Chapter 86

[2014]Apology, cap. 23.[2015]De anima, cap. 57. Damigeron is mentioned in the Orphic poem,Lithica, and in theApologyof Apuleius, cap. 45; is cited in theGeoponica, and was regarded by V. Rose as the Greek source of the Latin “Evax” and Marbod on stones. BN 7418, 14th century,Amigeronis de lapidibus, was printed by Pitra,Spic. Solesm., III, 324-35, and Abel,Orphei Lithica, p. 157,et seq.See further PW, “Damigeron.”[2016]Presumably Nectanebus.[2017]It is Aaron’s rod in the King James version.[2018]De idolatria, cap. 9.[2019]Apology, cap. 35.[2020]PL, vol. 3; AN, vol. 4.[2021]Thus Minucius Felix says,Octavius, cap. 26, “Magi ... quidquid miraculi ludunt ... praestigias edunt,” while Tertullian,Apology, cap. 23, writes, “Porro si et magi phantasmata edunt ... si multa miracula circulatoriis praestigiis ludunt.”[2022]Cyprian,Liber de idolorum vanitate, caps. 6-7.[2023]PL, vol. VI; AN, vol. VII; the following references are all to this work.[2024]V, 3.[2025]II, 15.[2026]II, 17.[2027]IV, 27.[2028]II, 17.[2029]The work was discovered in 1842 at Mount Athos and edited by E. Miller in 1851, Duncker and Schneidewin in 1859, and Abbé Cruice in 1860. Greek text in PG, vol. XVI, part 3; English translation in AN, vol. V.[2030]R. Ganschinietz,Hippolytos’ Capitel gegen die Magier, 1913, in TU, 39, 2, is a commentary on the text.[2031]Refutation of All Heresies, IV, 28.[2032]Since writing this sentence I have found an article by Diels on the discovery of alcohol inSocietas Regia Scientiarum, Abhandl. Philos.-Hist. Classe, Berlin, 1913, in which he argues from this passage in Hippolytus that the discovery was made in the Alexandrian period and that it reached western Europe again only through the Arabs about the twelfth century, since alcohol is not mentioned in the older Schlettstadt version of theMappae clavicula. If this be so, Adelard of Bath was perhaps the first to introduce it from the Arabs or the orient, although Diels does not say so.[2033]Refutation of All Heresies, IV, 29-41.[2034]In some places the text is illegible.[2035]Cap. 105.[2036]Leo Allatius “in syntagmate”De engastrimytho, cap. 7; Sulpicius Severus,Historia sacra, liber I; Anastasius Antiochenus, Ὁδηγός , quaest., 112; “et eorum quos laudat Bellarminus liber IVde Christo, cap. 11.”[2037]Περὶ τῆς ἐγγαστριμύθου, PG, XLV, 107-14.[2038]Migne, PG, XVIII, 613-74.[2039]The King James version, First Samuel, XXVIII, 19, reads, “and to morrow shalt thou and thy sons be with me,” instead of “thou and Jonathan.”[2040]Migne, PG, XII, 143-74.[2041]Migne, PG, LVI, 61,et seq.[2042]Migne, PG, LVI, 637,et seq.HomilyII, “Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum quod Chrysostomi nomine circumfertur.”Ibid., 602,et seq., for opinions of various past writers as to its authenticity.[2043]Migne, PG, LX, 274-5, in the 38th homily on the Book of Acts.[2044]On the other hand, D. Friedrich Münter,Der Stern der Weisen: Untersuchungen über das Geburtsjahr Christi, Kopenhagen, 1827, adopted the astrological theory that the star of Bethlehem was really a major conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Pisces, which Jewish tradition, too, seems to have regarded as the sign of the Messiah, and that therefore Jesus was born in 6 B. C. This view had already been advanced by Kepler, but recent writers seem to prefer a conjunction in Aries: see H. G. Voigt,Die Geschichte Jesu und die Astrologie, Leipzig, 1911; Kritzinger,Der Stern der Weisen, Gütersloh, 1911; von Oefele,Die Angaben der Berliner Planetentafel P8279 verglichen mit der Geburtsgeschichte Christi im Berichte des Matthäus, Berlin, 1903, inMitteil. d. Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.[2045]Mâle,Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 208, was not able to trace the legend that the star of the Magi appeared with the face of a child beyondThe Golden Legendcompiled by James of Voragine in the thirteenth century. We shall, however, find it mentioned in the twelfth century by Abelard, who derived it from this spurious homily of Chrysostom.[2046]They are twice so represented on the elaborately carved Christian sarcophagus in the museum at Syracuse, Sicily, where also the manger, ox, and ass are shown (compare note 4 below).[2047]Hugo Kehrer,Die Heiligen drei Könige in Litteratur und Kunst, Leipzig, 1908, 2 vols. An earlier work on the three Magi is Inchofer,Tres Magi Evangelici, Rome, 1639.[2048]J. C. Thilo,Eusebii Alexandrini oratioΠερὶ ἀστρονόμων (praemissa de magis et stella quaestione)e Cod. Reg. Par. primum edita, Progr. Halae, 1834.[2049]A. Bouché-Leclercq,L’Astrologie grecque, 1899, p. 611, “La royauté des Mages fut inventée (vers le VIe siècle), comme la crèche (sic!see Luke, II, 12 and 16), le bœuf et l’âne pour montrer l’accomplissement des prophéties.”[2050]Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 214 note, following, I presume, Kehrer’s work, as he does on p. 213.[2051]For detailed references see Münter,Der Stern der Weisen, 1827, p. 15; and Bouché-Leclercq, 1899, p. 611, where they are stated somewhat differently.[2052]Comm. in Platonis Timaeum, II, vi, 125; quoted by Münter (1827), pp. 27-8.[2053]BN 16819, fol. 49r. Corpus Christi 134, early 12th century, fol. 1 v., has a brief “Magorum trium qui Domino Infanti aurum obtulere nomina et descriptio.”[2054]Cotton Galba E, VIII, 15th century, fols. 3-28, Fabulosa narratio de tribus magis qui Christum adorarunt sive de tribus regibus Coloniensibus.[2055]Cap. 12 in the 1478 edition.[2056]Ibid., cap. 34.[2057]At Munich all the following MSS are 15th century: CLM 18621, fol. 135,Liber trium regum, fol. 215,Legenda trium regum excerpta ex praecedenti; 19544, fols. 314-49, and 26688, fols. 157-92,Laudes et gesta trium regum, etc.; 21627, fols. 212-31,Historia de tribus regibus; 23839, fols. 112-37, and 24571, fols. 50-104,Gesta trium regum; 25073, fols. 260-83,de nativitate domini et de tribus regibus. At Berlin MSS 799 and 800, both of the 15th century, have theGesta trium regumascribed to John of Hildesheim. So Wolfenbüttel 3266, anno 1461. The printed edition of 1478 in 46 chapters and about 30 folios is also ascribed to John of Hildesheim. We read on the binding, “Ioannis Hildeshemensis Liber de trium regum translatione.” The Incipit is: “Reverendissimo in Christo patri ac domino domino florencio de weuelkouen divina providencia monasteriensis ecclesie episcopo dignissimo.” The colophon is: “Liber de gestis ac trina beatissimorum trium regum translacione ... per me Johannem guldenschoff de moguncia.” Some other MSS, also of the 15th century, are: Vatic. Palat. Lat. 859, de gestis et translationibus trium regum, and at Oxford, University College 33, Liber collectus de gestis et translationibus sanctorum trium regum de Colonia; Laud Misc., 658, The history of the three kings of Cologne, in forty-one chapters with a preface. It is thus seen that the number of chapters varies. Coxe’s catalogue of the Laud MSS states that the Latin original was printed at Cologne in quarto in 1481, and that it is very different from the version printed by Wynkyn de Worde. “The Story of the Magi,” in Bodleian (Bernard) 2325, covers only folio 68. At Amiens is a MS which the catalogue dates in the 14th century and ascribes to John of Hildesheim, and its Incipit is practically that of the printed edition: Amiens 481, fols. 1-58, “Reverendissimo in Christo Patri ac domino domino Florentino de Wovellonem (sic) divina providencia Monasteriensis ecclesie episcopo dignissimo. Cum venerandissimorum trium Magorum, ymo verius trium Regum.” The work ends in the MS with the words, “ ... summi Regis servant legem incole Colonie. Amen. Explicit hystoria.”