[1]The cult of Adonis travelled to Greece not later than the seventh century,b.c., and there is evidence that his rites were subsequently celebrated both in Argosand in Attica; see Frazer, "Adonis, Attis, Osiris," I., pp. 13 if., 226 f. For the Sumerian origin of the legend, see Zimmern, "Sumerisch-babylonische Tamûzlieder" (1907), and Langdon, "Tammuz and Ishtar" (1913).
[1]The cult of Adonis travelled to Greece not later than the seventh century,b.c., and there is evidence that his rites were subsequently celebrated both in Argosand in Attica; see Frazer, "Adonis, Attis, Osiris," I., pp. 13 if., 226 f. For the Sumerian origin of the legend, see Zimmern, "Sumerisch-babylonische Tamûzlieder" (1907), and Langdon, "Tammuz and Ishtar" (1913).
[2]Though Actseon was changed into a stag by Artemis, the main features of the Babylonian myth,viz.the angry goddess, the changing of the hero into a beast, and his death due to his own hounds, persist in the various versions of the Greek story.
[2]Though Actseon was changed into a stag by Artemis, the main features of the Babylonian myth,viz.the angry goddess, the changing of the hero into a beast, and his death due to his own hounds, persist in the various versions of the Greek story.
[3]Apart from other detailed resemblances, the labours and sufferings to which Heracles is exposed through Hera's hatred, a feature common to all forms of the Greek legend, find a close parallel in the persecution and trial of Gilgamesh by Ishtar. For the most recent discussion of the possible influence of the Gilgamesh legends on Hebrew traditions, see the additional note on "The mythical element in the Story of Samson," in Prof. Burney's forthcoming volume on "Judges," in the "Oxford Church Biblical Commentary."
[3]Apart from other detailed resemblances, the labours and sufferings to which Heracles is exposed through Hera's hatred, a feature common to all forms of the Greek legend, find a close parallel in the persecution and trial of Gilgamesh by Ishtar. For the most recent discussion of the possible influence of the Gilgamesh legends on Hebrew traditions, see the additional note on "The mythical element in the Story of Samson," in Prof. Burney's forthcoming volume on "Judges," in the "Oxford Church Biblical Commentary."
[4]It is precisely this laxity of application, and the consequent temptation to abuse it, that have led many of their critics to deny all value to the researches of the late Hugo Winckler and his followers.
[4]It is precisely this laxity of application, and the consequent temptation to abuse it, that have led many of their critics to deny all value to the researches of the late Hugo Winckler and his followers.
[5]For the chief literature in which their astral theory is expounded, see below, p. 292, n. 3.
[5]For the chief literature in which their astral theory is expounded, see below, p. 292, n. 3.
[6]On this subject, cf. Cumont, "La plus ancienne géographie astrologique" in "Klio," IX. (1909), Hft. 3, pp. 263 ff.
[6]On this subject, cf. Cumont, "La plus ancienne géographie astrologique" in "Klio," IX. (1909), Hft. 3, pp. 263 ff.
[7]A striking instance of the way in which this astral conception of the universe, as current at any rate among the later school of Babylonian astrologers, has left its imprint on Hebrew literature may be seen in Is. xxvii., I, an esehatological prophecy of post-exilie date, where the imagery is clearly drawn from Babylonian sources. The "winding" or "crooked serpent" of the passage is the constellation Draco, which winds about the North Pole; Serpens, a little to the north of the ecliptic, is "the fugitive serpent"; while Hydra, the water-snake, dwelling in the southern heaven or heavenly ocean, is "the dragon that is in the sea." The passage was first explained in this way by Burney, "Journ. Theol. Stud.," XI. (1910), pp. 443 ff.
[7]A striking instance of the way in which this astral conception of the universe, as current at any rate among the later school of Babylonian astrologers, has left its imprint on Hebrew literature may be seen in Is. xxvii., I, an esehatological prophecy of post-exilie date, where the imagery is clearly drawn from Babylonian sources. The "winding" or "crooked serpent" of the passage is the constellation Draco, which winds about the North Pole; Serpens, a little to the north of the ecliptic, is "the fugitive serpent"; while Hydra, the water-snake, dwelling in the southern heaven or heavenly ocean, is "the dragon that is in the sea." The passage was first explained in this way by Burney, "Journ. Theol. Stud.," XI. (1910), pp. 443 ff.
