[2149]Heider (1850), II, 541-82, “Physiologus nach einer Handschrift des XI. Jahrhunderts”: the text opens at p. 552, “Incipiunt Dicta Johannis Chrysostomi de naturis bestiarum.” Lauchert used another MS, Vienna 303, 14th century, fol. 124v-, which was considerably different and was furthermore combined with the Physiologus of Theobald. An earlier MS than either of the foregoing is CLM 19417, 9th century, fols. 29-71, Liber Sancti Johannis episcopi regiae urbis Constantinopoli ... Crisostomi quem de naturis animalium ordinavit. Another Vienna MS is 2511, 14th century, fols. 135-40, “Incipiunt dicta Johannis Chrysostomi de naturis animalium et primo de leone .../ ... Sic erit et scriba doctus in regno celorum qui profert de thesauro suo noua et uetera. Expliciunt dicta Johannis Crisostomi.” A Paris MS of the same is BN 2780, 13th century, 14, Sancti Ioannis Chrysostomi liber qui physiologus appellatur.[2150]Additional 11,035, Johannis Scottigenae Phisiologiae liber. In the same MS are Macrobius’Dream of Scipioand the poems of Prudentius.[2151]De bestiis et aliis rebus, II, 1 (Migne, PL 177, 57). “Physici denique dicunt quinque naturales res sive naturas habere leonem....”[2152]Mineral., II, i, 1 (ed. Borgnet, V, 24).[2153]Bubnov (1899), p. 372.[2154]Thus even Lauchert (1899), p. 105, admits that Bartholomew of England, the thirteenth century Latin encyclopedist, citesPhysiologusfor much which does not come fromPhysiologus.[2155]Goldstaub (1899-1901), p. 341.[2156]This and the preceding quotations in the paragraph are from Mâle (1913), pp. 48, 35, 49, 45.[2157]Goldstaub (1899-1901), pp. 350-1. The same statement could be made with equal truth of Vincent of Beauvais and Bartholomew of England.[2158]Hommel (1877), pp. xii, xv.[2159]Duhem, II (1914), 314, seems to me to have overestimated the significance ofConfessions, V, 5, andDe Genesi ad litteram, I, 19, in saying, “L’assurance avec laquelle les Basile, les Grégoire de Nysse, les Ambroise, les Jean Chrysostome opposaient aux enseignements de la Physique profane les naïves assertions de leur science puérile contristait fort l’Évêque de Hippone.” There is nothing, I think, to indicate that Augustine had these men or men of their stamp in mind, and I doubt if his scientific attainments were superior to Basil’s.[2160]De consensu Evangelistarum, I, 11; in Migne, PL 34, 1049-50.[2161]Ibid., I, 9-10.[2162]De civitate Dei, X, 9; PL vol. 41.[2163]Ibid., VII, 34-35; and see Arnobius,Against the Heathen, V, 1, for Augustine’s probable source.[2164]De civ. Dei, VIII, 19.[2165]Ibid., VIII, 18, 19, 26; IX, 1.[2166]De civ. Dei, X, 9-10.[2167]De trinitate, IV, 11; in Migne, PL 42, 897.[2168]De civ. Dei, X, 9.[2169]De civ. Dei, XXI, 6.[2170]In Grenoble 208, 12th century, containing works of Augustine, there is listed separately at fol. 54v, “De magis Pharaonis,” to which the MSS catalogue adds, “et de CLIII piscibus.” Probably it is an extract from one of Augustine’s longer works as it covers only one leaf.[2171]De trinitate, IV, 11.[2172]De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 79; Migne, PL 40, 92-3.[2173]See alsoDe cataclysmo(perhaps spurious), cap. 5, Migne, PL 40, 696; andSermo VIII, PL 38, 74.Sermo XC, PL 38, 562, however, speaks of “Moyses et Aaron.”[2174]De civ. Dei, XXI, 6; XVIII, 18.[2175]De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 79;De doctrina Christiana, II, 20, in Migne, PL 34, 50.[2176]Migne, PL 40, 581-92.[2177]De trinitate, III, 8; PL, 42, 875.[2178]De trinitate, III, 7-8. It seems strange to me that they should have failed on minute insects who in ancient and medieval science are often represented as produced by spontaneous generation. The Talmudists also, however, state that the Egyptians were unable to duplicate the plague of lice, as their art did not extend to things smaller than a barleycorn.[2179]De civitate Dei, XVIII, 22. In commenting on Genesis (PL 34, 445) he speaks even more harshly of “that absurd and harmful notion of the changing of souls and of men into beasts, or of beasts into men”; but perhaps he has reference to the doctrine of transmigration of souls rather than to magic transformations.[2180]Confessions, X, 42, in PL vol. 32.[2181]Quaest. VI; PL 40, 162-5.[2182]II, 3; PL 40, 142-4.[2183]De civitate Dei, XXI, 4-6; PL 41, 712-6.[2184]De Genesi ad litteram, XI, 28-9; PL 34, 444-5.[2185]Confessions, X, 35; in PL vol. 32.[2186]II, 20 and 29.[2187]IV, 2-3.[2188]PL 39, 2268-72.[2189]Sermo CXXX, PL 39, 2004-5.[2190]II, 21-3; PL 34, 51-3.[2191]De civitate Dei, V, 7.[2192]Confessions, VII, 6.[2193]Unless otherwise noted, the ensuing arguments are found inThe City of God, V, 1-7.[2194]De Genesi ad litteram, II, 17; PL 34, 278.De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 45; PL 40, 28-9.Epistola246; PL 33, 1061.Sermo109; PL 38, 1027.[2195]Confessions, IV, 2-3.[2196]See below, chapter 24.[2197]De Genesi ad litteram, XII, 22 and 17 and 12; PL 34, 472-3, 467-9, 464-5. See also the marvelous divinations of Albicerius recounted inContra Academicos, I, 6; PL 32, 914-5.[2198]Sermones199 and 374; PL 38, 1027-8, and 39, 1666.Contra Faustum, II, 15; PL 42, 212.[2199]InQuaestiones ex Novo Testamento, Quaest. 63, PL 35, 2258, which is probably a spurious work but was cited as Augustine’s by Thomas Aquinas (Summa, III, 36, v), Balaam is said to have warned the Magi to watch for the star. It is also asserted, however, that “these Chaldean Magi watched the course of the stars, not from malevolence, but curiosity concerning nature” (Hi Magi chaldaei non malevolentia astrorum cursum sed rerum curiositate speculabantur).[2200]Enchiridion, sive de fide, spe, et charitate, I, 58; PL 40, 259-60.De civitate Dei, XIII, 16; PL 41, 388.De Genesi ad litteram, II, 18; PL 34, 279-80.[2201]Orosii ad Augustinum Consultatio sive Commonitorium de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, PL 31, 1211-22; also in G. Schepss (1889), in CSEL XVIII.Augustini ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas, PL 41, 669,et seq.Augustine also discusses the Priscillianists inEpistle237, PL 33, 1034,et seq., where he makes no charge either of magic or astrology against them.[2202]This charge was later repeated by St. Leo,Epistola XV; see Withington,History of Medicine, 1894, p. 178; but the offense would seem a trivial one in any case.[2203]De principiis, I, 7.[2204]De doctrina Christiana, II, 29, in Migne, 34, 57.[2205]De Genesi ad litteram, II, 16, in Migne, 34, 277.[2206]De civitate Dei, XI, 30-31. He says about the same things concerning six and seven inDe Genesi ad litteram, IV, 2.[2207]Sermo supposititius21, in Migne, PL XXXIX, 1783, “De convenientia decem preceptorum et decem plagarum Egypti. Non est sine causa, fratres dilectissimi, quod preceptorum legis Dei numerus cum numero plagarum quibus Aegyptus percutitur exaequari videtur.”[2208]Cambridge Medieval History, I, 9.[2209]The Greek work,Hermippus or Concerning Astrology, however, can no longer be regarded as an example of Christian belief in astrology at this period, since F. Boll,Heidelberger Akad. Sitzb., 1912, No. 18, has shown it to be a fourteenth century work of John Katrarios, who makes use of a Greek translation of Albumasar.[2210]For bibliography see F. Boll’s “Firmicus” in PW. It does not include my article written subsequently on “A Roman Astrologer as a Historical Source: Julius Firmicus Maternus,” inClassical Philology, VIII, No. 4, pp. 415-35, October, 1913. For bibliography see also Kroll et Skutsch, II, xxxiv.[2211]The edition ofDe errore profanarum religionumby K. Ziegler, Leipzig, 1907, is more critical than that in Migne, PL.