Chapter 79

[849]IX, 922.[850]IX, 935.[851]Kühn, XIX, 22-345. Plutarch,Opera, ed. Didot,De placitis philosophorum, pp. 1065-1114; inPlutarch’s Miscellanies and Essays, English translation, 1889, III, 104-92. The wording of the two versions differs somewhat and in Galen’s works it is divided simply into 37 chapters, whereas in Plutarch’s works it is divided into five books and many more chapters.[852]XIX, 320-21;De plac. philos., V, 1-2.[853]XIX, 253;De plac. philos., I, 8.[854]Kühn, XIX, 261-62;De placitis philosophorum, I, 28; “ἡ δὲ εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν αἰθέριον σῶμα. σπέρμα τῆστῶν πάντων γενέσεως.“[855]XIX, 333.[856]XIX, 274;De plac. philos., II, 19.[857]XIX, 265;De plac. philos., II, 5.[858]As much can hardly be said of our present day architects, whose fantastic tin cornices projecting far out from the roofs of high buildings and rows of stones poised horizontally in mid-air, with no other visible support than a plate glass window beneath, remind one forcibly and painfully of the deceits and levitations of magicians.[859]De architectura, ed. F. Krohn, Leipzig, Teubner, 1912, VIII, iii, 24. A recent English translation of Vitruvius is by M. H. Morgan, Harvard University Press, 1914.[860]VIII, iii, 16, 20-21, 24-5.[861]III, i.[862]V, Introduction, 3-4.[863]V, vi, 1. The wording is that of Morgan’s translation.[864]VI, i, 3-4, 9-10.[865]IX, vi, 2-3, Morgan’s translation.[866]III, Introduction, 3, ” ... There should be the greatest indignation when, as often, good judges are flattered by the charm of social entertainments into an approbation which is a mere pretence.”[867]Idem.[868]VI, Introduction, 5.[869]II, Introduction. Vitruvius continues, “But as for me, Emperor, nature has not given me stature, age has marred my face, and my strength is impaired by ill health. Therefore, since these advantages fail me, I shall win your approval, as I hope, by the help of my knowledge and my writings.”[870]III, Introduction, 2.[871]VII, Introduction, 1-10.[872]VI, Introduction, 2. Also IX, Introduction, where authors are declared superior to the victorious athletes in the Olympian, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games.[873]VII, Introd., 11-14; IX, Introd.[874]IX, Introd., 17.[875]VII, Introd., 10.[876]VIII, iii, 27.[877]IX, vii, 7.[878]IX, Introd.[879]VII, v.[880]VII, Introd., 18.[881]V, i, 6-10.[882]X, i, 4.[883]X, vii.[884]IX, viii.[885]IX, viii, 2 and 4; X, vii, 4.[886]NH, VII, 38.[887]The work of Martin,Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d’Héron d’Alexandrie, Paris, 1854, and the accounts of Hero in histories of physics and mathematics such as those of Heller and Cajori, must now be supplemented by the long article in Pauly and Wissowa,Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, (1912), cols. 992-1080. A recent briefer summary in English is the article by T. L. Heath, EB, 11th edition, XIII, 378. See also Hammer-Jensen,Ptolemaios und Heron, inHermes, XLVIII (1913), p. 224,et seq.The writings ascribed to Hero, hitherto scattered about in various for the most part inaccessible editions and MSS, are now appearing in a single Teubner edition, of which five vols. have appeared, 1899, 1900, 1903, 1912, 1914, including respectively, thePneumaticsandAutomatic Theater, theMechanicsandMirrors, theMetricsandDioptra, theDefinitionsand geometrical remains,StereometricaandDe mensurisandDe geodaesia. For theBelopoiikaor work on military engines see C. Wescher,Poliorcétique des Grecs, Paris, 1867. In English we haveThe Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria, translated for Bennet Woodcroft by J. G. Greenwood, London, 1851. A number of articles on Hero by Heiberg, Carra de Vaux, Schmidt, and others will be found inBibliotheca Mathematicaand Sudhoff’sArchiv f. d. Gesch. d. Naturwiss. u. d. Technik.[888]παρὰ Ἥρωνος Κτησιβίου.[889]Heath in EB, XIII, 378; Heiberg (1914), V, ix.[890]PW,Heron.[891]Baur (1912), p. 417.[892]In the first chapter of theAutomatic Theaterhe says, “The ancients called those who constructed such things thaumaturges because of the astounding character of the spectacle.”[893]PW, 1045.[894]But perhaps this is a medieval interpolation in the nature of a crude Christian attempt to depict “the firmament in the midst of the waters” (Genesis, I, 6). However, it also somewhat resembles the universe of the Greek philosopher, Leucippus, who “made the earth a hemisphere with a hemisphere of air above, the whole surrounded by the supporting crystal sphere which held the moon. Above this came the planets, then the sun”—Orr (1913), p. 63 and Fig. 13. See also K. Tittel, “Das Weltbild bei Heron,” inBibl. Math.(1907-1908), pp. 113-7.[895]Berthelot (1885), pp. 68-9. For the following account of Greek alchemy I have followed Berthelot’s three works,Les Origines de l’Alchimie, 1885;Collection des anciens Alchimistes Grecs, 3 vols., 1887-1888;Introduction à l’Étude de la Chimie, 1889. Berthelot made a good many books from too few MSS; went over the same ground repeatedly; and sometimes had to correct his previous statements; but still remains the fullest account of the subject. E. O. v. Lippmann,Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie, 1919, is still based largely on Berthelot’s publications. In English see C. A. Browne, “The Poem of the Philosopher Theophrastos upon the Sacred Art: A Metrical Translation with Comments upon the History of Alchemy,” inThe Scientific Monthly, September, 1920, pp. 193-214.[896]The earliest of them is John of Antioch of the reign of Heraclius, about 620 A.D., although they seem to use Panodorus, an Egyptian monk of the reign of Arcadius. Even he would be a century removed from the event.[897]Berthelot (1885), pp. 26, 72, etc., took this story about Diocletian far too seriously.[898]Berthelot (1885), 192-3.[899]But theLabyrinth of Solomon, which Berthelot (1885), p. 16, had cited as an example of the sort of ancient magic figures which had been largely obliterated by Christians, and of the antiquity of alchemy among the Jews (ibid., p. 54), although he granted (ibid., p. 171) that it might not be as old as the Papyrus of Leyden of the third century, later when he had secured the collaboration of Ruelle (1888), I, 156-7, and III, 41, he had to admit was not even as old as the eleventh century MS in which it occurred but was an addition in writing of the fourteenth century and “a cabalistic work of the middle ages which does not belong to the old tradition of the Greek alchemists.”[900]Berthelot (1885), p. 59.[901]Ibid., p. 53.[902]Berthelot (1888), III, 251.[903]Berthelot (1885), p. 56.[904]Berthelot (1888), III, 23.[905]Berthelot (1888), III, 251.[906]Berthelot (1885), p. 164.[907]Ibid., pp. 179-80.[908]Ibid., p. 60.[909]Berthelot (1888), II, 115-6; III, 125.[910]Berthelot (1885), pp. 211-2.[911]Berthelot (1889), p. vi.[912]De institutione principis epistola ad Traianum, a treatise extant only in Latin form.