[2058]BN 16819, 10th century, fols. 46r-49r.[2059]Marco Polo (I, 13-14, ed. Yule and Cordier, 1903, vol. I, 78-81), who located the Magi in Saba, Persia, recounts further legends concerning them and their gifts.See also F. W. K. Müller,Uigurica, I, i,Die Anbetung der Magier, ein Christliches Bruchstück, Berlin, 1908.[2060]Beazley,Dawn of Modern Geography, I, 274, says, “Augustine and Chrysostom felt and spoke in the same way, though in more measured language, and nearly all early Christian writers who touched upon the matter did so to echo the voice of authorities so unquestioned.” But I cannot agree with this statement. He goes on to imply that a majority of the fathers, like Cosmas Indicopleustes, attacked the belief in the sphericity of the earth; but here, too, I wonder if he is not following Letronne,Des Opinions Cosmographiques des Pères, without having examined the citations. Certainly no such attitude is found in Basil’sHexaemeron, Hom. 3 and 9 as the citation implies. I have not seen Marinelli,La geographia e i Padri della Chiesa, estratto dal Bollettino della Società geografica italiana, anno 1882, pp. 11-15.[2061]Divin. Instit., III, 24.[2062]Migne, PG, vol. 29; PN, vol. 8.[2063]Duhem (1914) II, 394, however, prefers Gregory of Nyssa’s work as “à la fois plus sobre, plus concis, et plus philosophique....”[2064]Homily I was delivered in the morning, II in the evening; III was in the morning and speaks of a coming evening address. At the close of Homily VII Basil urges his hearers to talk over at their evening meal what they have heard this morning and this evening. If we regard Homily VI as the morning address referred to, we shall have Homily V left to cover an entire day. Homily VI, however, is the longest of the nine. In any case Homily VIII is clearly preached in the morning, and IX at evening.[2065]Bk. II, caps. 10-17.[2066]Epistola 65, ad Pammachium.Augustine’sDe Genesi ad litteram, which Cassiodorus (Institutes, I, 1) esteemed above the commentaries of Basil and Ambrose upon Genesis, is a somewhat similar work, but, after a briefer treatment of the work of creation, continues to comment on the text up to Adam’s expulsion from Paradise.[2067]Migne, PL, 14, 131-2. The most recent edition of theHexaemeronof Ambrose is by C. Schenkl. Vienna, 1896.[2068]Fialon,Étude sur St. Basile, 1869, p. 296.[2069]Homily IX.[2070]For example, in the catalogue, published in 1744, of MSS in the then Royal Library at Paris there are listed five copies of Eustathius’ Latin translation, dating from the ninth to the fourteenth century—2200, 4; 1701, 1; 1702, 1; 1787A, 2; 2633, 1; and fifteen copies of theHexaemeronof Ambrose—1718; 1702, 2; 1719 to 1727 inclusive; 2387, 4; 2637 and 2638.I have not noted what MSS of theHexaemeronsof Basil and Ambrose are found in the British Museum and Bodleian libraries. Some other medieval copies of Basil’s in Latin translation are: BN 12134, 9th century Lombard hand; Vendôme 122, 11th century, fols. 1 v-60; Soissons 121, 12th century, fol. 97, Eustathius’ prologue and a part of his translation; Grenoble 258, 12th century, fols. 1-45, “Eustathii translatio....”TheHexaemeronof Ambrose, since written originally in Latin, is naturally found oftener. The oldest MS is said to be CU Corpus Christi 193, large Lombard script of the 8th century which closely resembles BN 3836. Other MSS are: BN 11624, 11th century; BN 12135, 9th century; BN 12136, 12-13th century; BN 13336, 11th century; BN 14847, 12th century, fol. 163; BN nouv. acq. 490, 12th century; Vatican 269-273 inclusive, 10-15th centuries; Alençon 10, 12th century; Vendôme 129, 12th century, fols. 48-126; Semur, 10, 12th century; Chartres 63, 10-11th century, fols. 3-46; Orléans 35, 11th century; Orléans 192, 7th century, part of the first two books only; Amiens fonds Lescalopier 30, 12th century; le Mans 15, 11th century; Brussels 1782, 10th century; CLM 2549, 12th century; CLM 3728, 10th century; CLM 6258, 10th century; CLM 13079, 12th century; CLM 14399, 12th century; Novara 40, 12th century; and many other MSS of later date in these and other libraries.[2071]De proprietatibus rerum, VIII, 4.[2072]Bede,Hexaemeron, sive libri quatuor in principium Genesis usque ad nativitatem Isaac et electionem Ismaelis, in Migne, PL, 91, 9-100. Bede originally intended to carry his work only to the expulsion of Adam from Paradise, but subsequently added three more books.[2073]Homilies I, VIII, and X.[2074]Homily III, 1 and 10.[2075]I, 7; III, 5 and 10.[2076]IV, 1.[2077]I, 7; III, 5; IV, 3, 4, and 7; VI, 9; VII, 6.[2078]II, 7; III, 10.[2079]IV, 1; VI, 1.[2080]VIII, 8.[2081]Homily V, 10; IX, 2.[2082]I, 3.[2083]II, 1.[2084]III, 3.[2085]II, 4,et seq.[2086]III, 9.[2087]Charles,The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, Introduction, pp. xxxi, xxxix.[2088]Irenaeus, I, 5; Epiphanius, ed. Petavius 186AB.[2089]Homily I, 10.[2090]VI, 9-11.[2091]I, 11.[2092]II, 7.[2093]IV, 2-4.[2094]Homily IV, 4.[2095]IV, 6.[2096]V, 2.[2097]IV, 5.[2098]III, 4.[2099]VI, 1.[2100]Homily V, 3.[2101]V, 9.[2102]V, 4.[2103]V, 6.[2104]VII, 5; IX, 3.[2105]VIII, 6.[2106]Homily VII, 6.[2107]IX, 3.[2108]VIII, 5. See also Aristotle,History of Animals, V, 8.[2109]Homily VIII, 6.[2110]IX, 2.[2111]IX, 5.[2112]Homily, VI, 11.[2113]V, 1.[2114]VI, 3.[2115]Ad Autolycum, II, 15.[2116]Homily VI, 5-7.[2117]Homily VI, 10.[2118]V, 2.[2119]V, 7. But perhaps he simply means that oaks will grow where pines used to.Tertullian,De pallio, cap. 2, dwelling on the law of change, speaks of the washing down of soil from mountains, the alluvial formation by rivers, and of sea-shells on mountain tops as a proof that the whole earth was once covered by water. He seems to have in mind a gradual process of geological evolution rather than Noah’s flood, and Sir James Frazer states that Isidore of Seville is the first he knows of the many writers who have appealed “to fossil shells imbedded in remote mountains as witnesses to the truth of the Noachian tradition,”—Origines, XIII, 22, cited by J. G. Frazer,Folk-Lore in the Old Testament(1918), I, 159, who cites the passage in Tertullian at pp. 338-9.