Chapter 85

[1841]Philosophumena, VI, 2-15.[1842]F. X. Funk,Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum, 1905, I, 320-1.[1843]τὰ δὲ ἔθνη ἐξιστῶν μαγικῇ ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ δαιμόνων ἐνεργείᾳ.[1844]“ ... in una die procedens vidi illum per aera volantem et ferebatur. Et subsistens dixi: In virtute sancti nominis Iesu excido virtutes tuas. Et sic ruens femur pedis sui fregit.”[1845]Arnobius,Adversus gentes, II, 12.[1846]Cyril,Cathechesis, VI, 15, in PG 33, 564.[1847]Filastrii diversarum hereseon liber, cap. 23, ed. F. Marx, 1898, in CSEL; also in PL, vol. 12.[1848]Sulpicius Severus, 363-420,Chron., II, 28, and Theodoret, c386-456,Haereticarum fabularum compendium, I, 1 (PG 83, 344) have nothing new to say.[1849]AN, VIII, 673-5.[1850]Ibid., 477-85; Greek text in Tischendorf,Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, 1851, pp. 1-39. The Greek scholar, Constantine Lascaris, translated part of the work into Latin in 1490.[1851]Mead (1892), p. 37, notes that Dr. Salmon (articleSimon MagusinDict. Chris. Biog.IV, 686) “connects this with the story, told by Suetonius and Dio Chrysostom, that Nero caused a wooden theater to be erected in the Campus, and that a gymnast who tried to play the part of Icarus fell so near the emperor as to bespatter him with blood.” Hegesippus (De bello judaico, III, 2), Abdias (Hist.1), and Maximus Taurinensis (Patr.VI,Synodi ad Imp. Const. Act.18) compare Simon’s flight with that of Icarus.[1852]Tischendorf (1851), p. xix.[1853]“De mirificis rebus et actibus beatorum Petri et Pauli, et de magicis artibus Simonis:” Fabricius,Cod. apocr., III, 632; Florentinus,Martyrologium Hieronymi, 103.[1854]A slightly different version of the dog incident is found in theActs of Nereus and Achilles(AS, May III, 9).[1855]Hegesippus, III, 2 ed. C. F. Weber and J. Caesar, Marburg, 1864, “et statim in voce Petri implicatis remigiis alarum quas sumserat corruit, nec exanimatus est, sed fracto debilitatus crure Ariciam concessit atque ibi mortuus est.” I earnestly recommend this passage to those who delight in finding ancient precursors of modern inventions as an example of remarkable insight into the effect of air-waves upon delicate mechanisms.[1856]ed. Fabricius,Cod. apocr., I, 411; AS, June V, 424.[1857]Biblioth. Patrum, Cologne, 1618, I, 70.[1858]Printed PL, 39, 2121-2, among the works of Augustine,Sermones Supposititi, CCII. The greater number of MSS assign it to Maximus.[1859]Mâle,Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 297, notes 3 and 4; p. 298, note 1.[1860]The two representations are essentially identical. Simon falls head first, and the accompanying legend reads, “Hic praecepto Petri oratione Pauli Simon Magus cecidit in terram,”—“Here at Peter’s command and Paul’s prayer Simon Magus falls to earth.”