[8]Stucken's "Astralmythen" (1896-1907) appears to have strongly influenced Winckler, whose theory attracted general attention on its exposition in the "Preussische Jahrbücher" in 1901 (Bd. 104, pp. 224 ff.) and in "Himmels- und Weltenbild der Babylonier als Grundlage der Weltanschauung und Mythologie aller Vôlker," in "Der alte Orient," III., 2-3. He elaborated special points in his "Altorientalische Forschungen" (1902-1905); see also Winckler and Jeremias, "Im Kampfe um den alten Orient," Leipzig, 1907-8. For a defence of the astronomical assumptions of the theory, see especially Jeremias, "Das Alter der babylonischen Astronomie"(op. cit.,Hft. 3,1908); and cf. Weidner, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1911, Col. 345 ff., and 1913, Nos. I and 2 (Sonderabdruck, 16 pp.); see further, pp. 304, 308.
[8]Stucken's "Astralmythen" (1896-1907) appears to have strongly influenced Winckler, whose theory attracted general attention on its exposition in the "Preussische Jahrbücher" in 1901 (Bd. 104, pp. 224 ff.) and in "Himmels- und Weltenbild der Babylonier als Grundlage der Weltanschauung und Mythologie aller Vôlker," in "Der alte Orient," III., 2-3. He elaborated special points in his "Altorientalische Forschungen" (1902-1905); see also Winckler and Jeremias, "Im Kampfe um den alten Orient," Leipzig, 1907-8. For a defence of the astronomical assumptions of the theory, see especially Jeremias, "Das Alter der babylonischen Astronomie"(op. cit.,Hft. 3,1908); and cf. Weidner, "Orient. Lit.-Zeit.," 1911, Col. 345 ff., and 1913, Nos. I and 2 (Sonderabdruck, 16 pp.); see further, pp. 304, 308.
[9]Winckler's explanation of the passage is cited by Prof. Gilbert Murray in his "Electra of Euripides," p. 91 f., and by Prof. Burrows in his "Discoveries in Crete," p. 133.
[9]Winckler's explanation of the passage is cited by Prof. Gilbert Murray in his "Electra of Euripides," p. 91 f., and by Prof. Burrows in his "Discoveries in Crete," p. 133.
[10]LI. 726 ff.
[10]LI. 726 ff.
[11]Cf. Murray,op. cit.,p. 91.
[11]Cf. Murray,op. cit.,p. 91.
[12]The hull was actually associated with Adad, the Weather-god, and naturally symbolized the God of Thunder.
[12]The hull was actually associated with Adad, the Weather-god, and naturally symbolized the God of Thunder.
[13]Cf. Taylor, "Primitive Culture," II., pp. 143 ff.
[13]Cf. Taylor, "Primitive Culture," II., pp. 143 ff.
[14]It is possible to conjecture circumstances which would have tended to encourage speculation in that direction. The capture and deportation of a god, if followed by the substitution of another figure in its place and the subsequent recovery of the original, would have led to the incorporation of two figures within one shrine. And a king's ambition to rebuild or beautify a temple might have been extended to the image itself, if the latter had suffered damage or decay.
[14]It is possible to conjecture circumstances which would have tended to encourage speculation in that direction. The capture and deportation of a god, if followed by the substitution of another figure in its place and the subsequent recovery of the original, would have led to the incorporation of two figures within one shrine. And a king's ambition to rebuild or beautify a temple might have been extended to the image itself, if the latter had suffered damage or decay.
[15]It was not merely as booty, but in order to gain their favour, that Sin-idinnam and his army carried oft certain Elamite goddesses to their own land, conveying them carefully as in their shrines; and on the restoration of the images to Elam the goddesses themselves returned thither (cf. "Letters of Hammurabi," III., pp. 6 ff.). It was in the same spirit that Nebuchadnezzar I. gave sanctuary to the refugee priests from Elam, and introduced their god Rîa into Babylon (see above,p. 253f.).
[15]It was not merely as booty, but in order to gain their favour, that Sin-idinnam and his army carried oft certain Elamite goddesses to their own land, conveying them carefully as in their shrines; and on the restoration of the images to Elam the goddesses themselves returned thither (cf. "Letters of Hammurabi," III., pp. 6 ff.). It was in the same spirit that Nebuchadnezzar I. gave sanctuary to the refugee priests from Elam, and introduced their god Rîa into Babylon (see above,p. 253f.).