[2120]Homily IX, 2.[2121]Cunningham,Christian Opinion on Usury, p. 9.[2122]Twice in the course of thePanarion(Dindorf, I, 280, and II, 428; Petavius, 2D and 404A) he gives the year of the reign of Valentinian and Valens, namely, the eleventh and the twelfth.[2123]Lucian’sDe dipsadibuswill be recalled; see also Pliny, NH, XXIII, 80; Lucan,Pharsalia, IX, 719.[2124]Pliny, NH, XXIII, 18; XXX, 10.[2125]Pliny, NH, XXV, 53; XXI, 92; XIX, 62; XII, 40 and 55.[2126]Dindorf, II, 450; Petavius, 422C.[2127]Liber de XII gemmis rationalis summi sacerdotis Hebraeorum, published in Dindorf’s edition of theOperaof Epiphanius, vol. IV, pp. 141-248, with the preface and notes of Fogginius, and both the Latin and Greek versions.[2128]Ibid., 160-62.[2129]P. 174.[2130]Pp. 190-91.[2131]Ibid., 184.[2132]Pitra,Spicilegium Solesmense, Paris, 1855, III, xlvii-lxxx. K. Ahrens,Zur Geschichte des sogenannten Physiologus, 1885. M. F. Mann,Bestiaire Divin de Guillaume Le Clerc. Heilbronn, 1888, pp. 16-33, “Entstehung des Physiologus und seine Entwicklung im Abendlande.” F. Lauchert,Geschichte des Physiologus, Strassburg, 1889. E. Peters,Der griechische Physiologus und seine orientalischen Uebersetzungen, Berlin, 1898. M. Goldstaub,Der Physiologus und seine Weiterbildung, besonders in der lateinischen und in der byzantinischen Litteratur, inPhilologus, Suppl. Bd. VIII (1898-1901), 337-404. Also inVerhandl. d. 41. Versammlung deutscher Philologen u. Schulmänner in München, Leipzig (1892), pp. 212-21. V. Schultze,Der Physiologus in der kirchlichen Kunst des Mittelalters, inChristliches Kunstblatt, XXXIX (1897), 49-55. J. Strzygowski,Der Bilderkreis des griechischen Physiologus, inByz. Zeitsch.Ergänzungsheft, I (1899). E. P. Evans,Animal Symbolism in Ecclesiastical Architecture, 1896, is disappointing, being mainly compiled from secondary sources and having little to say on ecclesiastical architecture.[2133]EB, 11th ed., “Arthropoda.”[2134]Lauchert (1889), pp. 229-79, attempts a critical edition of the Greek text.[2135]Pitra (1855), III, 374-90; French translation in Cahier,Nouveaux mélanges(1874), I, 117,et seq.[2136]O. G. Tychsen,Physiologus Syrus, 1795; from an incomplete Vatican MS. Land,Otia Syriaca, p. 31,et seq., or inAnecdota Syriaca, IV, 115,et seq., gives the complete text with a Latin translation.[2137]Hommel,Die aethiopische Uebersetzung des Physiologus, Leipzig, 1877. A bit of it was translated by Pitra (1855), III, 416-7.[2138]Land,Otia Syriaca, p. 137,et seq., with Latin translation. A fragment in Pitra (1855), III, 535.[2139]Pitra (1855), III, 338-73, used MSS from the 13th to 15th century. The earliest known illuminated copies are of 1100 A. D. and later: see Dalton,Byzantine Art and Archaeology, Oxford, 1911, pp. 481-2.[2140]The oldest Latin MSS seem to be two of the 8th and 9th centuries at Berne. Edited by Mai,Classici auctores, Rome, 1835, VII, 585-96, and more completely by Pitra (1855), III, 418; also by G. Heider, inArchiv f. Kunde österreich. Geschichtsquellen, Vienna, 1850, II, 545; Cahier et Martin,Mélanges d’archéologie, Paris, II (1851), 85ff., III (1853), 203ff., IV (1856), 55ff. Cahier,Nouveaux mélanges(1874), p. 106ff.Mann (1888), pp. 37-73, prints the Latin text which he regards as William le Clerc’s source from Royal 2-C-XII, and gives a list of other MSS of Latin Bestiaries in English libraries.Other medieval Latin Bestiaries have been printed in the works of Hildebert of Tours or Le Mans (Migne, PL, 171, 1217-24: really this poem concerning only twelve animals is by Theobald, who was perhaps abbot at Monte Cassino, 1022-1035, and it was printed under the name of Theobald before 1500,—see the volume numbered IA.12367 in the British Museum and entitled,Phisiologus Theobaldi Episcopi de naturis duodecim animalium. Indeed, it was printed at least nine times under his name,—see Hain, 15467-75): and in the works of Hugh of St. Victor (Migne, PL, 177, 9-164,De bestiis et aliis rebus libri quatuor). Both of these versions occur in numerous MSS, as does a third version which opens with citation of the remark of Jacob in blessing his sons, “Judah is a lion’s whelp.” The author then citesPhysiologusas usual concerning the three natures of the lion. See Wolfenbüttel 4435, 11th century, fols. 159-68v, Liber bestiarum. “De leone rege bestiarum et animalium (est) etenim iacob benedicens iudam ait Catulus leonis iuda. De leone. Leo tres naturas habet.” Laud. Misc. 247, 12th century, fol. 140-, ... caps. 36, praevia tabula ... Tit. “De tribus naturis leonis.” Incip. “Bestiarium seu animalium regis; etenim Jacob benedicens filium suum Udam ait Catulus leonis Judas filius meus quis suscitabit eum; Fisiologus dicit, Tres res naturales habere leonem....” Library of Dukes of Burgundy 10074, 10th century, “Etenim Jacob benedicens.” CLM 19648, 15th century, fols. 180-95, “Igitur Jacob benedicens.” CLM 23787, 15th century, fols. 12-20, “Igitur Jacob benedicens.” CU Trinity 884, 13th century in a fine hand, with 107 English miniatures, fol. 89-, “Et enim iacob benedicens filium suum iudam ait catulus leonis est iudas filius meus”; this MS ends imperfectly.[2141]Printed by Lauchert (1889), pp. 280-99.[2142]Max F. Mann,Der Physiologus des Philipp von Thaon und seine Quellen, Halle, 1884, 53 pp.[2143]Mann,Bestiaire Divin de Guillaume Le Clerc, Heilbronn, 1888, inFranzösische Studien, VI, 2, pp. 201-306. Most recent edition by Robert, Leipzig, 1890.[2144]Besides the two foregoing see Goldstaub und Wendriner,Ein tosco-venez. Bestiarius, Halle, 1892. Magliabech. IV, 63, 13th century, mutilated, 53 fols., bestiario moralizato, in Italian prose. E. Monaci,Rendiconti dell’ Accad. dei Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filol., vol. V, fasc. 10 and 12, has edited a Bestiario in 64 sonetti on as many animals from a private MS at “Gubbio nell’ archivio degli avvocati Pietro e Oderisi Lucarelli,” MS 25, fols. 112-27. See also M. Garver and K. McKenzie,Il Bestiario Toscano secondo la lezione dei codice di Parigi e di Roma, inStudi romanzi, Rome, 1912; McKenzie,Unpublished Manuscripts of Italian Bestiaries, inModern Language Publications, XX (1905), 2; and Garver, “Some Supplementary Italian Bestiary Chapters,” inRomanic Review, XI (1920), 308-27.[2145]For instance, A. S. Cook,The Old English Elene, Phoenix, and Physiologus, Yale University Press, 364 pp., 1919.[2146]K. Ahrens,Das “Buch der Naturgegenstände,”1892.[2147]Cod. Vind. Med.29, τοῦ ἅγιου Ἐπιφανίου ἐπισκόπου Κύπρου περὶ τῆς λέξεως πάντων τῶν ζώων φυσιολόγος. In the edition of Ponce de Leon, Rome, 1587, there are twenty animals described, and the symbolic interpretation is very short compared to later versions. Heider (1850), p. 543, regarded this as the oldest version and as extant in complete form.[2148]Mansi,Concil., VIII, 151, “Liber Physiologus ab hereticis conscriptus et beati Ambrosii nomine presignatus apocryphus.”

