of a people out of debt, innumerable flocks and herds browsing on ten thousand hills and plains covered with rich and verdant grasses, our cities expanded, and whole villages springing up as it were by enchantment, our exports and imports increased and increasing, our tonnage, foreign and coastwise, fully occupied, the rivers of our interior animated by countless steamboats, the currency sound and abundant, the public debt of two wars nearly redeemed, and, to crown all, the public treasury overflowing, embarrassing congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select the objects which shall be relieved from the imposts. If the term of seven years were to be selected, of the greatest prosperity which this people have enjoyed since the establishment of their present constitution, it would be exactly the period of seven years which immediately followed the passage of the tariff of 1824.’ Who can doubt, after an impartial survey of the whole ground, (and a superficial one is sufficient,) who can doubt that the materials for limning the above strong, but correct picture, were furnished by asound currency, and ajudicious tariff. As long as the termtariffshall remain in the English vocabulary, will the memory of Henry Clay, in all the verdancy of spring, abide in the heart of the nation.
Notwithstanding the sturdy opposition whichMr.Webster arrayed against this system, as advocated byMr.Clay, he became its ardent supporter when time had tested and proved its importance. Many other public functionaries also, who had assailed it in the most vindictive manner, laid down their weapons, and cordially embraced, with strong protecting arms, its salutary provisions. Even bigotry and prejudice were forced into an unwilling acknowledgement of its utility, and were soon seen placing themselves in a situation where its benign influences would fall upon them.
In 1819, the most exciting question that ever agitated the councils of the nation, came before congress for adjustment—the question of admitting Missouri as a state into the Union. It was correctly called a ‘distracting question,’ for it caused a political earthquake, whose quaking influences were felt from one end of the land to the other; and even now its recollection causes a sensation of terror to come over those who were the immediate witnesses of it. Its contemplation made the stout-hearted patriot, and the immovably good of all classes, to turn pale with fear, who believed, that unless it could be calmed, it would engulph in irremediable ruin the liberties of the republic. It was not the simple question of admission which convulsed the country, but the terms with which it was proposed to connect her reception into the confederacy—terms involving another question, one which furnishedall the fuel which kindled the fires of the most acrimonious strife, in every section of the nation—thequestion of slavery. The question of admission divided the country into two great parties. A large and respectable portion of her representatives at Washington, desired the admission to be unconditional, while the other wished it to be subject to certain conditions, among which was the following: that ‘all children of slaves, born within the said state after the admission thereof into the union, shall be free, but may be held to service until the age of twenty-five years, and the farther introduction of slavery or involuntary servitude is prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes whereof the party shall have been duly convicted.’ With the certainty of intuition,Mr.Clay foresaw and predicted the alarming consequences which would flow from the fiery crucible of public debate, if this combustible condition was placed in it, and rang the tocsin peal of his voice in the ears of the nation. Although opposed to slavery, and declaring that if he were a citizen of Missouri, he would strenuously oppose any farther introduction of slaves into her, and provide for the emancipation of those already within her borders, still he believed we had no right to compel her to adopt our opinions, especially as she was unrepresented, and preferred leaving the subject of slavery to be settled by her alone.