[16]See above,pp. 221f.,240.
[16]See above,pp. 221f.,240.
[17]Agum-kakrime's recovery of the images of Marduk and Sarpanitum is an instance in point (see above,pp. 210,218). But perhaps the most striking example is Ashur bani-pal's recovery of Nana's image from Susa, which had been carried off from Erech sixteen hundred and thirty-five years before (see above, p. 113). He probably found her installed in her Susian shrine, perhaps within the temple of Shushinak, the national god.
[17]Agum-kakrime's recovery of the images of Marduk and Sarpanitum is an instance in point (see above,pp. 210,218). But perhaps the most striking example is Ashur bani-pal's recovery of Nana's image from Susa, which had been carried off from Erech sixteen hundred and thirty-five years before (see above, p. 113). He probably found her installed in her Susian shrine, perhaps within the temple of Shushinak, the national god.
[18]The Spear-head of Marduk was a fit emblem for the slayer of Tiajmat, the demon of chaos, and the Stilus, or Wedge, of Nabû suits the god of writing and architecture. The emblems of some of the great nature-go,' ds were naturally astrological, such as the Lightning-fork of Adad. and the lunar and solar disks for the Moon-god and Sun-god; but this character was not shared by the majority of the emblems.
[18]The Spear-head of Marduk was a fit emblem for the slayer of Tiajmat, the demon of chaos, and the Stilus, or Wedge, of Nabû suits the god of writing and architecture. The emblems of some of the great nature-go,' ds were naturally astrological, such as the Lightning-fork of Adad. and the lunar and solar disks for the Moon-god and Sun-god; but this character was not shared by the majority of the emblems.
[19]The emblem of Ningirsu of Lagash, for example, was a lion-headed eagle grasping lions; cf. "Sinner and Akkad," p. 100.
[19]The emblem of Ningirsu of Lagash, for example, was a lion-headed eagle grasping lions; cf. "Sinner and Akkad," p. 100.
[20]Some divine emblems were purely animal, such as the Dog of Gula, the Walking Bird of Bau, and the Scorpion of Ishkhara. It may be added that in these cases there is nothing to indicate a totemistic origin, and the analogy of the Goat-fish of Enki or Ea, the god of the Deep, suggests that they are not to be traced beyond the mythological stage.
[20]Some divine emblems were purely animal, such as the Dog of Gula, the Walking Bird of Bau, and the Scorpion of Ishkhara. It may be added that in these cases there is nothing to indicate a totemistic origin, and the analogy of the Goat-fish of Enki or Ea, the god of the Deep, suggests that they are not to be traced beyond the mythological stage.
[21]SeeFig. 70; and cp. Heuzey, "Musique chaldéenne" in the "Rev. d'Assyr.," IX., No. iii. (1912), pp. 85 ff. M. Heuzey supports his suggestion by quoting a description of a similar instrument of music from a contemporary text: "The 'portico' of the lyre was like a bellowing bull."
[21]SeeFig. 70; and cp. Heuzey, "Musique chaldéenne" in the "Rev. d'Assyr.," IX., No. iii. (1912), pp. 85 ff. M. Heuzey supports his suggestion by quoting a description of a similar instrument of music from a contemporary text: "The 'portico' of the lyre was like a bellowing bull."
[22]Seep. 299,Fig. 71, and cp. Plate XVI. (No. 89110), opposite p. 192.
[22]Seep. 299,Fig. 71, and cp. Plate XVI. (No. 89110), opposite p. 192.
[23]Heuzey (loc. cit.) cites the following description of the doors set up by Gudea in the temple of Ningirsu: "The doors of cedar-wood, installed in the gateway, were like the God of Thunder thundering in the heavens; the holt of the temple of E-ninnû was like a savage dog; the pivots were like a lion;... on the ..., placed above the doors, he (Gudea) caused a young lionand a young panther to dwell" (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Sum. und Akkad. Königsinschriften," p. 118 f., Col. 20, 11. 20 ff.).