[913]IV, 72. On the biography and bibliography of Plutarch consult Christ,Gesch. d. Griechischen Litteratur, 5th ed., Munich, 1913, II, 2, “Die nachklassische Periode,” pp. 367ff.[914]See also the essay, “Whether an old man should engage in politics,” cap. 16.[915]See R. Schmertosch, inPhilol.-Hist. Beitr. z. Ehren Wachsmuths, 1897, pp. 28ff.[916]Language and literary form are surer guides and have been applied by B. Weissenberger,Die Sprache Plutarchs von Chäronea und die pseudoplutarchischen Schriften, II Progr. Straubing, 1896, pp. 15ff. In 1876 W. W. Goodwin, editing a revised edition of the seventeenth century English translation of theMorals, declared that no critical translation was possible until a thorough revision of the text had been undertaken with the help of the best MSS. Since then an edition of the text by G. N. Bernadakes, 1888-1896, has appeared, but it has not escaped criticism.[917]The English translation of Plutarch’sMorals“by several hands,” first published in 1684-1694, sixth edition corrected and revised by W. W. Goodwin, 5 vols., 1870-1878, IV, 10, renders a passage in the seventh chapter ofDe defectu oraculorum, in which complaint is made of the “base and villainous questions” which are now put to the oracle of Apollo, as follows: “some coming to him as a mere paltry astrologer to try his skill and impose upon him with subtle questions.” But the corresponding clause in the Greek text is merely οἱ μὲν ὡς σοφιστοῦ διάπειραν λαμβάνοντες, and there seems to be no reason for taking the word “sophist” in any other than its usual meaning. The passage therefore cannot be interpreted as an attack upon even vulgar astrologers.[918]De defectu oraculorum, 13.[919]Cap. 12.[920]Cap. 7.[921]Cap. 8.[922]Cap. 9.[923]Cap. 10.[924]De genio Socratis, 21-22.[925]Ibid., 24.[926]De defectu oraculorum, 40.[927]De genio Socratis, 12.[928]Sympos., VIII. 10.[929]De defectu oraculorum, 44.[930]Ibid., 48.[931]Ibid., 13.[932]Ibid., 10.[933]Ibid., 13.[934]De genio Socratis, 22.[935]Cap. 26.[936]Cap. 29.[937]Cap. 30.[938]Cap. 24.[939]Cap. 22.[940]De defectu oraculorum, 10.[941]Ibid., 18.[942]Ibid., 13-14.[943]De defectu oraculorum, 21.[944]De genio Socratis, 11.[945]Ibid., 20.[946]Romulus, cap. 12.[947]Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ ξένῳ καὶ περιτ τῷ προσάξεται μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ μυθῶδες ἐνοχλήσει τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτοῖς.[948]Cap. 2.[949]Cap. 22.[950]Cap. 3.[951]Caps. 5-8.[952]Cap. 9.[953]De facie in orbe lunae, 28.[954]VIII, 9.[955]De defectu oraculorum, 31-32. The resemblance of the stranger’s tale to the vision of Er in Plato’sRepublicis also evident.[956]Ibid., 34.[957]Ibid., 37.[958]Ibid., 36; and see 11-12.[959]Caps. 8-16.[960]Cap. 17.[961]Cap. 31.[962]Cap. 33.[963]Symposiacs, II, 7. D’Arcy W. Thompson in his translation of Aristotle’sHistory of Animalscomments on II, 14, “The myth of the ‘ship-holder’ has been elegantly explained by V. W. Elkman, ‘On Dead Water,’ in the Reports of Nansen’s North Polar Expedition, Christiania, 1904.”[964]See above p. 77 for the somewhat different statement of Pliny (NH, XXIII, 64).[965]Symposiacs, V, 10.[966]De sera numinis vindicta, 14.[967]De defectu oraculorum, 43.[968]X, 1 (Casaub., 446); for this and some other source citations and a brief bibliography of modern discussions on the subject see the article, “Amiantus” (3) in Pauly-Wissowa.[969]Article on “Asbestos” in theEncyclopedia Britannica, 11th edition, which further states that Charlemagne was said to own a tablecloth which was cleaned by throwing it into the fire, and that in 1676 a merchant from China exhibited to the Royal Society a handkerchief of “salamander’s wool” orlinum asbesti(asbestos linen). See also Marco Polo, I, 42, and Cordier’s note in Yule (1903), I, 216.[970]XIX, 4. In Bostock and Riley’s English translation, note 44 states that “the wicks of the inextinguishable lamps of the middle ages, the existence of which was an article of general belief, were said to be made of asbestus.” On its use in lamp-wicks see also Pausanias, I, 26, 7.[971]“In the year 1702 there was found near the Naevian Gate at Rome a funeral urn, in which there was a skull, calcined bones, and other ashes, enclosed in a cloth of asbestus of a marvelous length. It is still preserved in the Vatican,” (Bostock and Riley, note 45).[972]“On the contrary, it is found in the Higher Alps in the vicinity of glaciers, in Scotland, and in Siberia even” (Bostock and Riley, note 46). The article on “Amiantus (3)” in Pauly-Wissowa incorrectly assumes that in XIX, 4, Pliny has it in mind. In XXXVI, 31, however, Pliny briefly describes the stone amianthus, which Bostock and Riley (note 52) call “the most delicate variety of asbestus,” as “losing nothing in fire” and “resisting all potions (or, spells) even of themagi,”—“Amiantus alumini similis nihil igni deperdit. Hic veneficis resistit omnibus privatim magorum.” In XXXVII, 54, in an alphabetical list of stones, he briefly states that asbestos is iron-colored and found in the mountains of Arcadia,—“Asbestos in Arcadiae montibus nascitur coloris ferrei.”[973]Ed. by R. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1851; and by C. Müller inGeograph. Graeci Minores, II, 637ff.[974]In Christ’sGesch. d. Griech. Litt., not only is theOn Rivers and Mountainsitself called a “Schwindelbuch,” but these citations are rejected as fraudulent.[975]Cap. 5.[976]Cap. 18.[977]Cap. 21.[978]Cap. 6.[979]Cap. 1.[980]Cap. 7.[981]Caps. 9, 10, 12.[982]Caps. 16, 18, 24.[983]Cap. 17.[984]V, 7.[985]Bruta animalia ratione uti, cap. 9; alsoQuaest. Nat., cap. 26, “Why certain brutes seek certain remedies.”[986]De solertia animalium.[987]Ibid., 36-37; also the closing chapters ofThe Banquet of the Seven Sages.[988]Cap. 31.[989]Cap. 25.[990]Cap. 12.[991]Cap. 10.[992]Cap. 29.[993]Isis and Osiris, 10.[994]VIII, 9, ἴδια δὲ σπέρματα νόσων οὐκ ἔστιν.[995]Nat. Quaest., caps. 6, 14, 22, 24, 36.[996]Symposiacs, II, 9; IV, 2; III, 10; IV, 5.[997]De facie in orbe lunae, 9-10; also the opening chapters ofDe defectu oraculorum.[998]Cap. 7.[999]Cap. 18.[1000]“Tam graece quam latine, gemino voto, pari studio, simili studio.”[1001]Florida, cap. 9.[1002]Apologia, cap. 4.[1003]Caps. 73 and 55.[1004]Caps. 55-56.[1005]Cap. 17.[1006]Apologia, cap. 70.[1007]Cap. 89.[1008]To Professor Butler (Apulei Apologia, ed. H. E. Butler and A. S. Owen, Oxford, 1914) this difficulty seems so insurmountable that he places theApologyearlier. But for the reasons already given I agree with the article on Apuleius in Pauly and Wissowa and its citations that theMetamorphosesis Apuleius’s first work.[1009]The work opens with the statement that the author “will stitch together varied stories in the so-called Milesian manner,” and that “we begin with a Grecian story.”[1010]I, 3.[1011]II, 1.[1012]I, 8.[1013]II, 5.[1014]III, 15. The wording of the translated passages throughout this chapter is mainly my own, but I have made some use of existing English translations.[1015]III, 16.[1016]I, 8.