[2212]Iulii Firmici Materni Matheseos Libri VIII, ed. W. Kroll et F. Skutsch,Fasciculus prior libros IV priores et quinti prooemium continens, Leipzig, 1897;Fasciculus alter libros IV posteriores cum praefatione et indicibus continens, 1913. My references will be by page and line to this text, unless otherwise noted. Earlier editions, which I used for the later books before 1913, are theeditio princeps, Julius Firmicus de nativitatibus, ... Impressum Venetiis per Symonem papiensem dictum bivilaqua, 1497 die 13 Iunii, cxv fols.; the Aldine edition of 1499 containing apparent interpolations,Julii Firmici Astronomicorum libri octo integri et emendati ex Scythicis oris ad nos nuper allati....; and the Basel editions of 1533 and 1551 by M. Pruckner which reproduce the Aldine text. See Kroll et Skutsch, II, xxxiii, for another reproduction of the Aldine text, printed in 1503, and p. xxviii for a partial edition of books 3-5 of theMathesisin 1488 and 1494 inOpus Astrolabii plani ... a Iohanne Angeli.[2213]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 3, 27.[2214]Boll in PW, VI, 2365.[2215]Hermes, XXIX, 468-72. The treatise could not have been composed before 334 since Firmicus (I, 13, 23) refers to an eclipse in the consulship of Optatus and Paulinus which occurred in that year.[2216]For instance, at I, 37, 25, “Constantinus scilicet maximus divi Constantini filius,” might as well be rendered, “Constantius, son of Constantine,” as “Constantine, son of Constantius.”[2217]I, 1, 3, “Olim tibi hos libellos, Mavorti decus nostrum, me dicaturum esse promiseram verum diu me inconstantia verecundiae retardavit.”[2218]I, 195-6.[2219]Ammianus Marcellinus, XVI, 8, 5, “iubetur Mavortius, tunc praefectus praetorio, vir sublimis constantiae, crimen acri inquisitione spectari.”[2220]Ziegler, p. 7, “Physica ratio quam dicis, alio genere celetur”; p. 9, “quod dicant physica ratione conpositum.”[2221]Ziegler, p. 5.[2222]Ziegler, p. 23.[2223]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 86, 12-21.[2224]Ziegler, pp. 15, 38, 39, 64, 67, 81, 82, “sacratissimi imperatores”; pp. 31, 40, “sacrosancti principes”; p. 65, “sanctarum aurium vestrarum.”[2225]Ziegler, pp. 53-4.[2226]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 17-18.[2227]See my “A Roman Astrologer as a Historical Source,”Classical Philology, VIII, 415-35, especially p. 421.[2228]I, 16, 20, “Summo illi ac rectori deo, qui omnia perpetua legis dispositione composuit....”[2229]I, 16, 14; I, 57, 2; I, 90, 11, to 91, 10.[2230]I, 280, 2-28.[2231]Besides the prayer just quoted, see I, 18, 10-13. See also the long prayer at the end of the first book to the planets and supreme God for the successful continuance of the dynasty of Constantine.[2232]I, 18, 25-9.[2233]I, 85-89 (Book II, chapter 30).[2234]I, 17, 2-23.[2235]I, 10, 3-.[2236]I, 11, 7-.[2237]Book I, Chapter 4 (I, 11-15).[2238]Book I, Chapter 7 (I, 19-30).[2239]For a fuller exposition of this quantitative method of source-analysis and the results obtained thereby see Thorndike (1913), pp. 415-35.[2240]Temple-robbers, 5; servile or ignoble employ in temples, 5; spending one’s time in temples, 4; builders of temples, 3; beneficiaries of temples, 3; temple guards, 2;neocori, 3; and so on, making 35 references to temples in all. It is perhaps worth remarking that H. O. Taylor,The Classical Heritage, 1901, p. 80, notes that Synesius about 400 A. D. speaks of the Christian churches at Constantinople as “temples.”[2241]Chief priests, 5; priests, 9; of provinces, 1; priestess, 1; priests of Cybele (archigalli), 3;Asiarchae, 1; priest of some great goddess, 1; illicit rites, 1. There are 27 passages concerning divination.[2242]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 148, 8 and 123, 4.[2243]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 201, 6.[2244]Cumont says (Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, p. 188): “But the ancients expressly distinguished ‘magic,’ which was always under suspicion and disapproved of, from the legitimate and honorable art for which the name ‘theurgy’ was invented.” This distinction was made by Porphyry and others, and is alluded to by Augustine in theCity of God, but it is to be noted that Firmicus does not use the word “theurgy.” Cumont also states (p. 179) that in the last period of paganism the name philosopher was finally applied to all adepts in occult science. But in Firmicus, while magic and philosophy are associated in two passages, there are five other allusions to magic and three separate mentions of philosophers.[2245]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 161, 26.[2246]Computus, 3;calculus, 2; and “those who excel at numbers,” 1.[2247]Including two mentions of court physicians (archiatri). SeeCodex Theod., Lib. XIII, Tit. 3,passim, for their position.[2248]I leave this sentence as I wrote it in 1913.[2249]Aestus animi, 5; insanity, 13; lunatics, 10; epileptics, 8; melancholia, 3; inflammation of the brain (frenetici), 4; delirium, dementia, demoniacs, alienation, and madness, one or two each; vague allusions to mental ills and injuries, 5.[2250]In his last chapter he says, “Take then, my dear Mavortius, what I promised you with extreme trepidation of spirit, these seven books composed conformably to the order and number of the seven planets. For the first book deals only with the defense of the art; but in the other books we have transmitted to the Romans the discipline of a new work,” (II, 360, 10-15). And in the introduction to the fifth book he writes, “We have written these books for your Romans lest, when every other art and science had been translated, this task should seem to remain unattempted by Roman genius,” (I, 280, 28-30).[2251]I, 41, 7 and 15; I, 40, 9-11.[2252]I, 41, 5 and 11; I, 40, 8.[2253]They are listed by Kroll et Skutsch, II, 362,Index auctorum.[2254]II, 294, 12-21.[2255]Kroll et Skutsch, II, p. iii.[2256]I, 258, 10, “in singulari libro, quem de domino geniturae et chronocratore ad Murinum nostrum scripsimus”; II, 229, 23, “exeo libro qui de fine vitae a nobis scriptus est.”[2257]II, 18, 24; II, 283, 19.[2258]Engelbrecht,Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches Compendium, Vienna, 1887.[2259]De vita sua, inLibanii sophistae praeludia oratoria LXXII declamationes XLV et dissertationes morales, Federicus Morellus regius interpres e MSS maxime reg. bibliothecae nunc primum edidit idemque Latine vertit ... ad Henricum IV regem Christianissimum, Paris, 1606, II, 15-18.[2260]Magi accusatio,Ibid., I, 898-911.[2261]De vita sua, Opera, II, 2-3.[2262]X, 196, 11,De sepulcro incantato.[2263]My citations of Synesius’ works, unless otherwise noted, are from the edition:Synesii Cyrenaei Quae Extant Opera Omnia, ed. J. G. Krabinger, Landshut, 1850, vol. I, which has alone appeared. The older edition of Petavius with Latin translation is reprinted in Migne PG, vol. 66, 1021-1756. For a French translation, with several introductory essays, see H. Druon,Œuvres de Synésius, Paris, 1878. TheLettersandHymnshave often been published separately. For this and other further bibliography see Christ,Gesch. d. griech. Litt., 1913, II, ii, 1167-71, where, however, no note is taken of Berthelot’s discussion of Synesius as a reputed author of alchemistic treatises.Some works on Synesius are: H. Druon,Études sur la vie et les œuvres de Synésius, Paris, 1859; R. Volkmann,Synesius von Cyrene, Berlin, 1869; W. S. Crawford,Synesius the Hellene, London, 1901; G. Grützmacher,Synesios von Kyrene, Leipzig, 1913. In periodicals: F. X. Kraus inTheol. Quartalschrift, 1865 and 1866; O. Seeck, inPhilologus, 1893.[2264]See Crawford,op. cit., and monographs listed in Christ,op. cit., p. 1168, notes 4 and 8.[2265]The date is variously stated as 411, 406, or 410.[2266]A. J. Kleffner,Synesius von Cyrene ... und sein angeblicher Vorbehalt bei seiner Wahl und Weihe zum Bischof von Ptolemais, Paderborn, 1901. H. Koch,Synesius von Cyrene bei seiner Wahl und Weihe zum Bischof, inHist. Jahrb., XXIII (1902), pp. 751-74.[2267]Christ,op. cit., p. 1168, note 1.[2268]Ibid., p. 1170, citing K. Prächter, inGenethliakon für C. Robert, 1910, p. 244,et seq.[2269]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (On dreams), ch. 2.[2270]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (On Dreams), ch. 3. Ἔδει γὰρ, οἶμαι, τοῦ παντὸς τούτου συμπαθοῦς τε ὄντος καὶ σύμπνου τὰ μέρη προσήκειν ἀλλήλοις, ἅτε ἑνὸς ὅλου τὰ μέλη τυγχάνοντα. Καὶ μή ποτε αἱ μάγων ἴυγγες αὗται; καὶ γὰρ θέλγεται παρ’ ἀλλήλων, ὥσπερ σημαίνεται· καὶ σοφὸς ὁ εἰδὼς τὴν τῶν μερῶν τοῦ κόσμου συγγένειαν. Ἕλκει γὰρ ἄλλο δί’ ἄλλον, ἔχων ἐνέχυρα παρόντα τῶν πλεῖστον ἀπόντων, καὶ φωνὰς, καὶ ὕλας καὶ σχήματα....EvidentlySynesius did not regard the magi as mere imposters.