[23]Heuzey (loc. cit.) cites the following description of the doors set up by Gudea in the temple of Ningirsu: "The doors of cedar-wood, installed in the gateway, were like the God of Thunder thundering in the heavens; the holt of the temple of E-ninnû was like a savage dog; the pivots were like a lion;... on the ..., placed above the doors, he (Gudea) caused a young lionand a young panther to dwell" (cf. Thureau-Dangin, "Sum. und Akkad. Königsinschriften," p. 118 f., Col. 20, 11. 20 ff.).
[24]Cf. "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," XXXIV. (1912), pp. 270 ff.
[24]Cf. "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," XXXIV. (1912), pp. 270 ff.
[25]Our knowledge of Babylonian literature has been derived in great measure from Assyrian sources, and, as the civilization of both countries was intimately connected, the two branches of the subject will be treated together at the close of the third volume of this history. It will then also be possible to speak more confidently on the relative part played by Sumerian and Semite in the development of Babylonian law, after the publication of the recently discovered Sumerian code (see above,p. 153, n. 2). Incidentally the document will throw light on the extent to which primitive Semitic custom, shared possibly by the Hebrews, may have moulded some of the provisions of Hammurabi's Code.
[25]Our knowledge of Babylonian literature has been derived in great measure from Assyrian sources, and, as the civilization of both countries was intimately connected, the two branches of the subject will be treated together at the close of the third volume of this history. It will then also be possible to speak more confidently on the relative part played by Sumerian and Semite in the development of Babylonian law, after the publication of the recently discovered Sumerian code (see above,p. 153, n. 2). Incidentally the document will throw light on the extent to which primitive Semitic custom, shared possibly by the Hebrews, may have moulded some of the provisions of Hammurabi's Code.
[26]The rude inscriptions from such a mound as Fâra (cf. "Sumer and Akkad," pp. 24 ff.), the site of the city of Shuruppak which is mentioned in the Deluge-story, are not regarded as archaic. The shell seals, copper weapons, and rough stone necklaces from the graves beneath the city are treated with scant attention. All are assigned to a comparatively late stage of development.
[26]The rude inscriptions from such a mound as Fâra (cf. "Sumer and Akkad," pp. 24 ff.), the site of the city of Shuruppak which is mentioned in the Deluge-story, are not regarded as archaic. The shell seals, copper weapons, and rough stone necklaces from the graves beneath the city are treated with scant attention. All are assigned to a comparatively late stage of development.
[27]"Quiest. Natur.," 111., 29, ed. Haase, p. 235.
[27]"Quiest. Natur.," 111., 29, ed. Haase, p. 235.
[28]LI. 108 ff.
[28]LI. 108 ff.
[29]This was the most important festival in the Babylonian calendar; see above,pp. 190,296.
[29]This was the most important festival in the Babylonian calendar; see above,pp. 190,296.
[30]See above,p. 293f.
[30]See above,p. 293f.
[31]The position of the sun at the vernal equinox varies, of course, only very slightly from year to year. Its displacement amounts to only a day in about seventy-two years; and, if we assign thirty degrees to each of the twelve ecliptic constellations, it takes 2151 years to pass, in this way, through a single figure of the zodiac.
[31]The position of the sun at the vernal equinox varies, of course, only very slightly from year to year. Its displacement amounts to only a day in about seventy-two years; and, if we assign thirty degrees to each of the twelve ecliptic constellations, it takes 2151 years to pass, in this way, through a single figure of the zodiac.
[32]The fact that the bull was employed to decorate Ishtar Gate at Babylon affords no grounds for connecting the bull with the city-god. The bull is always associated with the God of Thunder (see above,p. 294, n. 1). whereas Marduk was essentially a solar deity. This latter fact is made use of by the mycologists, who argue that an Age of the Sun would naturally follow an Age of the Moon, and that solar myths'are to be looked for as characteristic of this second period.
[32]The fact that the bull was employed to decorate Ishtar Gate at Babylon affords no grounds for connecting the bull with the city-god. The bull is always associated with the God of Thunder (see above,p. 294, n. 1). whereas Marduk was essentially a solar deity. This latter fact is made use of by the mycologists, who argue that an Age of the Sun would naturally follow an Age of the Moon, and that solar myths'are to be looked for as characteristic of this second period.
[33]The admission that the Marduk-myths were unaffected by the Ram is difficult to reconcile with the importance attached by the astral mythologist to the advent of a new Age.
[33]The admission that the Marduk-myths were unaffected by the Ram is difficult to reconcile with the importance attached by the astral mythologist to the advent of a new Age.