[849]IX, 922.

[849]IX, 922.

[850]IX, 935.

[850]IX, 935.

[851]Kühn, XIX, 22-345. Plutarch,Opera, ed. Didot,De placitis philosophorum, pp. 1065-1114; inPlutarch’s Miscellanies and Essays, English translation, 1889, III, 104-92. The wording of the two versions differs somewhat and in Galen’s works it is divided simply into 37 chapters, whereas in Plutarch’s works it is divided into five books and many more chapters.

[851]Kühn, XIX, 22-345. Plutarch,Opera, ed. Didot,De placitis philosophorum, pp. 1065-1114; inPlutarch’s Miscellanies and Essays, English translation, 1889, III, 104-92. The wording of the two versions differs somewhat and in Galen’s works it is divided simply into 37 chapters, whereas in Plutarch’s works it is divided into five books and many more chapters.

[852]XIX, 320-21;De plac. philos., V, 1-2.

[852]XIX, 320-21;De plac. philos., V, 1-2.

[853]XIX, 253;De plac. philos., I, 8.

[853]XIX, 253;De plac. philos., I, 8.

[854]Kühn, XIX, 261-62;De placitis philosophorum, I, 28; “ἡ δὲ εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν αἰθέριον σῶμα. σπέρμα τῆστῶν πάντων γενέσεως.“

[854]Kühn, XIX, 261-62;De placitis philosophorum, I, 28; “ἡ δὲ εἱμαρμένη ἐστὶν αἰθέριον σῶμα. σπέρμα τῆστῶν πάντων γενέσεως.“

[855]XIX, 333.

[855]XIX, 333.

[856]XIX, 274;De plac. philos., II, 19.

[856]XIX, 274;De plac. philos., II, 19.

[857]XIX, 265;De plac. philos., II, 5.

[857]XIX, 265;De plac. philos., II, 5.

[858]As much can hardly be said of our present day architects, whose fantastic tin cornices projecting far out from the roofs of high buildings and rows of stones poised horizontally in mid-air, with no other visible support than a plate glass window beneath, remind one forcibly and painfully of the deceits and levitations of magicians.

[858]As much can hardly be said of our present day architects, whose fantastic tin cornices projecting far out from the roofs of high buildings and rows of stones poised horizontally in mid-air, with no other visible support than a plate glass window beneath, remind one forcibly and painfully of the deceits and levitations of magicians.