[2014]Apology, cap. 23.

[2015]De anima, cap. 57. Damigeron is mentioned in the Orphic poem,Lithica, and in theApologyof Apuleius, cap. 45; is cited in theGeoponica, and was regarded by V. Rose as the Greek source of the Latin “Evax” and Marbod on stones. BN 7418, 14th century,Amigeronis de lapidibus, was printed by Pitra,Spic. Solesm., III, 324-35, and Abel,Orphei Lithica, p. 157,et seq.See further PW, “Damigeron.”

[2016]Presumably Nectanebus.

[2017]It is Aaron’s rod in the King James version.

[2018]De idolatria, cap. 9.

[2019]Apology, cap. 35.

[2020]PL, vol. 3; AN, vol. 4.

[2021]Thus Minucius Felix says,Octavius, cap. 26, “Magi ... quidquid miraculi ludunt ... praestigias edunt,” while Tertullian,Apology, cap. 23, writes, “Porro si et magi phantasmata edunt ... si multa miracula circulatoriis praestigiis ludunt.”

[2022]Cyprian,Liber de idolorum vanitate, caps. 6-7.

[2023]PL, vol. VI; AN, vol. VII; the following references are all to this work.

[2024]V, 3.

[2025]II, 15.

[2026]II, 17.

[2027]IV, 27.

[2028]II, 17.

[2029]The work was discovered in 1842 at Mount Athos and edited by E. Miller in 1851, Duncker and Schneidewin in 1859, and Abbé Cruice in 1860. Greek text in PG, vol. XVI, part 3; English translation in AN, vol. V.

[2030]R. Ganschinietz,Hippolytos’ Capitel gegen die Magier, 1913, in TU, 39, 2, is a commentary on the text.

[2031]Refutation of All Heresies, IV, 28.

[2032]Since writing this sentence I have found an article by Diels on the discovery of alcohol inSocietas Regia Scientiarum, Abhandl. Philos.-Hist. Classe, Berlin, 1913, in which he argues from this passage in Hippolytus that the discovery was made in the Alexandrian period and that it reached western Europe again only through the Arabs about the twelfth century, since alcohol is not mentioned in the older Schlettstadt version of theMappae clavicula. If this be so, Adelard of Bath was perhaps the first to introduce it from the Arabs or the orient, although Diels does not say so.

[2033]Refutation of All Heresies, IV, 29-41.

[2034]In some places the text is illegible.

[2035]Cap. 105.