The condition, however, was made the subject of the most stormy debate in the house, and carried. The bill containing it was sent to the senate, which returned it to the house, after rejecting the condition. Neither house would abandon its opinion, consequently the bill for admitting Missouri was defeated, and unfortunately the question was laid over for the action of the next session. This gave time greatly to augment and embitter the tempest of contention that had been raised over this matter in congress, which soon drew within its eddying vortex, in one fierce wrangle, theentire people. Their representatives, on the adjournment of congress, carried the infection among them in every direction, which created the most violent monomania relative to this condition, demanding the sacrifice of ease, domestic avocations, and even health itself. The press reeked with inflammatory appeals, and when they reässembled at the session of 1819–20, they were almost wafted to their seats on the wings of the furious commotion. Under such circumstances the discussion was renewed, which was conducted in such an angry manner as to add fresh fuel to the flame raging without. Resolutions in favor of, and opposed to the condition, were passed by several states, and placed on the tables in congress, which already groaned beneath the ponderous weight of similar documents, from associations and public meetings throughout the country. These, instead of shortening, tended only to prolong the debate. At one time,Mr.Clay spoke about four hours against the condition, but his speech, we regret to say, wasnever reported. Those who were in favor of subjecting her admission to the specific condition, brought forward the acts of congress passed in connection with the admission of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, into the union, which was coupled with a similar condition, or one even more restrictive in relation to slavery, as proof that it had a right to impose conditions on admitting a state. The principal argument of those opposed to the condition was derived from the constitution, which they contended bestowed on congress no power whatever over slaves, except what had already been exercised, in prohibiting their importation after the year 1808, that the slave states never would have joined the confederacy, if the power now claimed had been conferred by the constitution, that the day when it should be usurped, would be the last of the union, that Louisiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama, had been admitted into the union, unsubjected to any such condition, and that therefore Missouri should also be received on the same ground.
After the smoke of the political battle had somewhat cleared up, the vote was again taken on the question of restriction, which showed a majority in the senate against, and in the house for it. At the same time before congress was an application from Maine for admission to the privileges of a state, which the senate coupled with that of Missouri, but the house refused to sanction the union. Finally, the question was referred to a joint committee from both houses, who attempted to decide it by compromise. By this, Missouri was admitted without restriction, but it was provided ‘that in all that territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north latitude, not included within the limits of the state contemplated by this act, slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the punishment of crimes whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be and is hereby forever prohibited. Provided always, that any person escaping into the same, from whom labor or service is lawfully claimed, in any state or territory of the United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the person claiming his or her labor or service as aforesaid.’
By this act of congress the territory was authorized to frame a constitution and state government, which should not infringe any article of the constitution of the United States, and required to transmit to congress ‘a true and attested copy of the same,’ when a final resolution of congress would be requisite to its admission into the union.
In June, 1820, the territory complied with these conditions, and introduced into her constitution an article making it the duty of the legislature ‘as soon as might be to pass such laws as were necessary to prevent free negroes and mulattoes from coming toand settling in the state under any pretext whatever.’ This clause called forth the most violent censure of the friends of restriction, which caused the flames of contention to burst out anew and with redoubled violence.Mr.Clay found himself, in the autumn of 1820, obliged to resign his seat as speaker, and retire from congress, to repair by the practice of law, his fortune, which had been greatly diminished by heavy losses sustained by his becoming security for a friend.
At the commencement of the session of 1820–21, the constitution of Missouri was placed in the hands of a committee, who reported in favor of her admission. The senate passed an act to that effect, but the house rejected it. The admission of Missouri was opposed on the ground that free people of color were citizens of the state of their residence, and as such they possessed an undoubted right to remove to Missouri, and that her prohibition of their removal within her limits, was a flagrant violation of the constitution of the United States. On the other hand it was maintained that whether bond or free, the African race were not parties to our political institutions, that therefore free negroes and mulattoes were not citizens within the meaning of the constitution of the United States, and that even if the constitution of Missouriwererepugnant to that of the United States, the latter was permanent and would overrule the conflicting provision of the former, without the interference of congress.
Such was the question which menaced a disruption of the union. Almost daily, in some form or other, it presented itself, wearing a more threatening aspect at each successive appearance, engendering in the hearts of the two contending parties, feelings of the most bitter animosity, clogging the wheels of government, and effectually impeding, and almost extinguishing all legislative action.Says one familiar with this question,‘popular meetings,legislative resolves, and other demonstrations of feeling and passion were resorted to; crimination and recrimination followed; and separation, disunion, and civil war, with all its infinite of horrors, were the common topics of every village and hamlet. Had a few more materials of excitement been kindled, the work of destruction would have been instant and complete.