[1861]Greek and Latin text in parallel columns in AS, Sept. VII (1867), pp. 204ff. For an account of previous editions seeIbid., p. 182. Bishop John Fell published a Latin text from three Oxford MSS. In Digby 30, 15th century, fol. 29-, which I have examined, the wording differed considerably from that of the Latin text in AS. The briefMartyriumof Cyprian and Justina follows in the same volume of AS at pp. 224-6.Sahidische Bruchstücke der Legende von Cyprian von Antiochen, ed. O. v. Lamm, 1899, Ethiopic, Greek, and German, inPetrograd Acad. Scient. Imper. Mémoires, VIII série, Cl. hist. philol., IV, 6. Πρᾶξις τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων Κυπριανοῦ καὶ Ἰουστίνης, with an Arabic version, ed. Margaret D. Gibson, 1901, inStudia Sinaitica, No. 8.[1862]Ibid., p. 180, “ipsa S. Cypriana nomine vulgata Confessio quam ante Constantini aetatem scriptam esse critici plurimi etiam rigidiores fatentur.”[1863]Ibid., p. 205, “et initiatus sum sonis sermonum ac strepitum narrationibus.” L. Preller inPhilologus, I (1846), 349ff., and A. B. Cook,Zeus, 110-1, suggest that these rites on Mount Olympus were Orphic.[1864]“Et aliorum insidiantium decipientium permiscentium....”[1865]Shelley, it may be recalled, in 1822 translated some scenes, published in 1824, from Calderón’sMagico Prodigioso, in which Cyprian, Justina, and the demon figure.[1866]Bouchier,Syria as a Roman Province, p. 237.[1867]Bouchier,Spain Under the Roman Empire, p. 123, citing AS, July 19.[1868]Epiphanius,Panarion, ed. Dindorf, II, 97-104; ed. Petavius, 131A-137C.[1869]Idem.The attempt to bewitch the furnaces reminds one of the fourteenth Homeric epigram, in which the bard threatens to curse the potters’ furnaces if they do not pay him for his song, and to summon “the destroyers of furnaces,”—Σύντριβ’ ὁμῶς Σμάραγόν τε καὶ Ἄσβετον ἠδὲ Σαβάκτην,—words usually interpreted as names for mischievous Pucks and brawling goblins who smash pottery. But the two middle names suggest the stones, smaragdus or emerald, and asbestos. The poet also invokes “Circe of many drugs” to cast injurious spells, and appeals to Chiron to complete the work of destruction. He further prays that the face of any potter who peers into the furnace may be burned. This epigram is probably of late date. See A. Abel,Homeri Hymni, Epigrammata, Batrachomyomachia, Lipsiae, 1886, pp. 123-4.[1870]Mâle,Religious Art in France, 1913, pp. 304-6.[1871]Mâle (1913), p. 306.[1872]Ibid., p. 307.[1873]Greek text in Migne PG, Vol. XI. English translation in theAnte-Nicene Fathers, of which I generally make use in quotations from the work. On the MSS of theAgainst Celsussee Paul Koetschau,Die Textüberlieferung der Bücher des Origenes gegen Celsus in den Handschriften dieses Werkes und der Philokalia. Prolegomena zu einer kritischen Ausgabe, 1889, 157 pp., (TU, VI, 1).[1874]I, 71; also II, 32.[1875]I, 38; also VIII, 9; II, 48.[1876]I, 68; III, 52.[1877]II, 49.[1878]VII, 36.[1879]I, 6.[1880]VI, 40.[1881]V, 51.[1882]I, 26.[1883]IV, 33.[1884]V, 6.[1885]V, 9.[1886]VII, 9.[1887]VII, 11.[1888]VII, 3.[1889]III, 1.[1890]III, 5.[1891]III, 46; IV, 51.[1892]I, 28.[1893]I, 38.[1894]I, 60.[1895]I, 38.[1896]II, 49.[1897]II, 51.[1898]I, 68.[1899]VII, 25.[1900]V, 42.[1901]I, 68.[1902]VI, 41.[1903]III, 52.[1904]See cap. 21.[1905]Kühn, XIX, 48 (de libris propriis). Μετροδώρου ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Κέλσον Ἐπικούρειον.[1906]VI, 39.[1907]IV, 86.