[2271]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 3. Καὶ δὴ καὶ θεῷ τινὶ τῶν εἴσω τοῦ κόσμου λίθος ἐνθένδε καὶ βοτάνη προσήκει, οἷς ὁμοιοπαθῶν εἴκει τῇ φύσει καὶ γοητεύεται. In hisPraise of Baldness(Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον), ch. 10, Synesius tells how the Egyptians attract demons by magic influences.[2272]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 1. Αὗται μὲν ἀποδείξεις ἔστων τοῦ μαντείαν ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις εἶναι τῶν ἐπιτηδευομένων ἀνθρώποις.[2273]Ibid., ch. 18.[2274]Δίων ἢ περὶ τῆς κατ’ αὐτὸν διαγωγῆς.[2275]Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον, ch. 10.[2276]Αἰγύπτιοι ἢ περὶ προνοίας, bk. ii, ch. 7.[2277]Πρὸς Παιόνιον περὶ τοῦ δώρου, ch. 5.[2278]Δίων, ch. 7. Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 4. Ἐπιστολαί, 4, 49, and 142.[2279]On Synesius as an alchemist see Berthelot (1885), pp. 65, 188-90; (1889), p. ix.[2280]T. R. Glover,Life and Letters in the Fourth Century A. D., Cambridge, 1901, p. 187, note 1.[2281]Saturnalia, I, xvi, 12.[2282]Commentary on the Dream of Scipio, II, 17, “Universa philosophiae integritas”; ed. Nisard, Paris, 1883.[2283]Ibid., I, 5-6; II, 1-2.[2284]Ibid., I, 7.[2285]Ibid., I, 19.[2286]Ibid., I, 14.[2287]Glover (1901), p. 178.[2288]De nuptiis philologiae et mercurii et de septem artibus liberalibus libri novem, Lugduni apud haeredes Simonis Vincentii, 1539; ed. U. F. Kopp, Frankfurt, 1836; ed. F. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1866.[2289]It occurs toward the close of the second book.[2290]In Kopp’s edition pp. 202-23 are almost entirely taken up with notes setting forth other passages in the classics concerning such spirits.[2291]Greek text in Migne, PG 3, 119-370.[2292]Migne, PL 122, 1037-70.[2293]The following bibliography includes the editions of the texts concerned and the chief critical researches in the field. A. Ausfeld,Zur Kritik des griechischen Alexanderromans; Untersuchungen über die unechten Teile der ältesten Ueberlieferung, Karlsruhe, 1894. A. Ausfeld and W. Kroll,Der griechische Alexanderroman, Leipzig, 1907. H. Becker,Die Brahmannen in der Alexandersage, Königsberg, 1889, 34 pp. E. A. W. Budge,History of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 1889; the Syriac version of thePseudo-Callisthenesedited from five MSS, with an English translation and notes. E. A. W. Budge,The Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 1896; Ethiopic Histories of Alexander by the Pseudo-Callisthenes and other writers. D. Carrarioli,La leggenda di Alessandro Magno, 1892. G. G. Cillié,De Iulii Valerii epitoma Oxoniensi, Strasburg, 1905. G. Favre,Recherches sur les histoires fabuleuses d’Alexandre le Grand, inMélanges d’hist. litt., II (1856), 5-184. Ethé,Alexanders Zug zur Lebensquelle im Lande der Finsterniss, inAtti dell’ Accademia di Monaco, 1871. B. Kübler,Julius Valerius; Res gestae Alexandri Macedonis, Leipzig, 1888 (see pp.xxv-xxvi for further bibliography). Levi,La légende d’Alexandre dans le Talmud, inRevue des Études juives, I (1880), 293-300. Meusel,Pseudo-Callisthenes nach der Leidener Handschrift herausgegeben, Leipzig, 1871. M. P. H. Meyer,Alexandre le Grand dans la littérature française du moyen âge, 2 vols., Paris, 1886. C. Müller,Scriptores rerum Alexandri Magni, Firmin-Didot, Paris, 1846 and 1877 (bound with Arrian, ed. Fr. Dübner); the first edition of the Greek text of thePseudo-Callisthenesfrom three Paris MSS, also Julius Valerius, etc. Noeldeke,Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans, Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philos. Hist. Classe, vol. 38, Vienna, 1890; Budge says of this work, “Professor Noeldeke discusses in his characteristic masterly manner the Greek, Syriac, Hebrew, Persian, and Arabic versions, and ably shows how each is related to the other, and how certain variations in the narrative have arisen. No other writer before him was able to control, by knowledge at first hand, the statements of both the Aryan and Semitic versions; his work is therefore of unique value.”Padmuthiun Acheksandri Maketonazwui, I Wenedig i dparani serbuin Chazaru, Hami, 1842; the Armenian version published by the Mechitarists, Venice, 1842. F. Pfister,Kleine Texte zum Alexanderroman, Heidelberg, 1910;Sammlung vulgärlateinischer Texte herausg. v. W. Heraeus u. H. Morf, 4 Heft. Spiegel,Die Alexandersage bei den Orientalen, Leipzig, 1851. Vogelstein,Adnotationes quaedam ex litteris orientalibus petitae quae de Alexandro Magno circumferuntur, Warsaw, 1865. A. Westermann,De Callisthene Olynthio et Pseudo-Callisthene Commentatio, 1838-1842. J. Zacher,Pseudo-Callisthenes: Forschungen zur Kritik und Geschichte der ältesten Aufzeichnung der Alexandersage, Halle, 1867 (see pp.2-3 for further bibliography of works written before 1851). J. Zacher,Julii Valerii Epitome, zum ersten mal herausgegeben, Halle, 1867.
[2149]Heider (1850), II, 541-82, “Physiologus nach einer Handschrift des XI. Jahrhunderts”: the text opens at p. 552, “Incipiunt Dicta Johannis Chrysostomi de naturis bestiarum.” Lauchert used another MS, Vienna 303, 14th century, fol. 124v-, which was considerably different and was furthermore combined with the Physiologus of Theobald. An earlier MS than either of the foregoing is CLM 19417, 9th century, fols. 29-71, Liber Sancti Johannis episcopi regiae urbis Constantinopoli ... Crisostomi quem de naturis animalium ordinavit. Another Vienna MS is 2511, 14th century, fols. 135-40, “Incipiunt dicta Johannis Chrysostomi de naturis animalium et primo de leone .../ ... Sic erit et scriba doctus in regno celorum qui profert de thesauro suo noua et uetera. Expliciunt dicta Johannis Crisostomi.” A Paris MS of the same is BN 2780, 13th century, 14, Sancti Ioannis Chrysostomi liber qui physiologus appellatur.
[2149]Heider (1850), II, 541-82, “Physiologus nach einer Handschrift des XI. Jahrhunderts”: the text opens at p. 552, “Incipiunt Dicta Johannis Chrysostomi de naturis bestiarum.” Lauchert used another MS, Vienna 303, 14th century, fol. 124v-, which was considerably different and was furthermore combined with the Physiologus of Theobald. An earlier MS than either of the foregoing is CLM 19417, 9th century, fols. 29-71, Liber Sancti Johannis episcopi regiae urbis Constantinopoli ... Crisostomi quem de naturis animalium ordinavit. Another Vienna MS is 2511, 14th century, fols. 135-40, “Incipiunt dicta Johannis Chrysostomi de naturis animalium et primo de leone .../ ... Sic erit et scriba doctus in regno celorum qui profert de thesauro suo noua et uetera. Expliciunt dicta Johannis Crisostomi.” A Paris MS of the same is BN 2780, 13th century, 14, Sancti Ioannis Chrysostomi liber qui physiologus appellatur.
[2150]Additional 11,035, Johannis Scottigenae Phisiologiae liber. In the same MS are Macrobius’Dream of Scipioand the poems of Prudentius.
[2150]Additional 11,035, Johannis Scottigenae Phisiologiae liber. In the same MS are Macrobius’Dream of Scipioand the poems of Prudentius.
[2151]De bestiis et aliis rebus, II, 1 (Migne, PL 177, 57). “Physici denique dicunt quinque naturales res sive naturas habere leonem....”
[2151]De bestiis et aliis rebus, II, 1 (Migne, PL 177, 57). “Physici denique dicunt quinque naturales res sive naturas habere leonem....”
[2152]Mineral., II, i, 1 (ed. Borgnet, V, 24).
[2152]Mineral., II, i, 1 (ed. Borgnet, V, 24).
[2153]Bubnov (1899), p. 372.
[2153]Bubnov (1899), p. 372.
[2154]Thus even Lauchert (1899), p. 105, admits that Bartholomew of England, the thirteenth century Latin encyclopedist, citesPhysiologusfor much which does not come fromPhysiologus.
[2154]Thus even Lauchert (1899), p. 105, admits that Bartholomew of England, the thirteenth century Latin encyclopedist, citesPhysiologusfor much which does not come fromPhysiologus.
[2155]Goldstaub (1899-1901), p. 341.