In this crisis, when the last fingerings of hope seemed to have departed, that an amicable adjustment of the question would be effected, all eyes were turned towardsMr.Clay, as the only person who could avert the calamities which seemed suspended over the nation. He reached Washington on the sixteenth of January 1821, and found congress in the greatest scene of confusion imaginable. Legislation was absolutely terminated. The most envenomed feelings of hatred rankled in the bosoms of the two parties, who, frowning darkly on each other, bore a stronger resemblance to two belligerent armies, with their weapons in their hands,impatiently waiting for the word to rush into the maddening conflict, than to companies of grave and sober legislators. He was immediately waited on by both parties, who expressed the strongest anxiety that thevexed questionmight be settled and entreated him to devise some method by which it might be consummated. He expressed his views freely, and urged them to select some common ground on which both parties could meet and harmonize their opinions. On the second day of February, he made a motion to commit the question to a committee of thirteen, to be chosen from both parties, a number suggested by the original states of the union, which was accepted.Mr.Clay, in a report submitted to the house on the tenth of February, by him as chairman of the committee of thirteen, introduced a resolution for the admission of Missouri, on the following conditions:
‘It is provided that the said state shall never pass any law preventing any description of persons from coming to or settling in the said state, who now are or may hereafter become citizens of any of the states of this union, and also that the legislature of the said state by a public act shall declare the assent of the state to this provision, and shall transmit to the president of the United States, on or before the fourth Monday in November next, an authentic copy of the said act, upon the receipt whereof, the president by proclamation shall announce the fact, whereupon and without any farther proceedings on the part of congress, the admission of the said state into the union shall be considered as complete, and it is provided further that nothing herein contained shall be construed to take from the state of Missouri, when admitted into the union, the exercise of any right or power which can now be constitutionally exercised by any of the original states.’ The report was made to include this provision with direct reference to those who opposed the admission in consequence of the repugnance of a clause of the constitution of Missouri to the constitution of the United States, which, if they were sincere in their opposition, would cause them to desist. The house took up the report on the twelfth, whenMr.Clay entered into a minute detail of the deliberations of the committee, the difficulties that attended them, and the causes which led to the adoption of the resolution in the report, and concluded by beseeching them to cherish a feeling of conciliation, and to temper their proceedings by moderation. The report was rejected in committee of the whole on the state of the union, but was afterwards adopted in the house. On the third reading of the resolution, another sharp debate ensued, which was terminated byMr.Clay, who is represented as having reasoned, remonstrated, and entreated, that the house would settle the question. He is represented as having been almost the only individual who was collected and calm. While others were covered with the foam of fierce debate, and lashed into fury by the combinedinfluences of political or personal animosity, he seemed like one dwelling in the region of perpetual serenity on some lofty mountain, and contemplating unmoved the storm that was raging and bursting around its base. ‘Every darker passion seemed to have died within him, and he looked down upon the maddening and terrific scene with that calm and sublime regret, and gave utterance to his thoughts in that high, majestic, and pathetic eloquence, which seemed almost to designate him as a superior being commissioned by heaven to warn our country against the sin of anarchy and blood.’ The resolution, notwithstanding his exertions, was lost.
On the fourteenth, the two houses met for the purpose of ascertaining the result of an election that had been held for president and vice president, and while the ceremony was being performed, a scene of confusion occurred, on the presentation of the votes of the electors for Missouri. The senate withdrew, and with much difficultyMr.Clay finally succeeded in restoring order, when the senate, on its being announced to them that the house was ready to complete the business for which they were assembled, returned. On proclaiming the result, it appeared that James Monroe had received two hundred and thirty-one votes, including those of the electors from Missouri, and two hundred and twenty-eight, if these were excluded. While the president of the senate was announcing the result, two members of the house claimed the floor to inquire what disposition had been made of the votes of Missouri, whereupon a scene of confusion and turmoil ensued, that beggars description, and the house was compelled to adjourn, in order to put a period to it.