[1908]VII, 67.[1909]VI, 39.[1910]VI, 40.[1911]VII, 3 and 35.[1912]Ps.XCVI, 5.[1913]VII, 69.[1914]V, 42.[1915]II, 51. See also V, 38; VI, 45; VII, 69; VIII, 59; I, 60.[1916]See VII, 67, “demons ... and their several operations, whether led on to them by the conjurations of those who are skilled in the art, or urged on by their own inclinations....”Also VII, 5, “those spirits that are attached for entire ages, as I may say, to particular dwellings and places, whether by a sort of magical force or by their own natural inclinations.”Also VII, 64, “ ... the demons choose certain forms and places, whether because they are detained there by virtue of certain charms, or because for some other possible reason they have selected those haunts....”[1917]VII, 4. ὡς ἐπίπαν γὰρ ἰδιῶται τὸ τοιοῦτον πράττουσι.[1918]V, 38.[1919]VIII, 61.[1920]VI, 80.[1921]I, 58.[1922]I, 60.[1923]I, 58. The Magi had been confused with the Chaldeans several centuries before by Ctesias in hisPersica, cap. 15; see D. F. Münter,Der Stern der Weisen: Untersuchungen über das Geburtsjahr Christi, Kopenhagen (1827), p. 14.[1924]Balaam himself was something of an astrologer according to Münter,Der Stern der Weisen, 1827, p. 31. “Die sieben Altäre die der moabitische Seher Bileam an verschiedenen Orten errichtete (IV B. Mose, XXIII) waren gewiss den sieben Planetfürsten gewidmet.”[1925]Numbers, XXIV, 17.[1926]Similarly an English version (in an Oxford MS of the early 15th century, Laud Misc., 658) ofThe History of the Three Kings of Cologne, or medieval account of the translation of the relics of the Magi, in forty-one chapters with a preface, opens its first chapter with the words, “The mater of these three worshipful and blissid kingis token the begynnyng of the prophecye of Balaam.”[1927]In Numeros Homilia XIII, in Migne, PG, XII, 675.[1928]In Numeros Homilia XV, col. 689.[1929]In Genesim Homilia XIV, 3, in PG, XII, 238.[1930]Origenis in Numeros Homiliae, Prologus Rufini Interpretis ad Ursacium.Migne, PG, XII, 583-86.[1931]Origenis in Numeros Homilia XIII, Migne, PG, XII, 670-677. In at least one medieval manuscript we find the homily upon Balaam preserved separately, BN 13350, 12th century, fol. 92v, et omeliae de Balaham et Balach.[1932]W. H. Bennett,Balaam, in EB, 11th edition.[1933]One cannot help wondering whether Pharaoh’s magicians lost their rods for good as a result of this manœuvre, but it is a point upon which the Scriptural narrative fails to enlighten us.[1934]II, 15-16.[1935]Antiq., IV, 6.[1936]Johannis Hildeshemensis,Liber de trium regum translatione, 1478, cap. 2.[1937]E. W. Hengstenberg,Die Geschichte Bileams und seine Weissagungen, Berlin, 1842. Hengstenberg tried to take middle ground between Philo Judaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory of Nyssa, Theodoret, and others who regarded Balaam as a godless false prophet and magician, and the contrary opinion of Tertullian, Jerome, and some moderns who hold that Balaam was originally a devout man and true prophet who fell through his covetousness.[1938]“Et ideo quasi expertus in talibus in opinione erat omnibus qui erant in Oriente ... Certus ergo Balach de hoc et frequenter expertus.”