[2155]Goldstaub (1899-1901), p. 341.
[2156]This and the preceding quotations in the paragraph are from Mâle (1913), pp. 48, 35, 49, 45.
[2156]This and the preceding quotations in the paragraph are from Mâle (1913), pp. 48, 35, 49, 45.
[2157]Goldstaub (1899-1901), pp. 350-1. The same statement could be made with equal truth of Vincent of Beauvais and Bartholomew of England.
[2157]Goldstaub (1899-1901), pp. 350-1. The same statement could be made with equal truth of Vincent of Beauvais and Bartholomew of England.
[2158]Hommel (1877), pp. xii, xv.
[2158]Hommel (1877), pp. xii, xv.
[2159]Duhem, II (1914), 314, seems to me to have overestimated the significance ofConfessions, V, 5, andDe Genesi ad litteram, I, 19, in saying, “L’assurance avec laquelle les Basile, les Grégoire de Nysse, les Ambroise, les Jean Chrysostome opposaient aux enseignements de la Physique profane les naïves assertions de leur science puérile contristait fort l’Évêque de Hippone.” There is nothing, I think, to indicate that Augustine had these men or men of their stamp in mind, and I doubt if his scientific attainments were superior to Basil’s.
[2159]Duhem, II (1914), 314, seems to me to have overestimated the significance ofConfessions, V, 5, andDe Genesi ad litteram, I, 19, in saying, “L’assurance avec laquelle les Basile, les Grégoire de Nysse, les Ambroise, les Jean Chrysostome opposaient aux enseignements de la Physique profane les naïves assertions de leur science puérile contristait fort l’Évêque de Hippone.” There is nothing, I think, to indicate that Augustine had these men or men of their stamp in mind, and I doubt if his scientific attainments were superior to Basil’s.
[2160]De consensu Evangelistarum, I, 11; in Migne, PL 34, 1049-50.
[2160]De consensu Evangelistarum, I, 11; in Migne, PL 34, 1049-50.
[2161]Ibid., I, 9-10.
[2161]Ibid., I, 9-10.
[2162]De civitate Dei, X, 9; PL vol. 41.
[2162]De civitate Dei, X, 9; PL vol. 41.
[2163]Ibid., VII, 34-35; and see Arnobius,Against the Heathen, V, 1, for Augustine’s probable source.
[2163]Ibid., VII, 34-35; and see Arnobius,Against the Heathen, V, 1, for Augustine’s probable source.
[2164]De civ. Dei, VIII, 19.
[2164]De civ. Dei, VIII, 19.
[2165]Ibid., VIII, 18, 19, 26; IX, 1.
[2165]Ibid., VIII, 18, 19, 26; IX, 1.
[2166]De civ. Dei, X, 9-10.
[2166]De civ. Dei, X, 9-10.
[2167]De trinitate, IV, 11; in Migne, PL 42, 897.
[2167]De trinitate, IV, 11; in Migne, PL 42, 897.
[2168]De civ. Dei, X, 9.
[2168]De civ. Dei, X, 9.
[2169]De civ. Dei, XXI, 6.
[2169]De civ. Dei, XXI, 6.
[2170]In Grenoble 208, 12th century, containing works of Augustine, there is listed separately at fol. 54v, “De magis Pharaonis,” to which the MSS catalogue adds, “et de CLIII piscibus.” Probably it is an extract from one of Augustine’s longer works as it covers only one leaf.
[2170]In Grenoble 208, 12th century, containing works of Augustine, there is listed separately at fol. 54v, “De magis Pharaonis,” to which the MSS catalogue adds, “et de CLIII piscibus.” Probably it is an extract from one of Augustine’s longer works as it covers only one leaf.
[2171]De trinitate, IV, 11.
[2171]De trinitate, IV, 11.
[2172]De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 79; Migne, PL 40, 92-3.
[2172]De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 79; Migne, PL 40, 92-3.
[2173]See alsoDe cataclysmo(perhaps spurious), cap. 5, Migne, PL 40, 696; andSermo VIII, PL 38, 74.Sermo XC, PL 38, 562, however, speaks of “Moyses et Aaron.”
[2173]See alsoDe cataclysmo(perhaps spurious), cap. 5, Migne, PL 40, 696; andSermo VIII, PL 38, 74.Sermo XC, PL 38, 562, however, speaks of “Moyses et Aaron.”
[2174]De civ. Dei, XXI, 6; XVIII, 18.
[2174]De civ. Dei, XXI, 6; XVIII, 18.
[2175]De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 79;De doctrina Christiana, II, 20, in Migne, PL 34, 50.
[2175]De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 79;De doctrina Christiana, II, 20, in Migne, PL 34, 50.
[2176]Migne, PL 40, 581-92.
[2176]Migne, PL 40, 581-92.
[2177]De trinitate, III, 8; PL, 42, 875.
[2177]De trinitate, III, 8; PL, 42, 875.
[2178]De trinitate, III, 7-8. It seems strange to me that they should have failed on minute insects who in ancient and medieval science are often represented as produced by spontaneous generation. The Talmudists also, however, state that the Egyptians were unable to duplicate the plague of lice, as their art did not extend to things smaller than a barleycorn.
[2178]De trinitate, III, 7-8. It seems strange to me that they should have failed on minute insects who in ancient and medieval science are often represented as produced by spontaneous generation. The Talmudists also, however, state that the Egyptians were unable to duplicate the plague of lice, as their art did not extend to things smaller than a barleycorn.
[2179]De civitate Dei, XVIII, 22. In commenting on Genesis (PL 34, 445) he speaks even more harshly of “that absurd and harmful notion of the changing of souls and of men into beasts, or of beasts into men”; but perhaps he has reference to the doctrine of transmigration of souls rather than to magic transformations.
[2179]De civitate Dei, XVIII, 22. In commenting on Genesis (PL 34, 445) he speaks even more harshly of “that absurd and harmful notion of the changing of souls and of men into beasts, or of beasts into men”; but perhaps he has reference to the doctrine of transmigration of souls rather than to magic transformations.
[2180]Confessions, X, 42, in PL vol. 32.
[2180]Confessions, X, 42, in PL vol. 32.
[2181]Quaest. VI; PL 40, 162-5.
[2181]Quaest. VI; PL 40, 162-5.
[2182]II, 3; PL 40, 142-4.
[2182]II, 3; PL 40, 142-4.
[2183]De civitate Dei, XXI, 4-6; PL 41, 712-6.
[2183]De civitate Dei, XXI, 4-6; PL 41, 712-6.
[2184]De Genesi ad litteram, XI, 28-9; PL 34, 444-5.
[2184]De Genesi ad litteram, XI, 28-9; PL 34, 444-5.
[2185]Confessions, X, 35; in PL vol. 32.
[2185]Confessions, X, 35; in PL vol. 32.
[2186]II, 20 and 29.
[2186]II, 20 and 29.
[2187]IV, 2-3.
[2187]IV, 2-3.
[2188]PL 39, 2268-72.
[2188]PL 39, 2268-72.
[2189]Sermo CXXX, PL 39, 2004-5.
[2189]Sermo CXXX, PL 39, 2004-5.
[2190]II, 21-3; PL 34, 51-3.
[2190]II, 21-3; PL 34, 51-3.
[2191]De civitate Dei, V, 7.
[2191]De civitate Dei, V, 7.
[2192]Confessions, VII, 6.
[2192]Confessions, VII, 6.
[2193]Unless otherwise noted, the ensuing arguments are found inThe City of God, V, 1-7.
[2193]Unless otherwise noted, the ensuing arguments are found inThe City of God, V, 1-7.
[2194]De Genesi ad litteram, II, 17; PL 34, 278.De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 45; PL 40, 28-9.Epistola246; PL 33, 1061.Sermo109; PL 38, 1027.
[2194]De Genesi ad litteram, II, 17; PL 34, 278.De diversis quaestionibus, cap. 45; PL 40, 28-9.Epistola246; PL 33, 1061.Sermo109; PL 38, 1027.
[2195]Confessions, IV, 2-3.
[2195]Confessions, IV, 2-3.
[2196]See below, chapter 24.
[2196]See below, chapter 24.
[2197]De Genesi ad litteram, XII, 22 and 17 and 12; PL 34, 472-3, 467-9, 464-5. See also the marvelous divinations of Albicerius recounted inContra Academicos, I, 6; PL 32, 914-5.
[2197]De Genesi ad litteram, XII, 22 and 17 and 12; PL 34, 472-3, 467-9, 464-5. See also the marvelous divinations of Albicerius recounted inContra Academicos, I, 6; PL 32, 914-5.
[2198]Sermones199 and 374; PL 38, 1027-8, and 39, 1666.Contra Faustum, II, 15; PL 42, 212.
[2198]Sermones199 and 374; PL 38, 1027-8, and 39, 1666.Contra Faustum, II, 15; PL 42, 212.