The rejection of the report of thirteen, both in and out of congress, was regarded as a disaster. Those who had been most active in effecting it, soon began to repent their rashness, and the blackness of despair seemed to be settling down upon the councils of the nation.Mr.Clay sagaciously concluded that the feelings of despondency which they began to evince, would, if allowed to take their course, accomplish what reason, and argument, and philosophy could not; that they would cause the headstrong to reflect, and retrace their steps. He had driven them to the very ‘ultima thule’ of argumentative debate, applying the lash of logic at every step, until they had become insensible to its infliction. ‘What is your plan as to Missouri,’ he would say to them. ‘She is no longer a territory. She is a state, whether admitted into the union or not. She is capable of self-government, and she is governing herself. Do you mean to force her permanently from the union? Do you mean to lose the vast public domain which lies within her limits? Do you mean to drive her back to a territorial condition? Do you intend to coërce her to alter her constitution?Howwill you do all this? Is it your design to employ the bayonet? We tellyou frankly our views. They are, to admit her absolutely if we can, and if not, with the condition which we have offered. You are bound to disclose your views with equal frankness. You aspire to be thought statesmen. As sagacious and enlightened statesmen, you should look forward to the fearful future, and let the country understand what is your remedy for the evils which lie before us.’
Various propositions were submitted in both houses, for the purpose of healing the breach which every day seemed to be widening, but all fell short of accomplishing the object. Finally, on the twenty-second,Mr.Clay presented the following resolution:
‘Resolved, that a committee be appointed on the part of the house, jointly with such committee as may be appointed on the part of the senate, to consider and report to the senate and house of representatives respectively, whether it be expedient or not, to make provision for the admission of Missouri into the union, on the same footing as the original states, and for the due execution of the laws of the United States within Missouri, and if not, whether any other, and what provision adapted to her actual condition ought to be made a law.’
This resolution was adopted in the house by a majority of nearly two-thirds, and in the senate by a much larger one. The committee,Mr.Clay proposed, should consist of twenty-three, a number answering to all the states in the union, and so exerted his influence in their selection, as to secure a majority favorable to the settlement of the whole matter, in the manner and form proposed.
The joint committees met on the twenty-fifth of February, 1821, and proceeded to consider and discuss the question of admission.Mr.Clay, with a vigilance that did not slumber for an instant, exerted himself to infuse into the members of the committees a portion of his own conciliatory spirit, exhorting them to mutual concession, and declared that it would be utterly futile to report any plan of adjustment in which they could not unanimously concur, when it should be submitted to the final test. So firmly convinced was he, that the effort which they were then making, was the last feasible one thatcouldbe made for the settlement of the question on which they were deliberating, as to cause him to address individually the members of the committees, in order to make such thorough preparation as to preclude the possibility of defeat. And it was found on the next day that such preparation had been made; the resolution was adopted by a vote of eighty-seven to eighty-one in the house, and despatched to the senate, which unhesitatingly agreed to it, and thus the question which had convulsed congress for three sessions, and nearly distracted the land, was at last settled, and mainly through the influence ofMr.Clay. The proclamation of the president was issued, and Missouritook her place among her sisters of the confederacy. This event was greeted with the highest demonstrations of joy, and Missouri, beautiful Missouri, from her majestic forests and broad prairies, from her ancient mounds and mighty rivers, pealed her loud anthems of grateful praise to her and her country’s deliverer, hailing him as the second Washington, as one who had plucked the brand of discord from the hands of ten millions of enraged and exasperated people, and put in its place the olive branch of peace. The incense of exulting hearts was lavished onMr.Clay like rain. His agency in settling one of the most difficult and dangerous questions that ever has arisen since the adoption of our present constitution, was clearly seen, deeply and gratefully felt, and thus publicly acknowledged. No one then was so blind as not to see that it was his hand that rent the pall of gloom, which enshrouded the whole land. His labors and his incessant and health-destroying toils to bring this question to a happy consummation, constituted a topic of conversation which was in the mouth of every one. Although the journals of the day do not record the many speeches made by him on the occasion, yet it is reported that his exertions in speaking and acting were almost superhuman. If a stranger arrived in Washington, whose influence he thought could be made to bear favorably on the settlement of the question, he instantly endeavored to enlist it.Mr.Clay himself was heard to say, that so intense had become his excitement, and so exhausting his efforts, his life would in all probability have been sacrificed to them, if the admission of Missouri had been delayed a fortnight longer. There is no doubt, that he taxed his patriotism, his eloquence, his philanthropy, his intellect, and his every attribute of mind and body, to the utmost, and strained the bow of life almost to breaking, to accomplish this, and it is saying very little to observe, that a nation’s thanks are his due, and that his signal service, in allaying the most tremendous storm that passion, prejudice, and sectional feeling ever raised, has imposed a debt of gratitude upon her, which posterity alone can pay.