[34]See his "Das alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients" (1st ed., Leipzig, 1904), and more especially the revised and enlarged English edition published in 1911 in the "Theological Translation Library." In his introduction to this edition of the work Canon Johns, while stating that it is not the province of the writer of an introduction to combat any of the opinions of the author, admits that he differs from Dr. Jeremias' opinions on many points. A reviewer of the volumes in the "Church Quarterly Review," Vol. LXXIV., No. 147 (April, 1912), pp. 166 ff., comments on "the apologetic impulse which is as marked in Dr. Jeremias as its form is peculiar." Readers who might be inclined to see in the work grounds for condemning the results obtained by the literary criticism of the Old Testament are warned by Canon Johns in his introduction that they "would be ill-advised to lean too heavily on this staff of Babylonia."
[34]See his "Das alte Testament im Lichte des alten Orients" (1st ed., Leipzig, 1904), and more especially the revised and enlarged English edition published in 1911 in the "Theological Translation Library." In his introduction to this edition of the work Canon Johns, while stating that it is not the province of the writer of an introduction to combat any of the opinions of the author, admits that he differs from Dr. Jeremias' opinions on many points. A reviewer of the volumes in the "Church Quarterly Review," Vol. LXXIV., No. 147 (April, 1912), pp. 166 ff., comments on "the apologetic impulse which is as marked in Dr. Jeremias as its form is peculiar." Readers who might be inclined to see in the work grounds for condemning the results obtained by the literary criticism of the Old Testament are warned by Canon Johns in his introduction that they "would be ill-advised to lean too heavily on this staff of Babylonia."
[35]Ezek. viii., 14.
[35]Ezek. viii., 14.
[36]See above,p. 290.
[36]See above,p. 290.
[37]On the close correspondence of the Greek form of the legend with its Babylonian original, see Frazer, "Adonis Attis Osiris," I., pp. 6 ff.
[37]On the close correspondence of the Greek form of the legend with its Babylonian original, see Frazer, "Adonis Attis Osiris," I., pp. 6 ff.
[38]Ed. Bevan in "Texts and Studies," V., 3.
[38]Ed. Bevan in "Texts and Studies," V., 3.
[39]Gen. xii.
[39]Gen. xii.
[40]Cf. Jeremias, "Old Testament," I., p. (60, II., p. 65). These wore the gods Minâ-ikul-bêli, "What-will-my-lord-eat?", and Minâ-ishti-bêli, "What-will-my-lord-drink?" (cf. King, "Cun. Texts," XXIV., 1908, p. 5); but there is nothing to connect the Hebrew story with them.
[40]Cf. Jeremias, "Old Testament," I., p. (60, II., p. 65). These wore the gods Minâ-ikul-bêli, "What-will-my-lord-eat?", and Minâ-ishti-bêli, "What-will-my-lord-drink?" (cf. King, "Cun. Texts," XXIV., 1908, p. 5); but there is nothing to connect the Hebrew story with them.
[41]Josh, x., 10, 16.
[41]Josh, x., 10, 16.
[42]In support of such astralmotifsevidence of direct worship of Ishtar is traced in unexpected quarters. Thus the men of Gilead are explained to have chosen the wordshibboleth,"ear of grain," as a password for the Ephraemites, not because it was a common word containing the required sibilant, but in honour of the goddess Ishtar, the heavenly Virgin with the ears of corn. And, though the veil was part of the ordinary attire of Hebrew women, a natural act such as that told of Rebecca, who is said to have veiled herself at the approach of Isaac, is held to reflect the Ishtar cult.
[42]In support of such astralmotifsevidence of direct worship of Ishtar is traced in unexpected quarters. Thus the men of Gilead are explained to have chosen the wordshibboleth,"ear of grain," as a password for the Ephraemites, not because it was a common word containing the required sibilant, but in honour of the goddess Ishtar, the heavenly Virgin with the ears of corn. And, though the veil was part of the ordinary attire of Hebrew women, a natural act such as that told of Rebecca, who is said to have veiled herself at the approach of Isaac, is held to reflect the Ishtar cult.
[43]Cf. "Seven Tablets of Creation," I., pp. 32 ff.
[43]Cf. "Seven Tablets of Creation," I., pp. 32 ff.