[2036]Leo Allatius “in syntagmate”De engastrimytho, cap. 7; Sulpicius Severus,Historia sacra, liber I; Anastasius Antiochenus, Ὁδηγός , quaest., 112; “et eorum quos laudat Bellarminus liber IVde Christo, cap. 11.”

[2037]Περὶ τῆς ἐγγαστριμύθου, PG, XLV, 107-14.

[2038]Migne, PG, XVIII, 613-74.

[2039]The King James version, First Samuel, XXVIII, 19, reads, “and to morrow shalt thou and thy sons be with me,” instead of “thou and Jonathan.”

[2040]Migne, PG, XII, 143-74.

[2041]Migne, PG, LVI, 61,et seq.

[2042]Migne, PG, LVI, 637,et seq.HomilyII, “Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum quod Chrysostomi nomine circumfertur.”Ibid., 602,et seq., for opinions of various past writers as to its authenticity.

[2043]Migne, PG, LX, 274-5, in the 38th homily on the Book of Acts.

[2044]On the other hand, D. Friedrich Münter,Der Stern der Weisen: Untersuchungen über das Geburtsjahr Christi, Kopenhagen, 1827, adopted the astrological theory that the star of Bethlehem was really a major conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Pisces, which Jewish tradition, too, seems to have regarded as the sign of the Messiah, and that therefore Jesus was born in 6 B. C. This view had already been advanced by Kepler, but recent writers seem to prefer a conjunction in Aries: see H. G. Voigt,Die Geschichte Jesu und die Astrologie, Leipzig, 1911; Kritzinger,Der Stern der Weisen, Gütersloh, 1911; von Oefele,Die Angaben der Berliner Planetentafel P8279 verglichen mit der Geburtsgeschichte Christi im Berichte des Matthäus, Berlin, 1903, inMitteil. d. Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft.

[2045]Mâle,Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 208, was not able to trace the legend that the star of the Magi appeared with the face of a child beyondThe Golden Legendcompiled by James of Voragine in the thirteenth century. We shall, however, find it mentioned in the twelfth century by Abelard, who derived it from this spurious homily of Chrysostom.

[2046]They are twice so represented on the elaborately carved Christian sarcophagus in the museum at Syracuse, Sicily, where also the manger, ox, and ass are shown (compare note 4 below).

[2047]Hugo Kehrer,Die Heiligen drei Könige in Litteratur und Kunst, Leipzig, 1908, 2 vols. An earlier work on the three Magi is Inchofer,Tres Magi Evangelici, Rome, 1639.

[2048]J. C. Thilo,Eusebii Alexandrini oratioΠερὶ ἀστρονόμων (praemissa de magis et stella quaestione)e Cod. Reg. Par. primum edita, Progr. Halae, 1834.

[2049]A. Bouché-Leclercq,L’Astrologie grecque, 1899, p. 611, “La royauté des Mages fut inventée (vers le VIe siècle), comme la crèche (sic!see Luke, II, 12 and 16), le bœuf et l’âne pour montrer l’accomplissement des prophéties.”

[2050]Religious Art in France, 1913, p. 214 note, following, I presume, Kehrer’s work, as he does on p. 213.

[2051]For detailed references see Münter,Der Stern der Weisen, 1827, p. 15; and Bouché-Leclercq, 1899, p. 611, where they are stated somewhat differently.

[2052]Comm. in Platonis Timaeum, II, vi, 125; quoted by Münter (1827), pp. 27-8.

[2053]BN 16819, fol. 49r. Corpus Christi 134, early 12th century, fol. 1 v., has a brief “Magorum trium qui Domino Infanti aurum obtulere nomina et descriptio.”

[2054]Cotton Galba E, VIII, 15th century, fols. 3-28, Fabulosa narratio de tribus magis qui Christum adorarunt sive de tribus regibus Coloniensibus.

[2055]Cap. 12 in the 1478 edition.

[2056]Ibid., cap. 34.

[2057]At Munich all the following MSS are 15th century: CLM 18621, fol. 135,Liber trium regum, fol. 215,Legenda trium regum excerpta ex praecedenti; 19544, fols. 314-49, and 26688, fols. 157-92,Laudes et gesta trium regum, etc.; 21627, fols. 212-31,Historia de tribus regibus; 23839, fols. 112-37, and 24571, fols. 50-104,Gesta trium regum; 25073, fols. 260-83,de nativitate domini et de tribus regibus. At Berlin MSS 799 and 800, both of the 15th century, have theGesta trium regumascribed to John of Hildesheim. So Wolfenbüttel 3266, anno 1461. The printed edition of 1478 in 46 chapters and about 30 folios is also ascribed to John of Hildesheim. We read on the binding, “Ioannis Hildeshemensis Liber de trium regum translatione.” The Incipit is: “Reverendissimo in Christo patri ac domino domino florencio de weuelkouen divina providencia monasteriensis ecclesie episcopo dignissimo.” The colophon is: “Liber de gestis ac trina beatissimorum trium regum translacione ... per me Johannem guldenschoff de moguncia.” Some other MSS, also of the 15th century, are: Vatic. Palat. Lat. 859, de gestis et translationibus trium regum, and at Oxford, University College 33, Liber collectus de gestis et translationibus sanctorum trium regum de Colonia; Laud Misc., 658, The history of the three kings of Cologne, in forty-one chapters with a preface. It is thus seen that the number of chapters varies. Coxe’s catalogue of the Laud MSS states that the Latin original was printed at Cologne in quarto in 1481, and that it is very different from the version printed by Wynkyn de Worde. “The Story of the Magi,” in Bodleian (Bernard) 2325, covers only folio 68. At Amiens is a MS which the catalogue dates in the 14th century and ascribes to John of Hildesheim, and its Incipit is practically that of the printed edition: Amiens 481, fols. 1-58, “Reverendissimo in Christo Patri ac domino domino Florentino de Wovellonem (sic) divina providencia Monasteriensis ecclesie episcopo dignissimo. Cum venerandissimorum trium Magorum, ymo verius trium Regum.” The work ends in the MS with the words, “ ... summi Regis servant legem incole Colonie. Amen. Explicit hystoria.”

[2058]BN 16819, 10th century, fols. 46r-49r.

[2059]Marco Polo (I, 13-14, ed. Yule and Cordier, 1903, vol. I, 78-81), who located the Magi in Saba, Persia, recounts further legends concerning them and their gifts.See also F. W. K. Müller,Uigurica, I, i,Die Anbetung der Magier, ein Christliches Bruchstück, Berlin, 1908.

[2059]Marco Polo (I, 13-14, ed. Yule and Cordier, 1903, vol. I, 78-81), who located the Magi in Saba, Persia, recounts further legends concerning them and their gifts.