[1939]In Homily XIV.[1940]Migne, PG, XII, 1011-28.[1941]J. G. Frazer (1918), II, 522, note, however, says of I. Samuel, XXVIII, 12: “It seems that we must read, ‘And when the woman saw Saul,’ with six manuscripts of the Septuagint and some modern critics, instead of, ‘And when the woman saw Samuel.’”[1942]VI, 41.[1943]V, 48.[1944]I, 30.[1945]II, 34.[1946]IV, 33, and I, 22.[1947]IV, 33. On the use of mystic names of God among the Jews of this period and “the new and greatly developed angelology that flourished at that time in Egypt and Palestine” see the Introduction to M. Gaster’s edition ofThe Sword of Moses, 1896,—a book of magic found in a 13-14th century Hebrew MS, but which is mentioned in the 11th century and which he would trace back to ancient times.[1948]I, 6. It also, however, suggests the efficacy ascribed by the Mandaeans to the repetition of passages from their sacred books.[1949]II, 49.[1950]I, 25; V, 45.[1951]V, 45.[1952]I, 24.[1953]IV, 33; I, 22, etc.[1954]In Math.XXVI, 23 (Migne, PG, XIII, 1757).[1955]See p. 366 in Chapter XV on Gnosticism.[1956]V, 25.[1957]VIII, 28.[1958]VIII, 58.[1959]VIII, 60.[1960]VIII, 63.[1961]VII, 68.[1962]VII, 69.[1963]VIII, 59.[1964]V, 28.[1965]V, 29; seeDeut.xxxii, 8.[1966]V, 30.[1967]V, 32.[1968]VIII, 31.[1969]Migne, PG, XII, 680.[1970]III, 12.[1971]I, 8.[1972]V, 54; seeBook of Enoch, XL, 9.[1973]Matthew, XVIII, 10.[1974]VII, 5.[1975]V, 6-9.[1976]V, 6.[1977]IV, 67; V, 20-21.[1978]VI, 80.[1979]Duhem (1913-1917) II, 447, treats of “Les Pères de l’Église et la Grande Année.”[1980]V, 11.[1981]De principiis, I, 7.[1982]V, 10.[1983]Deut., IV, 19-20.[1984]V, 12.[1985]I, 59.[1986]V, 11.[1987]P. D. Huet,OrigenianorumLib. II, Cap. II, Quaestio VIII,De astris, in Migne,Patrologia Graeca, XVII, 973,et seq.[1988]XVII, 28.[1989]“In prooemio libri prioris eiusdem Περὶ ἀρχῶν, num. 10.”[1990]Eusebius,Praep. Evang., VI, 11, in Migne, PG, XXI, 477-506.[1991]PG, XXI, 489.[1992]Ibid., 501-502.[1993]P. D. Huet,OrigenianorumLib., II, ii, v. 10, cites Basil,Homil. 3 in Hexaem.; Epiphanius,Haer., LXIV, 4, andEpist. ad Joan. Jerosolymit., cap. 3; Jerome,Epist. 61 ad Pammach., cap. 3; Gregory Nyss.,lib. in Hexaem.; Augustine,Confess., XIII, 15; Isidore,Origin., VII, 5.See also Duhem (1913-1917) II, 487, “Les eaux supracélestes.”[1994]VI, 21.[1995]IV, 90-95.[1996]Origen quotes, “Ye shall not practise augury nor observe the flight of birds,” which is found in the Septuagint,Levit., XIX, 26.[1997]I, 66.[1998]I, 36.[1999]I, 33.[2000]IV, 86-88.[2001]IV, 98.[2002]IV, 93; it will be recalled that the witches inThe Golden Assof Apuleius assume the bodies of weasels in order to rob a corpse.[2003]I, 37.[2004]VII, 30.[2005]VIII, 19-20.[2006]Homily 18 on Numbers, Migne, PG, XII, 715.[2007]Epistola96 in Migne, PL, XXII, 78.[2008]Migne, PG, XVII, 1091-92.[2009]Tertullian,Apology, cap. 21; so also Cyprian,Liber de idolorum vanitate, cap. 13. Latin text of Tertullian in PL, vols. 1-2; English translation in AN, vol. 3.[2010]Apology, cap. 23.[2011]De cultu feminarum, I, 2.[2012]Apology, cap. 22.[2013]De anima, cap. 57.