[859]De architectura, ed. F. Krohn, Leipzig, Teubner, 1912, VIII, iii, 24. A recent English translation of Vitruvius is by M. H. Morgan, Harvard University Press, 1914.

[859]De architectura, ed. F. Krohn, Leipzig, Teubner, 1912, VIII, iii, 24. A recent English translation of Vitruvius is by M. H. Morgan, Harvard University Press, 1914.

[860]VIII, iii, 16, 20-21, 24-5.

[860]VIII, iii, 16, 20-21, 24-5.

[861]III, i.

[861]III, i.

[862]V, Introduction, 3-4.

[862]V, Introduction, 3-4.

[863]V, vi, 1. The wording is that of Morgan’s translation.

[863]V, vi, 1. The wording is that of Morgan’s translation.

[864]VI, i, 3-4, 9-10.

[864]VI, i, 3-4, 9-10.

[865]IX, vi, 2-3, Morgan’s translation.

[865]IX, vi, 2-3, Morgan’s translation.

[866]III, Introduction, 3, ” ... There should be the greatest indignation when, as often, good judges are flattered by the charm of social entertainments into an approbation which is a mere pretence.”

[866]III, Introduction, 3, ” ... There should be the greatest indignation when, as often, good judges are flattered by the charm of social entertainments into an approbation which is a mere pretence.”

[867]Idem.

[867]Idem.

[868]VI, Introduction, 5.

[868]VI, Introduction, 5.

[869]II, Introduction. Vitruvius continues, “But as for me, Emperor, nature has not given me stature, age has marred my face, and my strength is impaired by ill health. Therefore, since these advantages fail me, I shall win your approval, as I hope, by the help of my knowledge and my writings.”

[869]II, Introduction. Vitruvius continues, “But as for me, Emperor, nature has not given me stature, age has marred my face, and my strength is impaired by ill health. Therefore, since these advantages fail me, I shall win your approval, as I hope, by the help of my knowledge and my writings.”

[870]III, Introduction, 2.

[870]III, Introduction, 2.

[871]VII, Introduction, 1-10.

[871]VII, Introduction, 1-10.

[872]VI, Introduction, 2. Also IX, Introduction, where authors are declared superior to the victorious athletes in the Olympian, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games.

[872]VI, Introduction, 2. Also IX, Introduction, where authors are declared superior to the victorious athletes in the Olympian, Pythian, Isthmian, and Nemean games.

[873]VII, Introd., 11-14; IX, Introd.

[873]VII, Introd., 11-14; IX, Introd.

[874]IX, Introd., 17.

[874]IX, Introd., 17.

[875]VII, Introd., 10.

[875]VII, Introd., 10.

[876]VIII, iii, 27.

[876]VIII, iii, 27.

[877]IX, vii, 7.

[877]IX, vii, 7.

[878]IX, Introd.

[878]IX, Introd.

[879]VII, v.

[879]VII, v.

[880]VII, Introd., 18.

[880]VII, Introd., 18.

[881]V, i, 6-10.

[881]V, i, 6-10.

[882]X, i, 4.

[882]X, i, 4.

[883]X, vii.

[883]X, vii.

[884]IX, viii.

[884]IX, viii.

[885]IX, viii, 2 and 4; X, vii, 4.

[885]IX, viii, 2 and 4; X, vii, 4.

[886]NH, VII, 38.

[886]NH, VII, 38.

[887]The work of Martin,Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d’Héron d’Alexandrie, Paris, 1854, and the accounts of Hero in histories of physics and mathematics such as those of Heller and Cajori, must now be supplemented by the long article in Pauly and Wissowa,Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, (1912), cols. 992-1080. A recent briefer summary in English is the article by T. L. Heath, EB, 11th edition, XIII, 378. See also Hammer-Jensen,Ptolemaios und Heron, inHermes, XLVIII (1913), p. 224,et seq.The writings ascribed to Hero, hitherto scattered about in various for the most part inaccessible editions and MSS, are now appearing in a single Teubner edition, of which five vols. have appeared, 1899, 1900, 1903, 1912, 1914, including respectively, thePneumaticsandAutomatic Theater, theMechanicsandMirrors, theMetricsandDioptra, theDefinitionsand geometrical remains,StereometricaandDe mensurisandDe geodaesia. For theBelopoiikaor work on military engines see C. Wescher,Poliorcétique des Grecs, Paris, 1867. In English we haveThe Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria, translated for Bennet Woodcroft by J. G. Greenwood, London, 1851. A number of articles on Hero by Heiberg, Carra de Vaux, Schmidt, and others will be found inBibliotheca Mathematicaand Sudhoff’sArchiv f. d. Gesch. d. Naturwiss. u. d. Technik.

[887]The work of Martin,Recherches sur la vie et les ouvrages d’Héron d’Alexandrie, Paris, 1854, and the accounts of Hero in histories of physics and mathematics such as those of Heller and Cajori, must now be supplemented by the long article in Pauly and Wissowa,Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, (1912), cols. 992-1080. A recent briefer summary in English is the article by T. L. Heath, EB, 11th edition, XIII, 378. See also Hammer-Jensen,Ptolemaios und Heron, inHermes, XLVIII (1913), p. 224,et seq.

The writings ascribed to Hero, hitherto scattered about in various for the most part inaccessible editions and MSS, are now appearing in a single Teubner edition, of which five vols. have appeared, 1899, 1900, 1903, 1912, 1914, including respectively, thePneumaticsandAutomatic Theater, theMechanicsandMirrors, theMetricsandDioptra, theDefinitionsand geometrical remains,StereometricaandDe mensurisandDe geodaesia. For theBelopoiikaor work on military engines see C. Wescher,Poliorcétique des Grecs, Paris, 1867. In English we haveThe Pneumatics of Hero of Alexandria, translated for Bennet Woodcroft by J. G. Greenwood, London, 1851. A number of articles on Hero by Heiberg, Carra de Vaux, Schmidt, and others will be found inBibliotheca Mathematicaand Sudhoff’sArchiv f. d. Gesch. d. Naturwiss. u. d. Technik.