At the time of the greatest turbulence over the Missouri question, when the fury of the contending parties in congress had broken down every barrier of order and decency, and was rushing rampant over the field of debate, certain southern gentlemen in the house, headed byMr.Randolph, concocted a plan for withdrawing the entire body of members from the slaveholding states, from its deliberations, and abandon the business to the representatives of the other states. Had this been carried out, anarchy, civil war, and the effusion of blood would have followed inevitably. About this time, when an amicable settlement was nearly despaired of, and when the house was in session one evening,Mr.Randolph approachedMr.Clay and said, ‘Mr.speaker, I wish you wouldleave the house. I will follow you to Kentucky, or any where else in the world.’Mr.Clay, regarding him with one of his most searching looks for an instant, replied, in an under tone, ‘Mr.Randolph, your proposition is an exceedingly serious one, and demands most serious consideration; be kind enough to call at my room to-morrow morning, and we will deliberate over it together.’ Punctual to a minute,Mr.Randolph was there, and closeted withMr.Clay, discussed for some time the then all absorbing question connected with the admission of Missouri.Mr.Clay maintained, with all the force of his fine colloquial powers, theplan of compromise, as the wisest and best which he could suggest, and, in his opinion, that could be suggested, declaring his sincere conviction that the slaveholding states might adopt it, without any sacrifice of principle or interest. On the other hand,Mr.Randolph contended that it could not and would not be adopted; that the slave states occupied a correct position, and would maintain it at all hazards, and would not proceed an inch towards a compromise. They finally separated without agreeing on any thing that was calculated to harmonize their action in congress. ‘Oh!Mr.Randolph,’ saidMr.Clay, as the former was about stepping from the house, ‘Mr.Randolph, with your permission I will embrace the present occasion to observe, that your language and deportment on the floor of the house, it has occurred to me, were rather indecorous and ungentlemanly on several occasions, and very annoying indeed to me, for, being in the chair, I had no opportunity of replying.’ Admitting that such, perhaps, might be the case,Mr.Randolph replied that he too had often been much vexed at witnessingMr.Clay’s neglect to attend to him when speaking. Said he, ‘I have seen you often, when I have been addressing the chair, I have seen you often turn away your head and ask for apinch of snuff.’ ‘Oh! you are certainly mistaken,Mr.Randolph, you are mistaken if you think I do not listen to you; although I frequently turn away my head, it is true, and ask for a pinch of snuff, still I hear every thing you say, when seeming to hear nothing, and I will wager, retentive as I know your memory to be,Mr.Randolph,that I can repeat as much of any of your recent speeches as you yourself can.’ ‘Well, I do not know but Iammistaken,’ he replied, ‘and suppose we drop the matter, shake hands, and become good friends again.’ ‘Agreed,’ saidMr.Clay, and extended his hand, which was cordially embraced byMr.Randolph. They never spoke to each other, however, during the remainder of the session.