[2199]InQuaestiones ex Novo Testamento, Quaest. 63, PL 35, 2258, which is probably a spurious work but was cited as Augustine’s by Thomas Aquinas (Summa, III, 36, v), Balaam is said to have warned the Magi to watch for the star. It is also asserted, however, that “these Chaldean Magi watched the course of the stars, not from malevolence, but curiosity concerning nature” (Hi Magi chaldaei non malevolentia astrorum cursum sed rerum curiositate speculabantur).
[2199]InQuaestiones ex Novo Testamento, Quaest. 63, PL 35, 2258, which is probably a spurious work but was cited as Augustine’s by Thomas Aquinas (Summa, III, 36, v), Balaam is said to have warned the Magi to watch for the star. It is also asserted, however, that “these Chaldean Magi watched the course of the stars, not from malevolence, but curiosity concerning nature” (Hi Magi chaldaei non malevolentia astrorum cursum sed rerum curiositate speculabantur).
[2200]Enchiridion, sive de fide, spe, et charitate, I, 58; PL 40, 259-60.De civitate Dei, XIII, 16; PL 41, 388.De Genesi ad litteram, II, 18; PL 34, 279-80.
[2200]Enchiridion, sive de fide, spe, et charitate, I, 58; PL 40, 259-60.De civitate Dei, XIII, 16; PL 41, 388.De Genesi ad litteram, II, 18; PL 34, 279-80.
[2201]Orosii ad Augustinum Consultatio sive Commonitorium de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, PL 31, 1211-22; also in G. Schepss (1889), in CSEL XVIII.Augustini ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas, PL 41, 669,et seq.Augustine also discusses the Priscillianists inEpistle237, PL 33, 1034,et seq., where he makes no charge either of magic or astrology against them.
[2201]Orosii ad Augustinum Consultatio sive Commonitorium de errore Priscillianistarum et Origenistarum, PL 31, 1211-22; also in G. Schepss (1889), in CSEL XVIII.Augustini ad Orosium contra Priscillianistas et Origenistas, PL 41, 669,et seq.Augustine also discusses the Priscillianists inEpistle237, PL 33, 1034,et seq., where he makes no charge either of magic or astrology against them.
[2202]This charge was later repeated by St. Leo,Epistola XV; see Withington,History of Medicine, 1894, p. 178; but the offense would seem a trivial one in any case.
[2202]This charge was later repeated by St. Leo,Epistola XV; see Withington,History of Medicine, 1894, p. 178; but the offense would seem a trivial one in any case.
[2203]De principiis, I, 7.
[2203]De principiis, I, 7.
[2204]De doctrina Christiana, II, 29, in Migne, 34, 57.
[2204]De doctrina Christiana, II, 29, in Migne, 34, 57.
[2205]De Genesi ad litteram, II, 16, in Migne, 34, 277.
[2205]De Genesi ad litteram, II, 16, in Migne, 34, 277.
[2206]De civitate Dei, XI, 30-31. He says about the same things concerning six and seven inDe Genesi ad litteram, IV, 2.
[2206]De civitate Dei, XI, 30-31. He says about the same things concerning six and seven inDe Genesi ad litteram, IV, 2.
[2207]Sermo supposititius21, in Migne, PL XXXIX, 1783, “De convenientia decem preceptorum et decem plagarum Egypti. Non est sine causa, fratres dilectissimi, quod preceptorum legis Dei numerus cum numero plagarum quibus Aegyptus percutitur exaequari videtur.”
[2207]Sermo supposititius21, in Migne, PL XXXIX, 1783, “De convenientia decem preceptorum et decem plagarum Egypti. Non est sine causa, fratres dilectissimi, quod preceptorum legis Dei numerus cum numero plagarum quibus Aegyptus percutitur exaequari videtur.”
[2208]Cambridge Medieval History, I, 9.
[2208]Cambridge Medieval History, I, 9.
[2209]The Greek work,Hermippus or Concerning Astrology, however, can no longer be regarded as an example of Christian belief in astrology at this period, since F. Boll,Heidelberger Akad. Sitzb., 1912, No. 18, has shown it to be a fourteenth century work of John Katrarios, who makes use of a Greek translation of Albumasar.
[2209]The Greek work,Hermippus or Concerning Astrology, however, can no longer be regarded as an example of Christian belief in astrology at this period, since F. Boll,Heidelberger Akad. Sitzb., 1912, No. 18, has shown it to be a fourteenth century work of John Katrarios, who makes use of a Greek translation of Albumasar.
[2210]For bibliography see F. Boll’s “Firmicus” in PW. It does not include my article written subsequently on “A Roman Astrologer as a Historical Source: Julius Firmicus Maternus,” inClassical Philology, VIII, No. 4, pp. 415-35, October, 1913. For bibliography see also Kroll et Skutsch, II, xxxiv.
[2210]For bibliography see F. Boll’s “Firmicus” in PW. It does not include my article written subsequently on “A Roman Astrologer as a Historical Source: Julius Firmicus Maternus,” inClassical Philology, VIII, No. 4, pp. 415-35, October, 1913. For bibliography see also Kroll et Skutsch, II, xxxiv.
[2211]The edition ofDe errore profanarum religionumby K. Ziegler, Leipzig, 1907, is more critical than that in Migne, PL.
[2211]The edition ofDe errore profanarum religionumby K. Ziegler, Leipzig, 1907, is more critical than that in Migne, PL.
[2212]Iulii Firmici Materni Matheseos Libri VIII, ed. W. Kroll et F. Skutsch,Fasciculus prior libros IV priores et quinti prooemium continens, Leipzig, 1897;Fasciculus alter libros IV posteriores cum praefatione et indicibus continens, 1913. My references will be by page and line to this text, unless otherwise noted. Earlier editions, which I used for the later books before 1913, are theeditio princeps, Julius Firmicus de nativitatibus, ... Impressum Venetiis per Symonem papiensem dictum bivilaqua, 1497 die 13 Iunii, cxv fols.; the Aldine edition of 1499 containing apparent interpolations,Julii Firmici Astronomicorum libri octo integri et emendati ex Scythicis oris ad nos nuper allati....; and the Basel editions of 1533 and 1551 by M. Pruckner which reproduce the Aldine text. See Kroll et Skutsch, II, xxxiii, for another reproduction of the Aldine text, printed in 1503, and p. xxviii for a partial edition of books 3-5 of theMathesisin 1488 and 1494 inOpus Astrolabii plani ... a Iohanne Angeli.
[2212]Iulii Firmici Materni Matheseos Libri VIII, ed. W. Kroll et F. Skutsch,Fasciculus prior libros IV priores et quinti prooemium continens, Leipzig, 1897;Fasciculus alter libros IV posteriores cum praefatione et indicibus continens, 1913. My references will be by page and line to this text, unless otherwise noted. Earlier editions, which I used for the later books before 1913, are theeditio princeps, Julius Firmicus de nativitatibus, ... Impressum Venetiis per Symonem papiensem dictum bivilaqua, 1497 die 13 Iunii, cxv fols.; the Aldine edition of 1499 containing apparent interpolations,Julii Firmici Astronomicorum libri octo integri et emendati ex Scythicis oris ad nos nuper allati....; and the Basel editions of 1533 and 1551 by M. Pruckner which reproduce the Aldine text. See Kroll et Skutsch, II, xxxiii, for another reproduction of the Aldine text, printed in 1503, and p. xxviii for a partial edition of books 3-5 of theMathesisin 1488 and 1494 inOpus Astrolabii plani ... a Iohanne Angeli.
[2213]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 3, 27.
[2213]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 3, 27.
[2214]Boll in PW, VI, 2365.
[2214]Boll in PW, VI, 2365.
[2215]Hermes, XXIX, 468-72. The treatise could not have been composed before 334 since Firmicus (I, 13, 23) refers to an eclipse in the consulship of Optatus and Paulinus which occurred in that year.
[2215]Hermes, XXIX, 468-72. The treatise could not have been composed before 334 since Firmicus (I, 13, 23) refers to an eclipse in the consulship of Optatus and Paulinus which occurred in that year.
[2216]For instance, at I, 37, 25, “Constantinus scilicet maximus divi Constantini filius,” might as well be rendered, “Constantius, son of Constantine,” as “Constantine, son of Constantius.”
[2216]For instance, at I, 37, 25, “Constantinus scilicet maximus divi Constantini filius,” might as well be rendered, “Constantius, son of Constantine,” as “Constantine, son of Constantius.”
[2217]I, 1, 3, “Olim tibi hos libellos, Mavorti decus nostrum, me dicaturum esse promiseram verum diu me inconstantia verecundiae retardavit.”
[2217]I, 1, 3, “Olim tibi hos libellos, Mavorti decus nostrum, me dicaturum esse promiseram verum diu me inconstantia verecundiae retardavit.”
[2218]I, 195-6.
[2218]I, 195-6.
[2219]Ammianus Marcellinus, XVI, 8, 5, “iubetur Mavortius, tunc praefectus praetorio, vir sublimis constantiae, crimen acri inquisitione spectari.”
[2219]Ammianus Marcellinus, XVI, 8, 5, “iubetur Mavortius, tunc praefectus praetorio, vir sublimis constantiae, crimen acri inquisitione spectari.”