[888]παρὰ Ἥρωνος Κτησιβίου.

[888]παρὰ Ἥρωνος Κτησιβίου.

[889]Heath in EB, XIII, 378; Heiberg (1914), V, ix.

[889]Heath in EB, XIII, 378; Heiberg (1914), V, ix.

[890]PW,Heron.

[890]PW,Heron.

[891]Baur (1912), p. 417.

[891]Baur (1912), p. 417.

[892]In the first chapter of theAutomatic Theaterhe says, “The ancients called those who constructed such things thaumaturges because of the astounding character of the spectacle.”

[892]In the first chapter of theAutomatic Theaterhe says, “The ancients called those who constructed such things thaumaturges because of the astounding character of the spectacle.”

[893]PW, 1045.

[893]PW, 1045.

[894]But perhaps this is a medieval interpolation in the nature of a crude Christian attempt to depict “the firmament in the midst of the waters” (Genesis, I, 6). However, it also somewhat resembles the universe of the Greek philosopher, Leucippus, who “made the earth a hemisphere with a hemisphere of air above, the whole surrounded by the supporting crystal sphere which held the moon. Above this came the planets, then the sun”—Orr (1913), p. 63 and Fig. 13. See also K. Tittel, “Das Weltbild bei Heron,” inBibl. Math.(1907-1908), pp. 113-7.

[894]But perhaps this is a medieval interpolation in the nature of a crude Christian attempt to depict “the firmament in the midst of the waters” (Genesis, I, 6). However, it also somewhat resembles the universe of the Greek philosopher, Leucippus, who “made the earth a hemisphere with a hemisphere of air above, the whole surrounded by the supporting crystal sphere which held the moon. Above this came the planets, then the sun”—Orr (1913), p. 63 and Fig. 13. See also K. Tittel, “Das Weltbild bei Heron,” inBibl. Math.(1907-1908), pp. 113-7.

[895]Berthelot (1885), pp. 68-9. For the following account of Greek alchemy I have followed Berthelot’s three works,Les Origines de l’Alchimie, 1885;Collection des anciens Alchimistes Grecs, 3 vols., 1887-1888;Introduction à l’Étude de la Chimie, 1889. Berthelot made a good many books from too few MSS; went over the same ground repeatedly; and sometimes had to correct his previous statements; but still remains the fullest account of the subject. E. O. v. Lippmann,Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie, 1919, is still based largely on Berthelot’s publications. In English see C. A. Browne, “The Poem of the Philosopher Theophrastos upon the Sacred Art: A Metrical Translation with Comments upon the History of Alchemy,” inThe Scientific Monthly, September, 1920, pp. 193-214.

[895]Berthelot (1885), pp. 68-9. For the following account of Greek alchemy I have followed Berthelot’s three works,Les Origines de l’Alchimie, 1885;Collection des anciens Alchimistes Grecs, 3 vols., 1887-1888;Introduction à l’Étude de la Chimie, 1889. Berthelot made a good many books from too few MSS; went over the same ground repeatedly; and sometimes had to correct his previous statements; but still remains the fullest account of the subject. E. O. v. Lippmann,Entstehung und Ausbreitung der Alchemie, 1919, is still based largely on Berthelot’s publications. In English see C. A. Browne, “The Poem of the Philosopher Theophrastos upon the Sacred Art: A Metrical Translation with Comments upon the History of Alchemy,” inThe Scientific Monthly, September, 1920, pp. 193-214.

[896]The earliest of them is John of Antioch of the reign of Heraclius, about 620 A.D., although they seem to use Panodorus, an Egyptian monk of the reign of Arcadius. Even he would be a century removed from the event.

[896]The earliest of them is John of Antioch of the reign of Heraclius, about 620 A.D., although they seem to use Panodorus, an Egyptian monk of the reign of Arcadius. Even he would be a century removed from the event.

[897]Berthelot (1885), pp. 26, 72, etc., took this story about Diocletian far too seriously.

[897]Berthelot (1885), pp. 26, 72, etc., took this story about Diocletian far too seriously.

[898]Berthelot (1885), 192-3.

[898]Berthelot (1885), 192-3.

[899]But theLabyrinth of Solomon, which Berthelot (1885), p. 16, had cited as an example of the sort of ancient magic figures which had been largely obliterated by Christians, and of the antiquity of alchemy among the Jews (ibid., p. 54), although he granted (ibid., p. 171) that it might not be as old as the Papyrus of Leyden of the third century, later when he had secured the collaboration of Ruelle (1888), I, 156-7, and III, 41, he had to admit was not even as old as the eleventh century MS in which it occurred but was an addition in writing of the fourteenth century and “a cabalistic work of the middle ages which does not belong to the old tradition of the Greek alchemists.”

[899]But theLabyrinth of Solomon, which Berthelot (1885), p. 16, had cited as an example of the sort of ancient magic figures which had been largely obliterated by Christians, and of the antiquity of alchemy among the Jews (ibid., p. 54), although he granted (ibid., p. 171) that it might not be as old as the Papyrus of Leyden of the third century, later when he had secured the collaboration of Ruelle (1888), I, 156-7, and III, 41, he had to admit was not even as old as the eleventh century MS in which it occurred but was an addition in writing of the fourteenth century and “a cabalistic work of the middle ages which does not belong to the old tradition of the Greek alchemists.”

[900]Berthelot (1885), p. 59.

[900]Berthelot (1885), p. 59.

[901]Ibid., p. 53.

[901]Ibid., p. 53.

[902]Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[902]Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[903]Berthelot (1885), p. 56.

[903]Berthelot (1885), p. 56.

[904]Berthelot (1888), III, 23.