[1841]Philosophumena, VI, 2-15.

[1842]F. X. Funk,Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum, 1905, I, 320-1.

[1843]τὰ δὲ ἔθνη ἐξιστῶν μαγικῇ ἐμπειρίᾳ καὶ δαιμόνων ἐνεργείᾳ.

[1844]“ ... in una die procedens vidi illum per aera volantem et ferebatur. Et subsistens dixi: In virtute sancti nominis Iesu excido virtutes tuas. Et sic ruens femur pedis sui fregit.”

[1845]Arnobius,Adversus gentes, II, 12.

[1846]Cyril,Cathechesis, VI, 15, in PG 33, 564.

[1847]Filastrii diversarum hereseon liber, cap. 23, ed. F. Marx, 1898, in CSEL; also in PL, vol. 12.

[1848]Sulpicius Severus, 363-420,Chron., II, 28, and Theodoret, c386-456,Haereticarum fabularum compendium, I, 1 (PG 83, 344) have nothing new to say.

[1849]AN, VIII, 673-5.

[1850]Ibid., 477-85; Greek text in Tischendorf,Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, 1851, pp. 1-39. The Greek scholar, Constantine Lascaris, translated part of the work into Latin in 1490.

[1851]Mead (1892), p. 37, notes that Dr. Salmon (articleSimon MagusinDict. Chris. Biog.IV, 686) “connects this with the story, told by Suetonius and Dio Chrysostom, that Nero caused a wooden theater to be erected in the Campus, and that a gymnast who tried to play the part of Icarus fell so near the emperor as to bespatter him with blood.” Hegesippus (De bello judaico, III, 2), Abdias (Hist.1), and Maximus Taurinensis (Patr.VI,Synodi ad Imp. Const. Act.18) compare Simon’s flight with that of Icarus.

[1852]Tischendorf (1851), p. xix.

[1853]“De mirificis rebus et actibus beatorum Petri et Pauli, et de magicis artibus Simonis:” Fabricius,Cod. apocr., III, 632; Florentinus,Martyrologium Hieronymi, 103.

[1854]A slightly different version of the dog incident is found in theActs of Nereus and Achilles(AS, May III, 9).

[1855]Hegesippus, III, 2 ed. C. F. Weber and J. Caesar, Marburg, 1864, “et statim in voce Petri implicatis remigiis alarum quas sumserat corruit, nec exanimatus est, sed fracto debilitatus crure Ariciam concessit atque ibi mortuus est.” I earnestly recommend this passage to those who delight in finding ancient precursors of modern inventions as an example of remarkable insight into the effect of air-waves upon delicate mechanisms.

[1856]ed. Fabricius,Cod. apocr., I, 411; AS, June V, 424.

[1857]Biblioth. Patrum, Cologne, 1618, I, 70.

[1858]Printed PL, 39, 2121-2, among the works of Augustine,Sermones Supposititi, CCII. The greater number of MSS assign it to Maximus.

[1859]Mâle,Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 297, notes 3 and 4; p. 298, note 1.

[1860]The two representations are essentially identical. Simon falls head first, and the accompanying legend reads, “Hic praecepto Petri oratione Pauli Simon Magus cecidit in terram,”—“Here at Peter’s command and Paul’s prayer Simon Magus falls to earth.”

[1861]Greek and Latin text in parallel columns in AS, Sept. VII (1867), pp. 204ff. For an account of previous editions seeIbid., p. 182. Bishop John Fell published a Latin text from three Oxford MSS. In Digby 30, 15th century, fol. 29-, which I have examined, the wording differed considerably from that of the Latin text in AS. The briefMartyriumof Cyprian and Justina follows in the same volume of AS at pp. 224-6.Sahidische Bruchstücke der Legende von Cyprian von Antiochen, ed. O. v. Lamm, 1899, Ethiopic, Greek, and German, inPetrograd Acad. Scient. Imper. Mémoires, VIII série, Cl. hist. philol., IV, 6. Πρᾶξις τῶν ἁγίων μαρτύρων Κυπριανοῦ καὶ Ἰουστίνης, with an Arabic version, ed. Margaret D. Gibson, 1901, inStudia Sinaitica, No. 8.

[1862]Ibid., p. 180, “ipsa S. Cypriana nomine vulgata Confessio quam ante Constantini aetatem scriptam esse critici plurimi etiam rigidiores fatentur.”