[2220]Ziegler, p. 7, “Physica ratio quam dicis, alio genere celetur”; p. 9, “quod dicant physica ratione conpositum.”
[2220]Ziegler, p. 7, “Physica ratio quam dicis, alio genere celetur”; p. 9, “quod dicant physica ratione conpositum.”
[2221]Ziegler, p. 5.
[2221]Ziegler, p. 5.
[2222]Ziegler, p. 23.
[2222]Ziegler, p. 23.
[2223]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 86, 12-21.
[2223]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 86, 12-21.
[2224]Ziegler, pp. 15, 38, 39, 64, 67, 81, 82, “sacratissimi imperatores”; pp. 31, 40, “sacrosancti principes”; p. 65, “sanctarum aurium vestrarum.”
[2224]Ziegler, pp. 15, 38, 39, 64, 67, 81, 82, “sacratissimi imperatores”; pp. 31, 40, “sacrosancti principes”; p. 65, “sanctarum aurium vestrarum.”
[2225]Ziegler, pp. 53-4.
[2225]Ziegler, pp. 53-4.
[2226]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 17-18.
[2226]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 17-18.
[2227]See my “A Roman Astrologer as a Historical Source,”Classical Philology, VIII, 415-35, especially p. 421.
[2227]See my “A Roman Astrologer as a Historical Source,”Classical Philology, VIII, 415-35, especially p. 421.
[2228]I, 16, 20, “Summo illi ac rectori deo, qui omnia perpetua legis dispositione composuit....”
[2228]I, 16, 20, “Summo illi ac rectori deo, qui omnia perpetua legis dispositione composuit....”
[2229]I, 16, 14; I, 57, 2; I, 90, 11, to 91, 10.
[2229]I, 16, 14; I, 57, 2; I, 90, 11, to 91, 10.
[2230]I, 280, 2-28.
[2230]I, 280, 2-28.
[2231]Besides the prayer just quoted, see I, 18, 10-13. See also the long prayer at the end of the first book to the planets and supreme God for the successful continuance of the dynasty of Constantine.
[2231]Besides the prayer just quoted, see I, 18, 10-13. See also the long prayer at the end of the first book to the planets and supreme God for the successful continuance of the dynasty of Constantine.
[2232]I, 18, 25-9.
[2232]I, 18, 25-9.
[2233]I, 85-89 (Book II, chapter 30).
[2233]I, 85-89 (Book II, chapter 30).
[2234]I, 17, 2-23.
[2234]I, 17, 2-23.
[2235]I, 10, 3-.
[2235]I, 10, 3-.
[2236]I, 11, 7-.
[2236]I, 11, 7-.
[2237]Book I, Chapter 4 (I, 11-15).
[2237]Book I, Chapter 4 (I, 11-15).
[2238]Book I, Chapter 7 (I, 19-30).
[2238]Book I, Chapter 7 (I, 19-30).
[2239]For a fuller exposition of this quantitative method of source-analysis and the results obtained thereby see Thorndike (1913), pp. 415-35.
[2239]For a fuller exposition of this quantitative method of source-analysis and the results obtained thereby see Thorndike (1913), pp. 415-35.
[2240]Temple-robbers, 5; servile or ignoble employ in temples, 5; spending one’s time in temples, 4; builders of temples, 3; beneficiaries of temples, 3; temple guards, 2;neocori, 3; and so on, making 35 references to temples in all. It is perhaps worth remarking that H. O. Taylor,The Classical Heritage, 1901, p. 80, notes that Synesius about 400 A. D. speaks of the Christian churches at Constantinople as “temples.”
[2240]Temple-robbers, 5; servile or ignoble employ in temples, 5; spending one’s time in temples, 4; builders of temples, 3; beneficiaries of temples, 3; temple guards, 2;neocori, 3; and so on, making 35 references to temples in all. It is perhaps worth remarking that H. O. Taylor,The Classical Heritage, 1901, p. 80, notes that Synesius about 400 A. D. speaks of the Christian churches at Constantinople as “temples.”
[2241]Chief priests, 5; priests, 9; of provinces, 1; priestess, 1; priests of Cybele (archigalli), 3;Asiarchae, 1; priest of some great goddess, 1; illicit rites, 1. There are 27 passages concerning divination.
[2241]Chief priests, 5; priests, 9; of provinces, 1; priestess, 1; priests of Cybele (archigalli), 3;Asiarchae, 1; priest of some great goddess, 1; illicit rites, 1. There are 27 passages concerning divination.
[2242]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 148, 8 and 123, 4.
[2242]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 148, 8 and 123, 4.
[2243]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 201, 6.
[2243]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 201, 6.
[2244]Cumont says (Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, p. 188): “But the ancients expressly distinguished ‘magic,’ which was always under suspicion and disapproved of, from the legitimate and honorable art for which the name ‘theurgy’ was invented.” This distinction was made by Porphyry and others, and is alluded to by Augustine in theCity of God, but it is to be noted that Firmicus does not use the word “theurgy.” Cumont also states (p. 179) that in the last period of paganism the name philosopher was finally applied to all adepts in occult science. But in Firmicus, while magic and philosophy are associated in two passages, there are five other allusions to magic and three separate mentions of philosophers.
[2244]Cumont says (Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism, p. 188): “But the ancients expressly distinguished ‘magic,’ which was always under suspicion and disapproved of, from the legitimate and honorable art for which the name ‘theurgy’ was invented.” This distinction was made by Porphyry and others, and is alluded to by Augustine in theCity of God, but it is to be noted that Firmicus does not use the word “theurgy.” Cumont also states (p. 179) that in the last period of paganism the name philosopher was finally applied to all adepts in occult science. But in Firmicus, while magic and philosophy are associated in two passages, there are five other allusions to magic and three separate mentions of philosophers.
[2245]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 161, 26.
[2245]Kroll et Skutsch, I, 161, 26.
[2246]Computus, 3;calculus, 2; and “those who excel at numbers,” 1.
[2246]Computus, 3;calculus, 2; and “those who excel at numbers,” 1.
[2247]Including two mentions of court physicians (archiatri). SeeCodex Theod., Lib. XIII, Tit. 3,passim, for their position.
[2247]Including two mentions of court physicians (archiatri). SeeCodex Theod., Lib. XIII, Tit. 3,passim, for their position.
[2248]I leave this sentence as I wrote it in 1913.
[2248]I leave this sentence as I wrote it in 1913.
[2249]Aestus animi, 5; insanity, 13; lunatics, 10; epileptics, 8; melancholia, 3; inflammation of the brain (frenetici), 4; delirium, dementia, demoniacs, alienation, and madness, one or two each; vague allusions to mental ills and injuries, 5.
[2249]Aestus animi, 5; insanity, 13; lunatics, 10; epileptics, 8; melancholia, 3; inflammation of the brain (frenetici), 4; delirium, dementia, demoniacs, alienation, and madness, one or two each; vague allusions to mental ills and injuries, 5.
[2250]In his last chapter he says, “Take then, my dear Mavortius, what I promised you with extreme trepidation of spirit, these seven books composed conformably to the order and number of the seven planets. For the first book deals only with the defense of the art; but in the other books we have transmitted to the Romans the discipline of a new work,” (II, 360, 10-15). And in the introduction to the fifth book he writes, “We have written these books for your Romans lest, when every other art and science had been translated, this task should seem to remain unattempted by Roman genius,” (I, 280, 28-30).
[2250]In his last chapter he says, “Take then, my dear Mavortius, what I promised you with extreme trepidation of spirit, these seven books composed conformably to the order and number of the seven planets. For the first book deals only with the defense of the art; but in the other books we have transmitted to the Romans the discipline of a new work,” (II, 360, 10-15). And in the introduction to the fifth book he writes, “We have written these books for your Romans lest, when every other art and science had been translated, this task should seem to remain unattempted by Roman genius,” (I, 280, 28-30).
[2251]I, 41, 7 and 15; I, 40, 9-11.
[2251]I, 41, 7 and 15; I, 40, 9-11.
[2252]I, 41, 5 and 11; I, 40, 8.
[2252]I, 41, 5 and 11; I, 40, 8.
[2253]They are listed by Kroll et Skutsch, II, 362,Index auctorum.
[2253]They are listed by Kroll et Skutsch, II, 362,Index auctorum.
[2254]II, 294, 12-21.
[2254]II, 294, 12-21.
[2255]Kroll et Skutsch, II, p. iii.
[2255]Kroll et Skutsch, II, p. iii.
[2256]I, 258, 10, “in singulari libro, quem de domino geniturae et chronocratore ad Murinum nostrum scripsimus”; II, 229, 23, “exeo libro qui de fine vitae a nobis scriptus est.”
[2256]I, 258, 10, “in singulari libro, quem de domino geniturae et chronocratore ad Murinum nostrum scripsimus”; II, 229, 23, “exeo libro qui de fine vitae a nobis scriptus est.”
[2257]II, 18, 24; II, 283, 19.
[2257]II, 18, 24; II, 283, 19.
[2258]Engelbrecht,Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches Compendium, Vienna, 1887.