[904]Berthelot (1888), III, 23.

[905]Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[905]Berthelot (1888), III, 251.

[906]Berthelot (1885), p. 164.

[906]Berthelot (1885), p. 164.

[907]Ibid., pp. 179-80.

[907]Ibid., pp. 179-80.

[908]Ibid., p. 60.

[908]Ibid., p. 60.

[909]Berthelot (1888), II, 115-6; III, 125.

[909]Berthelot (1888), II, 115-6; III, 125.

[910]Berthelot (1885), pp. 211-2.

[910]Berthelot (1885), pp. 211-2.

[911]Berthelot (1889), p. vi.

[911]Berthelot (1889), p. vi.

[912]De institutione principis epistola ad Traianum, a treatise extant only in Latin form.

[912]De institutione principis epistola ad Traianum, a treatise extant only in Latin form.

[913]IV, 72. On the biography and bibliography of Plutarch consult Christ,Gesch. d. Griechischen Litteratur, 5th ed., Munich, 1913, II, 2, “Die nachklassische Periode,” pp. 367ff.

[913]IV, 72. On the biography and bibliography of Plutarch consult Christ,Gesch. d. Griechischen Litteratur, 5th ed., Munich, 1913, II, 2, “Die nachklassische Periode,” pp. 367ff.

[914]See also the essay, “Whether an old man should engage in politics,” cap. 16.

[914]See also the essay, “Whether an old man should engage in politics,” cap. 16.

[915]See R. Schmertosch, inPhilol.-Hist. Beitr. z. Ehren Wachsmuths, 1897, pp. 28ff.

[915]See R. Schmertosch, inPhilol.-Hist. Beitr. z. Ehren Wachsmuths, 1897, pp. 28ff.

[916]Language and literary form are surer guides and have been applied by B. Weissenberger,Die Sprache Plutarchs von Chäronea und die pseudoplutarchischen Schriften, II Progr. Straubing, 1896, pp. 15ff. In 1876 W. W. Goodwin, editing a revised edition of the seventeenth century English translation of theMorals, declared that no critical translation was possible until a thorough revision of the text had been undertaken with the help of the best MSS. Since then an edition of the text by G. N. Bernadakes, 1888-1896, has appeared, but it has not escaped criticism.

[916]Language and literary form are surer guides and have been applied by B. Weissenberger,Die Sprache Plutarchs von Chäronea und die pseudoplutarchischen Schriften, II Progr. Straubing, 1896, pp. 15ff. In 1876 W. W. Goodwin, editing a revised edition of the seventeenth century English translation of theMorals, declared that no critical translation was possible until a thorough revision of the text had been undertaken with the help of the best MSS. Since then an edition of the text by G. N. Bernadakes, 1888-1896, has appeared, but it has not escaped criticism.

[917]The English translation of Plutarch’sMorals“by several hands,” first published in 1684-1694, sixth edition corrected and revised by W. W. Goodwin, 5 vols., 1870-1878, IV, 10, renders a passage in the seventh chapter ofDe defectu oraculorum, in which complaint is made of the “base and villainous questions” which are now put to the oracle of Apollo, as follows: “some coming to him as a mere paltry astrologer to try his skill and impose upon him with subtle questions.” But the corresponding clause in the Greek text is merely οἱ μὲν ὡς σοφιστοῦ διάπειραν λαμβάνοντες, and there seems to be no reason for taking the word “sophist” in any other than its usual meaning. The passage therefore cannot be interpreted as an attack upon even vulgar astrologers.

[917]The English translation of Plutarch’sMorals“by several hands,” first published in 1684-1694, sixth edition corrected and revised by W. W. Goodwin, 5 vols., 1870-1878, IV, 10, renders a passage in the seventh chapter ofDe defectu oraculorum, in which complaint is made of the “base and villainous questions” which are now put to the oracle of Apollo, as follows: “some coming to him as a mere paltry astrologer to try his skill and impose upon him with subtle questions.” But the corresponding clause in the Greek text is merely οἱ μὲν ὡς σοφιστοῦ διάπειραν λαμβάνοντες, and there seems to be no reason for taking the word “sophist” in any other than its usual meaning. The passage therefore cannot be interpreted as an attack upon even vulgar astrologers.

[918]De defectu oraculorum, 13.

[918]De defectu oraculorum, 13.

[919]Cap. 12.

[919]Cap. 12.

[920]Cap. 7.

[920]Cap. 7.

[921]Cap. 8.

[921]Cap. 8.

[922]Cap. 9.

[922]Cap. 9.

[923]Cap. 10.

[923]Cap. 10.

[924]De genio Socratis, 21-22.

[924]De genio Socratis, 21-22.

[925]Ibid., 24.

[925]Ibid., 24.

[926]De defectu oraculorum, 40.

[926]De defectu oraculorum, 40.

[927]De genio Socratis, 12.

[927]De genio Socratis, 12.

[928]Sympos., VIII. 10.

[928]Sympos., VIII. 10.

[929]De defectu oraculorum, 44.

[929]De defectu oraculorum, 44.

[930]Ibid., 48.

[930]Ibid., 48.

[931]Ibid., 13.

[931]Ibid., 13.

[932]Ibid., 10.

[932]Ibid., 10.

[933]Ibid., 13.

[933]Ibid., 13.

[934]De genio Socratis, 22.

[934]De genio Socratis, 22.

[935]Cap. 26.

[935]Cap. 26.

[936]Cap. 29.

[936]Cap. 29.

[937]Cap. 30.

[937]Cap. 30.

[938]Cap. 24.

[938]Cap. 24.

[939]Cap. 22.

[939]Cap. 22.

[940]De defectu oraculorum, 10.

[940]De defectu oraculorum, 10.

[941]Ibid., 18.

[941]Ibid., 18.

[942]Ibid., 13-14.

[942]Ibid., 13-14.

[943]De defectu oraculorum, 21.