[1863]Ibid., p. 205, “et initiatus sum sonis sermonum ac strepitum narrationibus.” L. Preller inPhilologus, I (1846), 349ff., and A. B. Cook,Zeus, 110-1, suggest that these rites on Mount Olympus were Orphic.

[1864]“Et aliorum insidiantium decipientium permiscentium....”

[1865]Shelley, it may be recalled, in 1822 translated some scenes, published in 1824, from Calderón’sMagico Prodigioso, in which Cyprian, Justina, and the demon figure.

[1866]Bouchier,Syria as a Roman Province, p. 237.

[1867]Bouchier,Spain Under the Roman Empire, p. 123, citing AS, July 19.

[1868]Epiphanius,Panarion, ed. Dindorf, II, 97-104; ed. Petavius, 131A-137C.

[1869]Idem.The attempt to bewitch the furnaces reminds one of the fourteenth Homeric epigram, in which the bard threatens to curse the potters’ furnaces if they do not pay him for his song, and to summon “the destroyers of furnaces,”—Σύντριβ’ ὁμῶς Σμάραγόν τε καὶ Ἄσβετον ἠδὲ Σαβάκτην,—words usually interpreted as names for mischievous Pucks and brawling goblins who smash pottery. But the two middle names suggest the stones, smaragdus or emerald, and asbestos. The poet also invokes “Circe of many drugs” to cast injurious spells, and appeals to Chiron to complete the work of destruction. He further prays that the face of any potter who peers into the furnace may be burned. This epigram is probably of late date. See A. Abel,Homeri Hymni, Epigrammata, Batrachomyomachia, Lipsiae, 1886, pp. 123-4.

[1870]Mâle,Religious Art in France, 1913, pp. 304-6.

[1871]Mâle (1913), p. 306.

[1872]Ibid., p. 307.

[1873]Greek text in Migne PG, Vol. XI. English translation in theAnte-Nicene Fathers, of which I generally make use in quotations from the work. On the MSS of theAgainst Celsussee Paul Koetschau,Die Textüberlieferung der Bücher des Origenes gegen Celsus in den Handschriften dieses Werkes und der Philokalia. Prolegomena zu einer kritischen Ausgabe, 1889, 157 pp., (TU, VI, 1).

[1874]I, 71; also II, 32.

[1875]I, 38; also VIII, 9; II, 48.

[1876]I, 68; III, 52.

[1877]II, 49.

[1878]VII, 36.

[1879]I, 6.

[1880]VI, 40.

[1881]V, 51.

[1882]I, 26.

[1883]IV, 33.

[1884]V, 6.

[1885]V, 9.

[1886]VII, 9.

[1887]VII, 11.

[1888]VII, 3.

[1889]III, 1.

[1890]III, 5.

[1891]III, 46; IV, 51.

[1892]I, 28.

[1893]I, 38.

[1894]I, 60.

[1895]I, 38.

[1896]II, 49.

[1897]II, 51.

[1898]I, 68.

[1899]VII, 25.

[1900]V, 42.

[1901]I, 68.

[1902]VI, 41.

[1903]III, 52.

[1904]See cap. 21.

[1905]Kühn, XIX, 48 (de libris propriis). Μετροδώρου ἐπιστολὴ πρὸς Κέλσον Ἐπικούρειον.

[1906]VI, 39.

[1907]IV, 86.

[1908]VII, 67.

[1909]VI, 39.

[1910]VI, 40.

[1911]VII, 3 and 35.

[1912]Ps.XCVI, 5.

[1913]VII, 69.

[1914]V, 42.

[1915]II, 51. See also V, 38; VI, 45; VII, 69; VIII, 59; I, 60.

[1916]See VII, 67, “demons ... and their several operations, whether led on to them by the conjurations of those who are skilled in the art, or urged on by their own inclinations....”Also VII, 5, “those spirits that are attached for entire ages, as I may say, to particular dwellings and places, whether by a sort of magical force or by their own natural inclinations.”Also VII, 64, “ ... the demons choose certain forms and places, whether because they are detained there by virtue of certain charms, or because for some other possible reason they have selected those haunts....”