See also F. W. K. Müller,Uigurica, I, i,Die Anbetung der Magier, ein Christliches Bruchstück, Berlin, 1908.

[2060]Beazley,Dawn of Modern Geography, I, 274, says, “Augustine and Chrysostom felt and spoke in the same way, though in more measured language, and nearly all early Christian writers who touched upon the matter did so to echo the voice of authorities so unquestioned.” But I cannot agree with this statement. He goes on to imply that a majority of the fathers, like Cosmas Indicopleustes, attacked the belief in the sphericity of the earth; but here, too, I wonder if he is not following Letronne,Des Opinions Cosmographiques des Pères, without having examined the citations. Certainly no such attitude is found in Basil’sHexaemeron, Hom. 3 and 9 as the citation implies. I have not seen Marinelli,La geographia e i Padri della Chiesa, estratto dal Bollettino della Società geografica italiana, anno 1882, pp. 11-15.

[2061]Divin. Instit., III, 24.

[2062]Migne, PG, vol. 29; PN, vol. 8.

[2063]Duhem (1914) II, 394, however, prefers Gregory of Nyssa’s work as “à la fois plus sobre, plus concis, et plus philosophique....”

[2064]Homily I was delivered in the morning, II in the evening; III was in the morning and speaks of a coming evening address. At the close of Homily VII Basil urges his hearers to talk over at their evening meal what they have heard this morning and this evening. If we regard Homily VI as the morning address referred to, we shall have Homily V left to cover an entire day. Homily VI, however, is the longest of the nine. In any case Homily VIII is clearly preached in the morning, and IX at evening.

[2065]Bk. II, caps. 10-17.

[2066]Epistola 65, ad Pammachium.Augustine’sDe Genesi ad litteram, which Cassiodorus (Institutes, I, 1) esteemed above the commentaries of Basil and Ambrose upon Genesis, is a somewhat similar work, but, after a briefer treatment of the work of creation, continues to comment on the text up to Adam’s expulsion from Paradise.

[2067]Migne, PL, 14, 131-2. The most recent edition of theHexaemeronof Ambrose is by C. Schenkl. Vienna, 1896.

[2068]Fialon,Étude sur St. Basile, 1869, p. 296.

[2069]Homily IX.

[2070]For example, in the catalogue, published in 1744, of MSS in the then Royal Library at Paris there are listed five copies of Eustathius’ Latin translation, dating from the ninth to the fourteenth century—2200, 4; 1701, 1; 1702, 1; 1787A, 2; 2633, 1; and fifteen copies of theHexaemeronof Ambrose—1718; 1702, 2; 1719 to 1727 inclusive; 2387, 4; 2637 and 2638.I have not noted what MSS of theHexaemeronsof Basil and Ambrose are found in the British Museum and Bodleian libraries. Some other medieval copies of Basil’s in Latin translation are: BN 12134, 9th century Lombard hand; Vendôme 122, 11th century, fols. 1 v-60; Soissons 121, 12th century, fol. 97, Eustathius’ prologue and a part of his translation; Grenoble 258, 12th century, fols. 1-45, “Eustathii translatio....”TheHexaemeronof Ambrose, since written originally in Latin, is naturally found oftener. The oldest MS is said to be CU Corpus Christi 193, large Lombard script of the 8th century which closely resembles BN 3836. Other MSS are: BN 11624, 11th century; BN 12135, 9th century; BN 12136, 12-13th century; BN 13336, 11th century; BN 14847, 12th century, fol. 163; BN nouv. acq. 490, 12th century; Vatican 269-273 inclusive, 10-15th centuries; Alençon 10, 12th century; Vendôme 129, 12th century, fols. 48-126; Semur, 10, 12th century; Chartres 63, 10-11th century, fols. 3-46; Orléans 35, 11th century; Orléans 192, 7th century, part of the first two books only; Amiens fonds Lescalopier 30, 12th century; le Mans 15, 11th century; Brussels 1782, 10th century; CLM 2549, 12th century; CLM 3728, 10th century; CLM 6258, 10th century; CLM 13079, 12th century; CLM 14399, 12th century; Novara 40, 12th century; and many other MSS of later date in these and other libraries.

I have not noted what MSS of theHexaemeronsof Basil and Ambrose are found in the British Museum and Bodleian libraries. Some other medieval copies of Basil’s in Latin translation are: BN 12134, 9th century Lombard hand; Vendôme 122, 11th century, fols. 1 v-60; Soissons 121, 12th century, fol. 97, Eustathius’ prologue and a part of his translation; Grenoble 258, 12th century, fols. 1-45, “Eustathii translatio....”

TheHexaemeronof Ambrose, since written originally in Latin, is naturally found oftener. The oldest MS is said to be CU Corpus Christi 193, large Lombard script of the 8th century which closely resembles BN 3836. Other MSS are: BN 11624, 11th century; BN 12135, 9th century; BN 12136, 12-13th century; BN 13336, 11th century; BN 14847, 12th century, fol. 163; BN nouv. acq. 490, 12th century; Vatican 269-273 inclusive, 10-15th centuries; Alençon 10, 12th century; Vendôme 129, 12th century, fols. 48-126; Semur, 10, 12th century; Chartres 63, 10-11th century, fols. 3-46; Orléans 35, 11th century; Orléans 192, 7th century, part of the first two books only; Amiens fonds Lescalopier 30, 12th century; le Mans 15, 11th century; Brussels 1782, 10th century; CLM 2549, 12th century; CLM 3728, 10th century; CLM 6258, 10th century; CLM 13079, 12th century; CLM 14399, 12th century; Novara 40, 12th century; and many other MSS of later date in these and other libraries.

[2071]De proprietatibus rerum, VIII, 4.

[2072]Bede,Hexaemeron, sive libri quatuor in principium Genesis usque ad nativitatem Isaac et electionem Ismaelis, in Migne, PL, 91, 9-100. Bede originally intended to carry his work only to the expulsion of Adam from Paradise, but subsequently added three more books.

[2073]Homilies I, VIII, and X.

[2074]Homily III, 1 and 10.

[2075]I, 7; III, 5 and 10.

[2076]IV, 1.

[2077]I, 7; III, 5; IV, 3, 4, and 7; VI, 9; VII, 6.

[2078]II, 7; III, 10.

[2079]IV, 1; VI, 1.

[2080]VIII, 8.

[2081]Homily V, 10; IX, 2.

[2082]I, 3.

[2083]II, 1.

[2084]III, 3.

[2085]II, 4,et seq.