[943]De defectu oraculorum, 21.

[944]De genio Socratis, 11.

[944]De genio Socratis, 11.

[945]Ibid., 20.

[945]Ibid., 20.

[946]Romulus, cap. 12.

[946]Romulus, cap. 12.

[947]Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ ξένῳ καὶ περιτ τῷ προσάξεται μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ μυθῶδες ἐνοχλήσει τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτοῖς.

[947]Ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ἴσως καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῷ ξένῳ καὶ περιτ τῷ προσάξεται μᾶλλον ἢ διὰ τὰ μυθῶδες ἐνοχλήσει τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας αὐτοῖς.

[948]Cap. 2.

[948]Cap. 2.

[949]Cap. 22.

[949]Cap. 22.

[950]Cap. 3.

[950]Cap. 3.

[951]Caps. 5-8.

[951]Caps. 5-8.

[952]Cap. 9.

[952]Cap. 9.

[953]De facie in orbe lunae, 28.

[953]De facie in orbe lunae, 28.

[954]VIII, 9.

[954]VIII, 9.

[955]De defectu oraculorum, 31-32. The resemblance of the stranger’s tale to the vision of Er in Plato’sRepublicis also evident.

[955]De defectu oraculorum, 31-32. The resemblance of the stranger’s tale to the vision of Er in Plato’sRepublicis also evident.

[956]Ibid., 34.

[956]Ibid., 34.

[957]Ibid., 37.

[957]Ibid., 37.

[958]Ibid., 36; and see 11-12.

[958]Ibid., 36; and see 11-12.

[959]Caps. 8-16.

[959]Caps. 8-16.

[960]Cap. 17.

[960]Cap. 17.

[961]Cap. 31.

[961]Cap. 31.

[962]Cap. 33.

[962]Cap. 33.

[963]Symposiacs, II, 7. D’Arcy W. Thompson in his translation of Aristotle’sHistory of Animalscomments on II, 14, “The myth of the ‘ship-holder’ has been elegantly explained by V. W. Elkman, ‘On Dead Water,’ in the Reports of Nansen’s North Polar Expedition, Christiania, 1904.”

[963]Symposiacs, II, 7. D’Arcy W. Thompson in his translation of Aristotle’sHistory of Animalscomments on II, 14, “The myth of the ‘ship-holder’ has been elegantly explained by V. W. Elkman, ‘On Dead Water,’ in the Reports of Nansen’s North Polar Expedition, Christiania, 1904.”

[964]See above p. 77 for the somewhat different statement of Pliny (NH, XXIII, 64).

[964]See above p. 77 for the somewhat different statement of Pliny (NH, XXIII, 64).

[965]Symposiacs, V, 10.

[965]Symposiacs, V, 10.

[966]De sera numinis vindicta, 14.

[966]De sera numinis vindicta, 14.

[967]De defectu oraculorum, 43.

[967]De defectu oraculorum, 43.

[968]X, 1 (Casaub., 446); for this and some other source citations and a brief bibliography of modern discussions on the subject see the article, “Amiantus” (3) in Pauly-Wissowa.

[968]X, 1 (Casaub., 446); for this and some other source citations and a brief bibliography of modern discussions on the subject see the article, “Amiantus” (3) in Pauly-Wissowa.

[969]Article on “Asbestos” in theEncyclopedia Britannica, 11th edition, which further states that Charlemagne was said to own a tablecloth which was cleaned by throwing it into the fire, and that in 1676 a merchant from China exhibited to the Royal Society a handkerchief of “salamander’s wool” orlinum asbesti(asbestos linen). See also Marco Polo, I, 42, and Cordier’s note in Yule (1903), I, 216.

[969]Article on “Asbestos” in theEncyclopedia Britannica, 11th edition, which further states that Charlemagne was said to own a tablecloth which was cleaned by throwing it into the fire, and that in 1676 a merchant from China exhibited to the Royal Society a handkerchief of “salamander’s wool” orlinum asbesti(asbestos linen). See also Marco Polo, I, 42, and Cordier’s note in Yule (1903), I, 216.

[970]XIX, 4. In Bostock and Riley’s English translation, note 44 states that “the wicks of the inextinguishable lamps of the middle ages, the existence of which was an article of general belief, were said to be made of asbestus.” On its use in lamp-wicks see also Pausanias, I, 26, 7.

[970]XIX, 4. In Bostock and Riley’s English translation, note 44 states that “the wicks of the inextinguishable lamps of the middle ages, the existence of which was an article of general belief, were said to be made of asbestus.” On its use in lamp-wicks see also Pausanias, I, 26, 7.

[971]“In the year 1702 there was found near the Naevian Gate at Rome a funeral urn, in which there was a skull, calcined bones, and other ashes, enclosed in a cloth of asbestus of a marvelous length. It is still preserved in the Vatican,” (Bostock and Riley, note 45).

[971]“In the year 1702 there was found near the Naevian Gate at Rome a funeral urn, in which there was a skull, calcined bones, and other ashes, enclosed in a cloth of asbestus of a marvelous length. It is still preserved in the Vatican,” (Bostock and Riley, note 45).

[972]“On the contrary, it is found in the Higher Alps in the vicinity of glaciers, in Scotland, and in Siberia even” (Bostock and Riley, note 46). The article on “Amiantus (3)” in Pauly-Wissowa incorrectly assumes that in XIX, 4, Pliny has it in mind. In XXXVI, 31, however, Pliny briefly describes the stone amianthus, which Bostock and Riley (note 52) call “the most delicate variety of asbestus,” as “losing nothing in fire” and “resisting all potions (or, spells) even of themagi,”—“Amiantus alumini similis nihil igni deperdit. Hic veneficis resistit omnibus privatim magorum.” In XXXVII, 54, in an alphabetical list of stones, he briefly states that asbestos is iron-colored and found in the mountains of Arcadia,—“Asbestos in Arcadiae montibus nascitur coloris ferrei.”