[2258]Engelbrecht,Hephästion von Theben und sein astrologisches Compendium, Vienna, 1887.
[2259]De vita sua, inLibanii sophistae praeludia oratoria LXXII declamationes XLV et dissertationes morales, Federicus Morellus regius interpres e MSS maxime reg. bibliothecae nunc primum edidit idemque Latine vertit ... ad Henricum IV regem Christianissimum, Paris, 1606, II, 15-18.
[2259]De vita sua, inLibanii sophistae praeludia oratoria LXXII declamationes XLV et dissertationes morales, Federicus Morellus regius interpres e MSS maxime reg. bibliothecae nunc primum edidit idemque Latine vertit ... ad Henricum IV regem Christianissimum, Paris, 1606, II, 15-18.
[2260]Magi accusatio,Ibid., I, 898-911.
[2260]Magi accusatio,Ibid., I, 898-911.
[2261]De vita sua, Opera, II, 2-3.
[2261]De vita sua, Opera, II, 2-3.
[2262]X, 196, 11,De sepulcro incantato.
[2262]X, 196, 11,De sepulcro incantato.
[2263]My citations of Synesius’ works, unless otherwise noted, are from the edition:Synesii Cyrenaei Quae Extant Opera Omnia, ed. J. G. Krabinger, Landshut, 1850, vol. I, which has alone appeared. The older edition of Petavius with Latin translation is reprinted in Migne PG, vol. 66, 1021-1756. For a French translation, with several introductory essays, see H. Druon,Œuvres de Synésius, Paris, 1878. TheLettersandHymnshave often been published separately. For this and other further bibliography see Christ,Gesch. d. griech. Litt., 1913, II, ii, 1167-71, where, however, no note is taken of Berthelot’s discussion of Synesius as a reputed author of alchemistic treatises.Some works on Synesius are: H. Druon,Études sur la vie et les œuvres de Synésius, Paris, 1859; R. Volkmann,Synesius von Cyrene, Berlin, 1869; W. S. Crawford,Synesius the Hellene, London, 1901; G. Grützmacher,Synesios von Kyrene, Leipzig, 1913. In periodicals: F. X. Kraus inTheol. Quartalschrift, 1865 and 1866; O. Seeck, inPhilologus, 1893.
[2263]My citations of Synesius’ works, unless otherwise noted, are from the edition:Synesii Cyrenaei Quae Extant Opera Omnia, ed. J. G. Krabinger, Landshut, 1850, vol. I, which has alone appeared. The older edition of Petavius with Latin translation is reprinted in Migne PG, vol. 66, 1021-1756. For a French translation, with several introductory essays, see H. Druon,Œuvres de Synésius, Paris, 1878. TheLettersandHymnshave often been published separately. For this and other further bibliography see Christ,Gesch. d. griech. Litt., 1913, II, ii, 1167-71, where, however, no note is taken of Berthelot’s discussion of Synesius as a reputed author of alchemistic treatises.
Some works on Synesius are: H. Druon,Études sur la vie et les œuvres de Synésius, Paris, 1859; R. Volkmann,Synesius von Cyrene, Berlin, 1869; W. S. Crawford,Synesius the Hellene, London, 1901; G. Grützmacher,Synesios von Kyrene, Leipzig, 1913. In periodicals: F. X. Kraus inTheol. Quartalschrift, 1865 and 1866; O. Seeck, inPhilologus, 1893.
[2264]See Crawford,op. cit., and monographs listed in Christ,op. cit., p. 1168, notes 4 and 8.
[2264]See Crawford,op. cit., and monographs listed in Christ,op. cit., p. 1168, notes 4 and 8.
[2265]The date is variously stated as 411, 406, or 410.
[2265]The date is variously stated as 411, 406, or 410.
[2266]A. J. Kleffner,Synesius von Cyrene ... und sein angeblicher Vorbehalt bei seiner Wahl und Weihe zum Bischof von Ptolemais, Paderborn, 1901. H. Koch,Synesius von Cyrene bei seiner Wahl und Weihe zum Bischof, inHist. Jahrb., XXIII (1902), pp. 751-74.
[2266]A. J. Kleffner,Synesius von Cyrene ... und sein angeblicher Vorbehalt bei seiner Wahl und Weihe zum Bischof von Ptolemais, Paderborn, 1901. H. Koch,Synesius von Cyrene bei seiner Wahl und Weihe zum Bischof, inHist. Jahrb., XXIII (1902), pp. 751-74.
[2267]Christ,op. cit., p. 1168, note 1.
[2267]Christ,op. cit., p. 1168, note 1.
[2268]Ibid., p. 1170, citing K. Prächter, inGenethliakon für C. Robert, 1910, p. 244,et seq.
[2268]Ibid., p. 1170, citing K. Prächter, inGenethliakon für C. Robert, 1910, p. 244,et seq.
[2269]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (On dreams), ch. 2.
[2269]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (On dreams), ch. 2.
[2270]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (On Dreams), ch. 3. Ἔδει γὰρ, οἶμαι, τοῦ παντὸς τούτου συμπαθοῦς τε ὄντος καὶ σύμπνου τὰ μέρη προσήκειν ἀλλήλοις, ἅτε ἑνὸς ὅλου τὰ μέλη τυγχάνοντα. Καὶ μή ποτε αἱ μάγων ἴυγγες αὗται; καὶ γὰρ θέλγεται παρ’ ἀλλήλων, ὥσπερ σημαίνεται· καὶ σοφὸς ὁ εἰδὼς τὴν τῶν μερῶν τοῦ κόσμου συγγένειαν. Ἕλκει γὰρ ἄλλο δί’ ἄλλον, ἔχων ἐνέχυρα παρόντα τῶν πλεῖστον ἀπόντων, καὶ φωνὰς, καὶ ὕλας καὶ σχήματα....EvidentlySynesius did not regard the magi as mere imposters.
[2270]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (On Dreams), ch. 3. Ἔδει γὰρ, οἶμαι, τοῦ παντὸς τούτου συμπαθοῦς τε ὄντος καὶ σύμπνου τὰ μέρη προσήκειν ἀλλήλοις, ἅτε ἑνὸς ὅλου τὰ μέλη τυγχάνοντα. Καὶ μή ποτε αἱ μάγων ἴυγγες αὗται; καὶ γὰρ θέλγεται παρ’ ἀλλήλων, ὥσπερ σημαίνεται· καὶ σοφὸς ὁ εἰδὼς τὴν τῶν μερῶν τοῦ κόσμου συγγένειαν. Ἕλκει γὰρ ἄλλο δί’ ἄλλον, ἔχων ἐνέχυρα παρόντα τῶν πλεῖστον ἀπόντων, καὶ φωνὰς, καὶ ὕλας καὶ σχήματα....EvidentlySynesius did not regard the magi as mere imposters.
[2271]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 3. Καὶ δὴ καὶ θεῷ τινὶ τῶν εἴσω τοῦ κόσμου λίθος ἐνθένδε καὶ βοτάνη προσήκει, οἷς ὁμοιοπαθῶν εἴκει τῇ φύσει καὶ γοητεύεται. In hisPraise of Baldness(Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον), ch. 10, Synesius tells how the Egyptians attract demons by magic influences.
[2271]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 3. Καὶ δὴ καὶ θεῷ τινὶ τῶν εἴσω τοῦ κόσμου λίθος ἐνθένδε καὶ βοτάνη προσήκει, οἷς ὁμοιοπαθῶν εἴκει τῇ φύσει καὶ γοητεύεται. In hisPraise of Baldness(Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον), ch. 10, Synesius tells how the Egyptians attract demons by magic influences.
[2272]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 1. Αὗται μὲν ἀποδείξεις ἔστων τοῦ μαντείαν ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις εἶναι τῶν ἐπιτηδευομένων ἀνθρώποις.
[2272]Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 1. Αὗται μὲν ἀποδείξεις ἔστων τοῦ μαντείαν ἐν τοῖς ἀρίστοις εἶναι τῶν ἐπιτηδευομένων ἀνθρώποις.
[2273]Ibid., ch. 18.
[2273]Ibid., ch. 18.
[2274]Δίων ἢ περὶ τῆς κατ’ αὐτὸν διαγωγῆς.
[2274]Δίων ἢ περὶ τῆς κατ’ αὐτὸν διαγωγῆς.
[2275]Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον, ch. 10.
[2275]Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον, ch. 10.
[2276]Αἰγύπτιοι ἢ περὶ προνοίας, bk. ii, ch. 7.
[2276]Αἰγύπτιοι ἢ περὶ προνοίας, bk. ii, ch. 7.
[2277]Πρὸς Παιόνιον περὶ τοῦ δώρου, ch. 5.
[2277]Πρὸς Παιόνιον περὶ τοῦ δώρου, ch. 5.
[2278]Δίων, ch. 7. Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 4. Ἐπιστολαί, 4, 49, and 142.
[2278]Δίων, ch. 7. Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 4. Ἐπιστολαί, 4, 49, and 142.
[2279]On Synesius as an alchemist see Berthelot (1885), pp. 65, 188-90; (1889), p. ix.