[2086]III, 9.

[2087]Charles,The Book of the Secrets of Enoch, Introduction, pp. xxxi, xxxix.

[2088]Irenaeus, I, 5; Epiphanius, ed. Petavius 186AB.

[2089]Homily I, 10.

[2090]VI, 9-11.

[2091]I, 11.

[2092]II, 7.

[2093]IV, 2-4.

[2094]Homily IV, 4.

[2095]IV, 6.

[2096]V, 2.

[2097]IV, 5.

[2098]III, 4.

[2099]VI, 1.

[2100]Homily V, 3.

[2101]V, 9.

[2102]V, 4.

[2103]V, 6.

[2104]VII, 5; IX, 3.

[2105]VIII, 6.

[2106]Homily VII, 6.

[2107]IX, 3.

[2108]VIII, 5. See also Aristotle,History of Animals, V, 8.

[2109]Homily VIII, 6.

[2110]IX, 2.

[2111]IX, 5.

[2112]Homily, VI, 11.

[2113]V, 1.

[2114]VI, 3.

[2115]Ad Autolycum, II, 15.

[2116]Homily VI, 5-7.

[2117]Homily VI, 10.

[2118]V, 2.

[2119]V, 7. But perhaps he simply means that oaks will grow where pines used to.Tertullian,De pallio, cap. 2, dwelling on the law of change, speaks of the washing down of soil from mountains, the alluvial formation by rivers, and of sea-shells on mountain tops as a proof that the whole earth was once covered by water. He seems to have in mind a gradual process of geological evolution rather than Noah’s flood, and Sir James Frazer states that Isidore of Seville is the first he knows of the many writers who have appealed “to fossil shells imbedded in remote mountains as witnesses to the truth of the Noachian tradition,”—Origines, XIII, 22, cited by J. G. Frazer,Folk-Lore in the Old Testament(1918), I, 159, who cites the passage in Tertullian at pp. 338-9.

[2119]V, 7. But perhaps he simply means that oaks will grow where pines used to.

Tertullian,De pallio, cap. 2, dwelling on the law of change, speaks of the washing down of soil from mountains, the alluvial formation by rivers, and of sea-shells on mountain tops as a proof that the whole earth was once covered by water. He seems to have in mind a gradual process of geological evolution rather than Noah’s flood, and Sir James Frazer states that Isidore of Seville is the first he knows of the many writers who have appealed “to fossil shells imbedded in remote mountains as witnesses to the truth of the Noachian tradition,”—Origines, XIII, 22, cited by J. G. Frazer,Folk-Lore in the Old Testament(1918), I, 159, who cites the passage in Tertullian at pp. 338-9.

[2120]Homily IX, 2.

[2121]Cunningham,Christian Opinion on Usury, p. 9.

[2122]Twice in the course of thePanarion(Dindorf, I, 280, and II, 428; Petavius, 2D and 404A) he gives the year of the reign of Valentinian and Valens, namely, the eleventh and the twelfth.

[2123]Lucian’sDe dipsadibuswill be recalled; see also Pliny, NH, XXIII, 80; Lucan,Pharsalia, IX, 719.

[2124]Pliny, NH, XXIII, 18; XXX, 10.

[2125]Pliny, NH, XXV, 53; XXI, 92; XIX, 62; XII, 40 and 55.

[2126]Dindorf, II, 450; Petavius, 422C.

[2127]Liber de XII gemmis rationalis summi sacerdotis Hebraeorum, published in Dindorf’s edition of theOperaof Epiphanius, vol. IV, pp. 141-248, with the preface and notes of Fogginius, and both the Latin and Greek versions.

[2128]Ibid., 160-62.

[2129]P. 174.

[2130]Pp. 190-91.

[2131]Ibid., 184.

[2132]Pitra,Spicilegium Solesmense, Paris, 1855, III, xlvii-lxxx. K. Ahrens,Zur Geschichte des sogenannten Physiologus, 1885. M. F. Mann,Bestiaire Divin de Guillaume Le Clerc. Heilbronn, 1888, pp. 16-33, “Entstehung des Physiologus und seine Entwicklung im Abendlande.” F. Lauchert,Geschichte des Physiologus, Strassburg, 1889. E. Peters,Der griechische Physiologus und seine orientalischen Uebersetzungen, Berlin, 1898. M. Goldstaub,Der Physiologus und seine Weiterbildung, besonders in der lateinischen und in der byzantinischen Litteratur, inPhilologus, Suppl. Bd. VIII (1898-1901), 337-404. Also inVerhandl. d. 41. Versammlung deutscher Philologen u. Schulmänner in München, Leipzig (1892), pp. 212-21. V. Schultze,Der Physiologus in der kirchlichen Kunst des Mittelalters, inChristliches Kunstblatt, XXXIX (1897), 49-55. J. Strzygowski,Der Bilderkreis des griechischen Physiologus, inByz. Zeitsch.Ergänzungsheft, I (1899). E. P. Evans,Animal Symbolism in Ecclesiastical Architecture, 1896, is disappointing, being mainly compiled from secondary sources and having little to say on ecclesiastical architecture.

[2133]EB, 11th ed., “Arthropoda.”

[2134]Lauchert (1889), pp. 229-79, attempts a critical edition of the Greek text.

[2135]Pitra (1855), III, 374-90; French translation in Cahier,Nouveaux mélanges(1874), I, 117,et seq.

[2136]O. G. Tychsen,Physiologus Syrus, 1795; from an incomplete Vatican MS. Land,Otia Syriaca, p. 31,et seq., or inAnecdota Syriaca, IV, 115,et seq., gives the complete text with a Latin translation.

[2137]Hommel,Die aethiopische Uebersetzung des Physiologus, Leipzig, 1877. A bit of it was translated by Pitra (1855), III, 416-7.

[2138]Land,Otia Syriaca, p. 137,et seq., with Latin translation. A fragment in Pitra (1855), III, 535.

[2139]Pitra (1855), III, 338-73, used MSS from the 13th to 15th century. The earliest known illuminated copies are of 1100 A. D. and later: see Dalton,Byzantine Art and Archaeology, Oxford, 1911, pp. 481-2.