[44]See especially Gunkell, "Schopfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit," pp. 16 ff.
[44]See especially Gunkell, "Schopfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit," pp. 16 ff.
[45]Moses, for instance, is peculiarly a deliverer and the inaugurator of a new age in Israel's history; the traditions about him thus bristle with astralmotifs.When he is persecuted by Pharaoh in Egypt, Pharaoh is the Dragon; when he is rescued as a babe from the Nile, Pharaoh's daughter is Ishtar, Queen of heaven, and we have a Tammuz-Ishtarmotif.When he leads Israel out of Egypt, we have themotifof victory over the Dragon. The crossing of the Red Sea is the cleaving of the Dragon in half, and so too is Joshua's passage of the Jordan. In short, Joshua in his character of deliverer rivals Moses in the number ofmotifswhich are said to cluster round him.
[45]Moses, for instance, is peculiarly a deliverer and the inaugurator of a new age in Israel's history; the traditions about him thus bristle with astralmotifs.When he is persecuted by Pharaoh in Egypt, Pharaoh is the Dragon; when he is rescued as a babe from the Nile, Pharaoh's daughter is Ishtar, Queen of heaven, and we have a Tammuz-Ishtarmotif.When he leads Israel out of Egypt, we have themotifof victory over the Dragon. The crossing of the Red Sea is the cleaving of the Dragon in half, and so too is Joshua's passage of the Jordan. In short, Joshua in his character of deliverer rivals Moses in the number ofmotifswhich are said to cluster round him.
[46]Jeremias (op. cit.,II., p. 182) connects the name Goliath with Assyr.galittu,which he renders "sea," hence the dragon Tiamat; butgalittu,though applied to the sea, is merely the feminine of the adj. galtu, "terrible."
[46]Jeremias (op. cit.,II., p. 182) connects the name Goliath with Assyr.galittu,which he renders "sea," hence the dragon Tiamat; butgalittu,though applied to the sea, is merely the feminine of the adj. galtu, "terrible."
[47]I. Samuel, xvii., 4; Josephus and some MSS. of the Septuagint read four cubits and a span.
[47]I. Samuel, xvii., 4; Josephus and some MSS. of the Septuagint read four cubits and a span.
[48]As in so much of their speculation, the members of the astral school have here mixed valuable suggestions with pure theorizing. Certain numbers were specially sacred among the Babylonians and were employed as divine names. Sin, the Moon-god, for example, was the god "Thirty," from the conventional length of the lunar month; and the gods "Four" and "Seven" may have represented different aspects of the Moon-god, the former the four phases of the moon, the latter the seven-day week as a lunar quarter. If the idea travelled westward, we obtain a satisfactory explanation of such Palestinian names as Kiriath-arba and Be'er-sheba'. For this subject, see especially Prof. Burney's forthcoming work on "Judges" (see above,p. 290n. 3), p. 43 f. Discussions are there given of other points illustrated by the Babylonian texts, of which special mention may be made of the exhaustive notes on Yahwe (pp. 243 ff.) and the Ashera (pp. 196 ff.), and the valuable section> on early Hebrew poetry.
[48]As in so much of their speculation, the members of the astral school have here mixed valuable suggestions with pure theorizing. Certain numbers were specially sacred among the Babylonians and were employed as divine names. Sin, the Moon-god, for example, was the god "Thirty," from the conventional length of the lunar month; and the gods "Four" and "Seven" may have represented different aspects of the Moon-god, the former the four phases of the moon, the latter the seven-day week as a lunar quarter. If the idea travelled westward, we obtain a satisfactory explanation of such Palestinian names as Kiriath-arba and Be'er-sheba'. For this subject, see especially Prof. Burney's forthcoming work on "Judges" (see above,p. 290n. 3), p. 43 f. Discussions are there given of other points illustrated by the Babylonian texts, of which special mention may be made of the exhaustive notes on Yahwe (pp. 243 ff.) and the Ashera (pp. 196 ff.), and the valuable section> on early Hebrew poetry.
[49]Ovid,Fasti,IV., 679 ff.; and cf. Frazer, "Spirits of the Corn," I., p. 297 f.
[49]Ovid,Fasti,IV., 679 ff.; and cf. Frazer, "Spirits of the Corn," I., p. 297 f.
[50]See Burney,op. cit.,additional note on "The mythical element in the story of Samson."