[972]“On the contrary, it is found in the Higher Alps in the vicinity of glaciers, in Scotland, and in Siberia even” (Bostock and Riley, note 46). The article on “Amiantus (3)” in Pauly-Wissowa incorrectly assumes that in XIX, 4, Pliny has it in mind. In XXXVI, 31, however, Pliny briefly describes the stone amianthus, which Bostock and Riley (note 52) call “the most delicate variety of asbestus,” as “losing nothing in fire” and “resisting all potions (or, spells) even of themagi,”—“Amiantus alumini similis nihil igni deperdit. Hic veneficis resistit omnibus privatim magorum.” In XXXVII, 54, in an alphabetical list of stones, he briefly states that asbestos is iron-colored and found in the mountains of Arcadia,—“Asbestos in Arcadiae montibus nascitur coloris ferrei.”

[973]Ed. by R. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1851; and by C. Müller inGeograph. Graeci Minores, II, 637ff.

[973]Ed. by R. Hercher, Lipsiae, 1851; and by C. Müller inGeograph. Graeci Minores, II, 637ff.

[974]In Christ’sGesch. d. Griech. Litt., not only is theOn Rivers and Mountainsitself called a “Schwindelbuch,” but these citations are rejected as fraudulent.

[974]In Christ’sGesch. d. Griech. Litt., not only is theOn Rivers and Mountainsitself called a “Schwindelbuch,” but these citations are rejected as fraudulent.

[975]Cap. 5.

[975]Cap. 5.

[976]Cap. 18.

[976]Cap. 18.

[977]Cap. 21.

[977]Cap. 21.

[978]Cap. 6.

[978]Cap. 6.

[979]Cap. 1.

[979]Cap. 1.

[980]Cap. 7.

[980]Cap. 7.

[981]Caps. 9, 10, 12.

[981]Caps. 9, 10, 12.

[982]Caps. 16, 18, 24.

[982]Caps. 16, 18, 24.

[983]Cap. 17.

[983]Cap. 17.

[984]V, 7.

[984]V, 7.

[985]Bruta animalia ratione uti, cap. 9; alsoQuaest. Nat., cap. 26, “Why certain brutes seek certain remedies.”

[985]Bruta animalia ratione uti, cap. 9; alsoQuaest. Nat., cap. 26, “Why certain brutes seek certain remedies.”

[986]De solertia animalium.

[986]De solertia animalium.

[987]Ibid., 36-37; also the closing chapters ofThe Banquet of the Seven Sages.

[987]Ibid., 36-37; also the closing chapters ofThe Banquet of the Seven Sages.

[988]Cap. 31.

[988]Cap. 31.

[989]Cap. 25.

[989]Cap. 25.

[990]Cap. 12.

[990]Cap. 12.

[991]Cap. 10.

[991]Cap. 10.

[992]Cap. 29.

[992]Cap. 29.

[993]Isis and Osiris, 10.

[993]Isis and Osiris, 10.

[994]VIII, 9, ἴδια δὲ σπέρματα νόσων οὐκ ἔστιν.

[994]VIII, 9, ἴδια δὲ σπέρματα νόσων οὐκ ἔστιν.

[995]Nat. Quaest., caps. 6, 14, 22, 24, 36.

[995]Nat. Quaest., caps. 6, 14, 22, 24, 36.

[996]Symposiacs, II, 9; IV, 2; III, 10; IV, 5.

[996]Symposiacs, II, 9; IV, 2; III, 10; IV, 5.

[997]De facie in orbe lunae, 9-10; also the opening chapters ofDe defectu oraculorum.

[997]De facie in orbe lunae, 9-10; also the opening chapters ofDe defectu oraculorum.

[998]Cap. 7.

[998]Cap. 7.

[999]Cap. 18.

[999]Cap. 18.

[1000]“Tam graece quam latine, gemino voto, pari studio, simili studio.”

[1000]“Tam graece quam latine, gemino voto, pari studio, simili studio.”

[1001]Florida, cap. 9.

[1001]Florida, cap. 9.

[1002]Apologia, cap. 4.

[1002]Apologia, cap. 4.

[1003]Caps. 73 and 55.

[1003]Caps. 73 and 55.

[1004]Caps. 55-56.

[1004]Caps. 55-56.

[1005]Cap. 17.

[1005]Cap. 17.

[1006]Apologia, cap. 70.

[1006]Apologia, cap. 70.

[1007]Cap. 89.

[1007]Cap. 89.

[1008]To Professor Butler (Apulei Apologia, ed. H. E. Butler and A. S. Owen, Oxford, 1914) this difficulty seems so insurmountable that he places theApologyearlier. But for the reasons already given I agree with the article on Apuleius in Pauly and Wissowa and its citations that theMetamorphosesis Apuleius’s first work.

[1008]To Professor Butler (Apulei Apologia, ed. H. E. Butler and A. S. Owen, Oxford, 1914) this difficulty seems so insurmountable that he places theApologyearlier. But for the reasons already given I agree with the article on Apuleius in Pauly and Wissowa and its citations that theMetamorphosesis Apuleius’s first work.

[1009]The work opens with the statement that the author “will stitch together varied stories in the so-called Milesian manner,” and that “we begin with a Grecian story.”

[1009]The work opens with the statement that the author “will stitch together varied stories in the so-called Milesian manner,” and that “we begin with a Grecian story.”

[1010]I, 3.

[1010]I, 3.

[1011]II, 1.

[1011]II, 1.

[1012]I, 8.

[1012]I, 8.

[1013]II, 5.

[1013]II, 5.

[1014]III, 15. The wording of the translated passages throughout this chapter is mainly my own, but I have made some use of existing English translations.

[1014]III, 15. The wording of the translated passages throughout this chapter is mainly my own, but I have made some use of existing English translations.

[1015]III, 16.

[1015]III, 16.

[1016]I, 8.

[1016]I, 8.


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