[1916]See VII, 67, “demons ... and their several operations, whether led on to them by the conjurations of those who are skilled in the art, or urged on by their own inclinations....”

Also VII, 5, “those spirits that are attached for entire ages, as I may say, to particular dwellings and places, whether by a sort of magical force or by their own natural inclinations.”

Also VII, 64, “ ... the demons choose certain forms and places, whether because they are detained there by virtue of certain charms, or because for some other possible reason they have selected those haunts....”

[1917]VII, 4. ὡς ἐπίπαν γὰρ ἰδιῶται τὸ τοιοῦτον πράττουσι.

[1918]V, 38.

[1919]VIII, 61.

[1920]VI, 80.

[1921]I, 58.

[1922]I, 60.

[1923]I, 58. The Magi had been confused with the Chaldeans several centuries before by Ctesias in hisPersica, cap. 15; see D. F. Münter,Der Stern der Weisen: Untersuchungen über das Geburtsjahr Christi, Kopenhagen (1827), p. 14.

[1924]Balaam himself was something of an astrologer according to Münter,Der Stern der Weisen, 1827, p. 31. “Die sieben Altäre die der moabitische Seher Bileam an verschiedenen Orten errichtete (IV B. Mose, XXIII) waren gewiss den sieben Planetfürsten gewidmet.”

[1925]Numbers, XXIV, 17.

[1926]Similarly an English version (in an Oxford MS of the early 15th century, Laud Misc., 658) ofThe History of the Three Kings of Cologne, or medieval account of the translation of the relics of the Magi, in forty-one chapters with a preface, opens its first chapter with the words, “The mater of these three worshipful and blissid kingis token the begynnyng of the prophecye of Balaam.”

[1927]In Numeros Homilia XIII, in Migne, PG, XII, 675.

[1928]In Numeros Homilia XV, col. 689.

[1929]In Genesim Homilia XIV, 3, in PG, XII, 238.

[1930]Origenis in Numeros Homiliae, Prologus Rufini Interpretis ad Ursacium.Migne, PG, XII, 583-86.

[1931]Origenis in Numeros Homilia XIII, Migne, PG, XII, 670-677. In at least one medieval manuscript we find the homily upon Balaam preserved separately, BN 13350, 12th century, fol. 92v, et omeliae de Balaham et Balach.

[1932]W. H. Bennett,Balaam, in EB, 11th edition.

[1933]One cannot help wondering whether Pharaoh’s magicians lost their rods for good as a result of this manœuvre, but it is a point upon which the Scriptural narrative fails to enlighten us.

[1934]II, 15-16.

[1935]Antiq., IV, 6.

[1936]Johannis Hildeshemensis,Liber de trium regum translatione, 1478, cap. 2.

[1937]E. W. Hengstenberg,Die Geschichte Bileams und seine Weissagungen, Berlin, 1842. Hengstenberg tried to take middle ground between Philo Judaeus, Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory of Nyssa, Theodoret, and others who regarded Balaam as a godless false prophet and magician, and the contrary opinion of Tertullian, Jerome, and some moderns who hold that Balaam was originally a devout man and true prophet who fell through his covetousness.

[1938]“Et ideo quasi expertus in talibus in opinione erat omnibus qui erant in Oriente ... Certus ergo Balach de hoc et frequenter expertus.”

[1939]In Homily XIV.

[1940]Migne, PG, XII, 1011-28.

[1941]J. G. Frazer (1918), II, 522, note, however, says of I. Samuel, XXVIII, 12: “It seems that we must read, ‘And when the woman saw Saul,’ with six manuscripts of the Septuagint and some modern critics, instead of, ‘And when the woman saw Samuel.’”

[1942]VI, 41.

[1943]V, 48.

[1944]I, 30.

[1945]II, 34.

[1946]IV, 33, and I, 22.