[50]See Burney,op. cit.,additional note on "The mythical element in the story of Samson."
[51]See "Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur" (Strassburg, 1906).
[51]See "Das Gilgamesch-Epos in der Weltliteratur" (Strassburg, 1906).
[52]"Studien zur Odyssée" in the "Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft," 1910, Hefte 2-4; 1911, Heft 4.
[52]"Studien zur Odyssée" in the "Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft," 1910, Hefte 2-4; 1911, Heft 4.
[53]The fifty-two noble youths, for example, whom Alcinous entrusts with the task of preparing the ship and escorting Odysseus homewards may correspond to the fifty-two weeks of the year, sun-heroes who accompany the sun on his voyage through the year. In the challenge of Euryalus to Odysseus and the latter's triumph in the discus-throwing, we are to see a glimmer of the old light-myth. The dance of Halius and Laodamas, with the purple ball which Polybus made for them, again symbolizes the battle of light, the colour of the ball being specially significant. Indeed, there are few limits to be placed to this system of astrological interpretation, since, according to Dr. Fries, even lawn-tennis goes back to the same idea: he remarks that "ailes Ballspiel ja bis herab zum Lawn-Tennis auf denselben Gedanken [der Lichtkampf] zurückgeht" ("Studien zur Odyssée," i., p. 324).
[53]The fifty-two noble youths, for example, whom Alcinous entrusts with the task of preparing the ship and escorting Odysseus homewards may correspond to the fifty-two weeks of the year, sun-heroes who accompany the sun on his voyage through the year. In the challenge of Euryalus to Odysseus and the latter's triumph in the discus-throwing, we are to see a glimmer of the old light-myth. The dance of Halius and Laodamas, with the purple ball which Polybus made for them, again symbolizes the battle of light, the colour of the ball being specially significant. Indeed, there are few limits to be placed to this system of astrological interpretation, since, according to Dr. Fries, even lawn-tennis goes back to the same idea: he remarks that "ailes Ballspiel ja bis herab zum Lawn-Tennis auf denselben Gedanken [der Lichtkampf] zurückgeht" ("Studien zur Odyssée," i., p. 324).
[54]One point, at which the colouring is said to be peculiarly Babylonian, is the prophecy that death shall come to Odysseus from the sea; for this is traced to the Babylonian legend of Oannes, the benefactor of mankind, who ever returns to the sea from which he rose, but here, too, Odysseus is the god of heaven who sinks at the approach of night.
[54]One point, at which the colouring is said to be peculiarly Babylonian, is the prophecy that death shall come to Odysseus from the sea; for this is traced to the Babylonian legend of Oannes, the benefactor of mankind, who ever returns to the sea from which he rose, but here, too, Odysseus is the god of heaven who sinks at the approach of night.
[55]With regard to its application to the Hebrew narratives, the "Church Quarterly" reviewer of Dr. Jeremias' work (see above,p. 304, n. 1**) points out the resemblance between this procedure and Philo's method of interpretation.
[55]With regard to its application to the Hebrew narratives, the "Church Quarterly" reviewer of Dr. Jeremias' work (see above,p. 304, n. 1**) points out the resemblance between this procedure and Philo's method of interpretation.
[56]In 1870 the same plan was adopted to discredit Professor Max Müller's theory of the Solar Myth. The demonstration, though humorous (since its subject was the professor himself), constituted a legitimate form of criticism, and it has been borrowed by Dr. Kugler, the Dutch astronomer, and applied to the astral theory. For the astral theory is in essence the old Solar Myth revived and grafted on to a Babylonian stem. In his book "Im Bannkreis Babels" (1910), Dr. Kugler selects at random the historical figure of Louis IX. of France, and has no difficulty in demonstrating by astral methods that the extant records of his life and reign are full of solar and astralmotifs.
[56]In 1870 the same plan was adopted to discredit Professor Max Müller's theory of the Solar Myth. The demonstration, though humorous (since its subject was the professor himself), constituted a legitimate form of criticism, and it has been borrowed by Dr. Kugler, the Dutch astronomer, and applied to the astral theory. For the astral theory is in essence the old Solar Myth revived and grafted on to a Babylonian stem. In his book "Im Bannkreis Babels" (1910), Dr. Kugler selects at random the historical figure of Louis IX. of France, and has no difficulty in demonstrating by astral methods that the extant records of his life and reign are full of solar and astralmotifs.