[2140]The oldest Latin MSS seem to be two of the 8th and 9th centuries at Berne. Edited by Mai,Classici auctores, Rome, 1835, VII, 585-96, and more completely by Pitra (1855), III, 418; also by G. Heider, inArchiv f. Kunde österreich. Geschichtsquellen, Vienna, 1850, II, 545; Cahier et Martin,Mélanges d’archéologie, Paris, II (1851), 85ff., III (1853), 203ff., IV (1856), 55ff. Cahier,Nouveaux mélanges(1874), p. 106ff.Mann (1888), pp. 37-73, prints the Latin text which he regards as William le Clerc’s source from Royal 2-C-XII, and gives a list of other MSS of Latin Bestiaries in English libraries.Other medieval Latin Bestiaries have been printed in the works of Hildebert of Tours or Le Mans (Migne, PL, 171, 1217-24: really this poem concerning only twelve animals is by Theobald, who was perhaps abbot at Monte Cassino, 1022-1035, and it was printed under the name of Theobald before 1500,—see the volume numbered IA.12367 in the British Museum and entitled,Phisiologus Theobaldi Episcopi de naturis duodecim animalium. Indeed, it was printed at least nine times under his name,—see Hain, 15467-75): and in the works of Hugh of St. Victor (Migne, PL, 177, 9-164,De bestiis et aliis rebus libri quatuor). Both of these versions occur in numerous MSS, as does a third version which opens with citation of the remark of Jacob in blessing his sons, “Judah is a lion’s whelp.” The author then citesPhysiologusas usual concerning the three natures of the lion. See Wolfenbüttel 4435, 11th century, fols. 159-68v, Liber bestiarum. “De leone rege bestiarum et animalium (est) etenim iacob benedicens iudam ait Catulus leonis iuda. De leone. Leo tres naturas habet.” Laud. Misc. 247, 12th century, fol. 140-, ... caps. 36, praevia tabula ... Tit. “De tribus naturis leonis.” Incip. “Bestiarium seu animalium regis; etenim Jacob benedicens filium suum Udam ait Catulus leonis Judas filius meus quis suscitabit eum; Fisiologus dicit, Tres res naturales habere leonem....” Library of Dukes of Burgundy 10074, 10th century, “Etenim Jacob benedicens.” CLM 19648, 15th century, fols. 180-95, “Igitur Jacob benedicens.” CLM 23787, 15th century, fols. 12-20, “Igitur Jacob benedicens.” CU Trinity 884, 13th century in a fine hand, with 107 English miniatures, fol. 89-, “Et enim iacob benedicens filium suum iudam ait catulus leonis est iudas filius meus”; this MS ends imperfectly.

Mann (1888), pp. 37-73, prints the Latin text which he regards as William le Clerc’s source from Royal 2-C-XII, and gives a list of other MSS of Latin Bestiaries in English libraries.

Other medieval Latin Bestiaries have been printed in the works of Hildebert of Tours or Le Mans (Migne, PL, 171, 1217-24: really this poem concerning only twelve animals is by Theobald, who was perhaps abbot at Monte Cassino, 1022-1035, and it was printed under the name of Theobald before 1500,—see the volume numbered IA.12367 in the British Museum and entitled,Phisiologus Theobaldi Episcopi de naturis duodecim animalium. Indeed, it was printed at least nine times under his name,—see Hain, 15467-75): and in the works of Hugh of St. Victor (Migne, PL, 177, 9-164,De bestiis et aliis rebus libri quatuor). Both of these versions occur in numerous MSS, as does a third version which opens with citation of the remark of Jacob in blessing his sons, “Judah is a lion’s whelp.” The author then citesPhysiologusas usual concerning the three natures of the lion. See Wolfenbüttel 4435, 11th century, fols. 159-68v, Liber bestiarum. “De leone rege bestiarum et animalium (est) etenim iacob benedicens iudam ait Catulus leonis iuda. De leone. Leo tres naturas habet.” Laud. Misc. 247, 12th century, fol. 140-, ... caps. 36, praevia tabula ... Tit. “De tribus naturis leonis.” Incip. “Bestiarium seu animalium regis; etenim Jacob benedicens filium suum Udam ait Catulus leonis Judas filius meus quis suscitabit eum; Fisiologus dicit, Tres res naturales habere leonem....” Library of Dukes of Burgundy 10074, 10th century, “Etenim Jacob benedicens.” CLM 19648, 15th century, fols. 180-95, “Igitur Jacob benedicens.” CLM 23787, 15th century, fols. 12-20, “Igitur Jacob benedicens.” CU Trinity 884, 13th century in a fine hand, with 107 English miniatures, fol. 89-, “Et enim iacob benedicens filium suum iudam ait catulus leonis est iudas filius meus”; this MS ends imperfectly.

[2141]Printed by Lauchert (1889), pp. 280-99.

[2142]Max F. Mann,Der Physiologus des Philipp von Thaon und seine Quellen, Halle, 1884, 53 pp.

[2143]Mann,Bestiaire Divin de Guillaume Le Clerc, Heilbronn, 1888, inFranzösische Studien, VI, 2, pp. 201-306. Most recent edition by Robert, Leipzig, 1890.

[2144]Besides the two foregoing see Goldstaub und Wendriner,Ein tosco-venez. Bestiarius, Halle, 1892. Magliabech. IV, 63, 13th century, mutilated, 53 fols., bestiario moralizato, in Italian prose. E. Monaci,Rendiconti dell’ Accad. dei Lincei, Classe di scienze morali, storiche e filol., vol. V, fasc. 10 and 12, has edited a Bestiario in 64 sonetti on as many animals from a private MS at “Gubbio nell’ archivio degli avvocati Pietro e Oderisi Lucarelli,” MS 25, fols. 112-27. See also M. Garver and K. McKenzie,Il Bestiario Toscano secondo la lezione dei codice di Parigi e di Roma, inStudi romanzi, Rome, 1912; McKenzie,Unpublished Manuscripts of Italian Bestiaries, inModern Language Publications, XX (1905), 2; and Garver, “Some Supplementary Italian Bestiary Chapters,” inRomanic Review, XI (1920), 308-27.

[2145]For instance, A. S. Cook,The Old English Elene, Phoenix, and Physiologus, Yale University Press, 364 pp., 1919.

[2146]K. Ahrens,Das “Buch der Naturgegenstände,”1892.

[2147]Cod. Vind. Med.29, τοῦ ἅγιου Ἐπιφανίου ἐπισκόπου Κύπρου περὶ τῆς λέξεως πάντων τῶν ζώων φυσιολόγος. In the edition of Ponce de Leon, Rome, 1587, there are twenty animals described, and the symbolic interpretation is very short compared to later versions. Heider (1850), p. 543, regarded this as the oldest version and as extant in complete form.

[2148]Mansi,Concil., VIII, 151, “Liber Physiologus ab hereticis conscriptus et beati Ambrosii nomine presignatus apocryphus.”

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