[1947]IV, 33. On the use of mystic names of God among the Jews of this period and “the new and greatly developed angelology that flourished at that time in Egypt and Palestine” see the Introduction to M. Gaster’s edition ofThe Sword of Moses, 1896,—a book of magic found in a 13-14th century Hebrew MS, but which is mentioned in the 11th century and which he would trace back to ancient times.

[1948]I, 6. It also, however, suggests the efficacy ascribed by the Mandaeans to the repetition of passages from their sacred books.

[1949]II, 49.

[1950]I, 25; V, 45.

[1951]V, 45.

[1952]I, 24.

[1953]IV, 33; I, 22, etc.

[1954]In Math.XXVI, 23 (Migne, PG, XIII, 1757).

[1955]See p. 366 in Chapter XV on Gnosticism.

[1956]V, 25.

[1957]VIII, 28.

[1958]VIII, 58.

[1959]VIII, 60.

[1960]VIII, 63.

[1961]VII, 68.

[1962]VII, 69.

[1963]VIII, 59.

[1964]V, 28.

[1965]V, 29; seeDeut.xxxii, 8.

[1966]V, 30.

[1967]V, 32.

[1968]VIII, 31.

[1969]Migne, PG, XII, 680.

[1970]III, 12.

[1971]I, 8.

[1972]V, 54; seeBook of Enoch, XL, 9.

[1973]Matthew, XVIII, 10.

[1974]VII, 5.

[1975]V, 6-9.

[1976]V, 6.

[1977]IV, 67; V, 20-21.

[1978]VI, 80.

[1979]Duhem (1913-1917) II, 447, treats of “Les Pères de l’Église et la Grande Année.”

[1980]V, 11.

[1981]De principiis, I, 7.

[1982]V, 10.

[1983]Deut., IV, 19-20.

[1984]V, 12.

[1985]I, 59.

[1986]V, 11.

[1987]P. D. Huet,OrigenianorumLib. II, Cap. II, Quaestio VIII,De astris, in Migne,Patrologia Graeca, XVII, 973,et seq.

[1988]XVII, 28.

[1989]“In prooemio libri prioris eiusdem Περὶ ἀρχῶν, num. 10.”

[1990]Eusebius,Praep. Evang., VI, 11, in Migne, PG, XXI, 477-506.

[1991]PG, XXI, 489.

[1992]Ibid., 501-502.

[1993]P. D. Huet,OrigenianorumLib., II, ii, v. 10, cites Basil,Homil. 3 in Hexaem.; Epiphanius,Haer., LXIV, 4, andEpist. ad Joan. Jerosolymit., cap. 3; Jerome,Epist. 61 ad Pammach., cap. 3; Gregory Nyss.,lib. in Hexaem.; Augustine,Confess., XIII, 15; Isidore,Origin., VII, 5.See also Duhem (1913-1917) II, 487, “Les eaux supracélestes.”

See also Duhem (1913-1917) II, 487, “Les eaux supracélestes.”

[1994]VI, 21.

[1995]IV, 90-95.

[1996]Origen quotes, “Ye shall not practise augury nor observe the flight of birds,” which is found in the Septuagint,Levit., XIX, 26.

[1997]I, 66.

[1998]I, 36.

[1999]I, 33.

[2000]IV, 86-88.

[2001]IV, 98.

[2002]IV, 93; it will be recalled that the witches inThe Golden Assof Apuleius assume the bodies of weasels in order to rob a corpse.

[2003]I, 37.

[2004]VII, 30.

[2005]VIII, 19-20.

[2006]Homily 18 on Numbers, Migne, PG, XII, 715.

[2007]Epistola96 in Migne, PL, XXII, 78.

[2008]Migne, PG, XVII, 1091-92.

[2009]Tertullian,Apology, cap. 21; so also Cyprian,Liber de idolorum vanitate, cap. 13. Latin text of Tertullian in PL, vols. 1-2; English translation in AN, vol. 3.

[2010]Apology, cap. 23.

[2011]De cultu feminarum, I, 2.

[2012]Apology, cap. 22.

[2013]De anima, cap. 57.

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