[57]Cf. Kugler,op. cit.
[57]Cf. Kugler,op. cit.
[58]His interpretation of Euripides' story of the Golden Lamb must share the fate of the main structure of his theory, but the legend itself may well have been of Babylonian origin (see above,p. 293).
[58]His interpretation of Euripides' story of the Golden Lamb must share the fate of the main structure of his theory, but the legend itself may well have been of Babylonian origin (see above,p. 293).
[59]See above,pp. 106ff.
[59]See above,pp. 106ff.
[60]For an exhaustive discussion or the astrological material contained in the omen-literature, see Jastrow, "Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens," II., pp. 138 ff. (1909-12). A Neo-Babylonian astronomical treatise, recently acquired by the British Museum (see Plate XXXII., opposite p. 310), containing classified and descriptive lists of the principal stars and constellations, with their heliacal risings and settings, culminations in the south, etc., does not surest a profound knowledge of astronomy on the part of its compiler (cf. King, "Cun. Texts," XXXIII., 1912, pp. 30 ff., and "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," XXXV., 1913, pp. 41 ff.).
[60]For an exhaustive discussion or the astrological material contained in the omen-literature, see Jastrow, "Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens," II., pp. 138 ff. (1909-12). A Neo-Babylonian astronomical treatise, recently acquired by the British Museum (see Plate XXXII., opposite p. 310), containing classified and descriptive lists of the principal stars and constellations, with their heliacal risings and settings, culminations in the south, etc., does not surest a profound knowledge of astronomy on the part of its compiler (cf. King, "Cun. Texts," XXXIII., 1912, pp. 30 ff., and "Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.," XXXV., 1913, pp. 41 ff.).
[61]See "Sternkunde und Sterndienst," II., pp. 30 ff.; cf. also Cumont, "Babylon und der griechische Astrologie," in the "Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum," Bd. 27 (1911), pp. Off., and the earlier of his "American Lectures on the History of Religions," published under the title "Astrology and Religion among the Greeks and Romans" (1912).
[61]See "Sternkunde und Sterndienst," II., pp. 30 ff.; cf. also Cumont, "Babylon und der griechische Astrologie," in the "Neue Jahrbücher für das klassische Altertum," Bd. 27 (1911), pp. Off., and the earlier of his "American Lectures on the History of Religions," published under the title "Astrology and Religion among the Greeks and Romans" (1912).
[62]See above,p. 208f.
[62]See above,p. 208f.
[63]They are emphasized by Schiarparelli, in his "Astronomy in the Old Testament" (Engl. transl.), pp. 39 ff., 99 ff., 104 f.
[63]They are emphasized by Schiarparelli, in his "Astronomy in the Old Testament" (Engl. transl.), pp. 39 ff., 99 ff., 104 f.
[64]During their pastoral and agricultural life in Palestine the Hebrews found it quite sufficient to refer to time by describing the period of the day: see further, Schiarparelli,op. cit., p. 96.
[64]During their pastoral and agricultural life in Palestine the Hebrews found it quite sufficient to refer to time by describing the period of the day: see further, Schiarparelli,op. cit., p. 96.
[65]Amos, v., 20.
[65]Amos, v., 20.
[66]Cf. "Greece and Babylon" (published as the Wilde Lectures, 1911).
[66]Cf. "Greece and Babylon" (published as the Wilde Lectures, 1911).
[67]See his "Cults of the Creek States," Oxford, 1896-1909.
[67]See his "Cults of the Creek States," Oxford, 1896-1909.
[68]Cf. Hogarth, "Ionia and the East," pp. 27 ff., 64 ff.
[68]Cf. Hogarth, "Ionia and the East," pp. 27 ff., 64 ff.
I.—A COMPARATIVE LIST OF THE DYNASTIES OF NÎSIN, LARSA AND BABYLON.
II.—A DYNASTIC LIST OF THE KINGS OF BABYLON.
EXPLANATORY NOTE.—A comma after a king's name implies that he was succeeded by his son. The figures within parentheses, which follow a king's name, indicate the number of years he ruled. Contemporaneous reigns are set opposite each other in the parallel columns, but their respective lengths are indicated only approximately by the spacing of the names.
A comma after a king's name implies that he was succeeded by his son.