[2279]On Synesius as an alchemist see Berthelot (1885), pp. 65, 188-90; (1889), p. ix.
[2280]T. R. Glover,Life and Letters in the Fourth Century A. D., Cambridge, 1901, p. 187, note 1.
[2280]T. R. Glover,Life and Letters in the Fourth Century A. D., Cambridge, 1901, p. 187, note 1.
[2281]Saturnalia, I, xvi, 12.
[2281]Saturnalia, I, xvi, 12.
[2282]Commentary on the Dream of Scipio, II, 17, “Universa philosophiae integritas”; ed. Nisard, Paris, 1883.
[2282]Commentary on the Dream of Scipio, II, 17, “Universa philosophiae integritas”; ed. Nisard, Paris, 1883.
[2283]Ibid., I, 5-6; II, 1-2.
[2283]Ibid., I, 5-6; II, 1-2.
[2284]Ibid., I, 7.
[2284]Ibid., I, 7.
[2285]Ibid., I, 19.
[2285]Ibid., I, 19.
[2286]Ibid., I, 14.
[2286]Ibid., I, 14.
[2287]Glover (1901), p. 178.
[2287]Glover (1901), p. 178.
[2288]De nuptiis philologiae et mercurii et de septem artibus liberalibus libri novem, Lugduni apud haeredes Simonis Vincentii, 1539; ed. U. F. Kopp, Frankfurt, 1836; ed. F. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1866.
[2288]De nuptiis philologiae et mercurii et de septem artibus liberalibus libri novem, Lugduni apud haeredes Simonis Vincentii, 1539; ed. U. F. Kopp, Frankfurt, 1836; ed. F. Eyssenhardt, Leipzig, 1866.
[2289]It occurs toward the close of the second book.
[2289]It occurs toward the close of the second book.
[2290]In Kopp’s edition pp. 202-23 are almost entirely taken up with notes setting forth other passages in the classics concerning such spirits.
[2290]In Kopp’s edition pp. 202-23 are almost entirely taken up with notes setting forth other passages in the classics concerning such spirits.
[2291]Greek text in Migne, PG 3, 119-370.
[2291]Greek text in Migne, PG 3, 119-370.
[2292]Migne, PL 122, 1037-70.
[2292]Migne, PL 122, 1037-70.
[2293]The following bibliography includes the editions of the texts concerned and the chief critical researches in the field. A. Ausfeld,Zur Kritik des griechischen Alexanderromans; Untersuchungen über die unechten Teile der ältesten Ueberlieferung, Karlsruhe, 1894. A. Ausfeld and W. Kroll,Der griechische Alexanderroman, Leipzig, 1907. H. Becker,Die Brahmannen in der Alexandersage, Königsberg, 1889, 34 pp. E. A. W. Budge,History of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 1889; the Syriac version of thePseudo-Callisthenesedited from five MSS, with an English translation and notes. E. A. W. Budge,The Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 1896; Ethiopic Histories of Alexander by the Pseudo-Callisthenes and other writers. D. Carrarioli,La leggenda di Alessandro Magno, 1892. G. G. Cillié,De Iulii Valerii epitoma Oxoniensi, Strasburg, 1905. G. Favre,Recherches sur les histoires fabuleuses d’Alexandre le Grand, inMélanges d’hist. litt., II (1856), 5-184. Ethé,Alexanders Zug zur Lebensquelle im Lande der Finsterniss, inAtti dell’ Accademia di Monaco, 1871. B. Kübler,Julius Valerius; Res gestae Alexandri Macedonis, Leipzig, 1888 (see pp.xxv-xxvi for further bibliography). Levi,La légende d’Alexandre dans le Talmud, inRevue des Études juives, I (1880), 293-300. Meusel,Pseudo-Callisthenes nach der Leidener Handschrift herausgegeben, Leipzig, 1871. M. P. H. Meyer,Alexandre le Grand dans la littérature française du moyen âge, 2 vols., Paris, 1886. C. Müller,Scriptores rerum Alexandri Magni, Firmin-Didot, Paris, 1846 and 1877 (bound with Arrian, ed. Fr. Dübner); the first edition of the Greek text of thePseudo-Callisthenesfrom three Paris MSS, also Julius Valerius, etc. Noeldeke,Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans, Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philos. Hist. Classe, vol. 38, Vienna, 1890; Budge says of this work, “Professor Noeldeke discusses in his characteristic masterly manner the Greek, Syriac, Hebrew, Persian, and Arabic versions, and ably shows how each is related to the other, and how certain variations in the narrative have arisen. No other writer before him was able to control, by knowledge at first hand, the statements of both the Aryan and Semitic versions; his work is therefore of unique value.”Padmuthiun Acheksandri Maketonazwui, I Wenedig i dparani serbuin Chazaru, Hami, 1842; the Armenian version published by the Mechitarists, Venice, 1842. F. Pfister,Kleine Texte zum Alexanderroman, Heidelberg, 1910;Sammlung vulgärlateinischer Texte herausg. v. W. Heraeus u. H. Morf, 4 Heft. Spiegel,Die Alexandersage bei den Orientalen, Leipzig, 1851. Vogelstein,Adnotationes quaedam ex litteris orientalibus petitae quae de Alexandro Magno circumferuntur, Warsaw, 1865. A. Westermann,De Callisthene Olynthio et Pseudo-Callisthene Commentatio, 1838-1842. J. Zacher,Pseudo-Callisthenes: Forschungen zur Kritik und Geschichte der ältesten Aufzeichnung der Alexandersage, Halle, 1867 (see pp.2-3 for further bibliography of works written before 1851). J. Zacher,Julii Valerii Epitome, zum ersten mal herausgegeben, Halle, 1867.
[2293]The following bibliography includes the editions of the texts concerned and the chief critical researches in the field. A. Ausfeld,Zur Kritik des griechischen Alexanderromans; Untersuchungen über die unechten Teile der ältesten Ueberlieferung, Karlsruhe, 1894. A. Ausfeld and W. Kroll,Der griechische Alexanderroman, Leipzig, 1907. H. Becker,Die Brahmannen in der Alexandersage, Königsberg, 1889, 34 pp. E. A. W. Budge,History of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 1889; the Syriac version of thePseudo-Callisthenesedited from five MSS, with an English translation and notes. E. A. W. Budge,The Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great, Cambridge University Press, 1896; Ethiopic Histories of Alexander by the Pseudo-Callisthenes and other writers. D. Carrarioli,La leggenda di Alessandro Magno, 1892. G. G. Cillié,De Iulii Valerii epitoma Oxoniensi, Strasburg, 1905. G. Favre,Recherches sur les histoires fabuleuses d’Alexandre le Grand, inMélanges d’hist. litt., II (1856), 5-184. Ethé,Alexanders Zug zur Lebensquelle im Lande der Finsterniss, inAtti dell’ Accademia di Monaco, 1871. B. Kübler,Julius Valerius; Res gestae Alexandri Macedonis, Leipzig, 1888 (see pp.xxv-xxvi for further bibliography). Levi,La légende d’Alexandre dans le Talmud, inRevue des Études juives, I (1880), 293-300. Meusel,Pseudo-Callisthenes nach der Leidener Handschrift herausgegeben, Leipzig, 1871. M. P. H. Meyer,Alexandre le Grand dans la littérature française du moyen âge, 2 vols., Paris, 1886. C. Müller,Scriptores rerum Alexandri Magni, Firmin-Didot, Paris, 1846 and 1877 (bound with Arrian, ed. Fr. Dübner); the first edition of the Greek text of thePseudo-Callisthenesfrom three Paris MSS, also Julius Valerius, etc. Noeldeke,Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alexanderromans, Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philos. Hist. Classe, vol. 38, Vienna, 1890; Budge says of this work, “Professor Noeldeke discusses in his characteristic masterly manner the Greek, Syriac, Hebrew, Persian, and Arabic versions, and ably shows how each is related to the other, and how certain variations in the narrative have arisen. No other writer before him was able to control, by knowledge at first hand, the statements of both the Aryan and Semitic versions; his work is therefore of unique value.”Padmuthiun Acheksandri Maketonazwui, I Wenedig i dparani serbuin Chazaru, Hami, 1842; the Armenian version published by the Mechitarists, Venice, 1842. F. Pfister,Kleine Texte zum Alexanderroman, Heidelberg, 1910;Sammlung vulgärlateinischer Texte herausg. v. W. Heraeus u. H. Morf, 4 Heft. Spiegel,Die Alexandersage bei den Orientalen, Leipzig, 1851. Vogelstein,Adnotationes quaedam ex litteris orientalibus petitae quae de Alexandro Magno circumferuntur, Warsaw, 1865. A. Westermann,De Callisthene Olynthio et Pseudo-Callisthene Commentatio, 1838-1842. J. Zacher,Pseudo-Callisthenes: Forschungen zur Kritik und Geschichte der ältesten Aufzeichnung der Alexandersage, Halle, 1867 (see pp.2-3 for further bibliography of works written before 1851). J. Zacher,Julii Valerii Epitome, zum ersten mal herausgegeben, Halle, 1867.