Chapter 90

[2546]Brehaut (1912), p. 34.[2547]Migne, PL 82, 73, “Opus de origine quarumdam rerum, ex veteris lectionis recordatione collectum, atque ita in quibusdam locis adnotatum, sicut exstat conscriptum stylo maiorum.”[2548]See, for example,Etymol., VIII, 7, 3, “Vates a vi mentis appellatos, Varro auctor est.”[2549]Etymol., XX, 2, 37.[2550]Cassiodorus, however, urged the monks of the sixth century who cared for the sick to read Hippocrates and Galen as well as Dioscorides and Caelius Aurelianus; Brehaut (1912), p. 87, note, citing PL 70, 1146, in theDe instit. divin. litterarum.[2551]Etymol., XII, 4, 6 and 6, 34.[2552]Ibid., XII, 4, 12.[2553]Ibid., XII, 6, 56.[2554]Ibid., XVII, 7, 17 and 9, 36; XIX, 17, 8.[2555]Ibid., XVII, 9, 85.[2556]Ibid., XVII, 9, 30.[2557]Etymol., XVI, 15, 21-26.[2558]Ibid., XI, 3, 4, “quod plurimis etiam experimentis probatum est.”[2559]Brehaut (1912), p. 3.[2560]Etymol., XVI, 26, 10, from Epiphanius,Liber de ponderibus et mensuris.[2561]Hence, presumably, thesextarii, fromsex.[2562]“Mens hausti nulla sanie polluta veneniIncantata perit....”[2563]Migne, PL 83, 9.[2564]For Rabanus’ account see Migne, PL 110, 1097-1110; Burchard, PL 140, 839et seq.; Ivo, PL 161, 760et seq.; Hincmar, PL 125, 716-29. Moreover, Burchard continues to follow Rabanus word for word for some ten columns after the conclusion of their mutual excerpt from Isidore, while Ivo is identical with Burchard for fifteen more columns. In “Some Medieval Conceptions of Magic,”The Monist, January, 1915, XXV, 107-39, I stated (p. 109, note 2) that I thought that I was the first to point out the identity of these four accounts with Isidore’s.Since then, however, I have noticed that Manitius (1911), p. 299, notes the identity of Rabanus with Isidore, “Dass Hraban sich auch sonst ganz an Isidor anlehnt, beweist er in der SchriftDe consanguineorum nuptiisim Abschnittde magicis artibus(Migne, 109, 1097ff.) der ausEtym.8, 9 stammt.” Also Mr. C. C. I. Webb, in his 1909 edition of thePolycraticusnotes John of Salisbury’s borrowings from Isidore and Ivo of Chartres. Finally, J. Hansen,Zauberwahn, Inquisition, und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, 1900, at p. 49 notes that Isidore’s sketch of the history of magic keeps recurring in medieval writings, at p. 71 the dependence of Rabanus and Hincmar upon Isidore, and perhaps he somewhere notes the identity with the foregoing of the accounts of magic in Burchard and the other decretalists, but in the absence of an index to his volume I do not find such a passage. At p. 128, however, he notes that John of Salisbury’s description of magic is in part taken word for word from Isidore and Rabanus.Professor Hamilton, in one of his papers onStorm-Making Springs, which appeared at about the same time as my article (Romanic Review, V, 3, 1914; but, owing probably to war conditions, this issue did not actually appear until after the number ofThe Monistcontaining my article), came near noting the same thing when he spoke (p. 225) of Isidore’s chapter as “quoted at length” by Gratian—who seems to me, however, to give the substance of Isidore’s chapter rather than his exact wording—and further noted that four lines of Latin which he quoted were found alike in Rabanus, Hincmar, Ivo, and thePolycraticusof John of Salisbury.In my article I also stated: “Professor Burr, in a note to his paper on ‘The Literature of Witchcraft’ (American Historical Association Papers, IV (1890), p. 241) has described the accounts of Rabanus and Hincmar but without explicitly noting their close resemblance, although he characterizes Rabanus’ article as ‘mainly compiled.’” Professor Burr subsequently wrote to me, “That I did not mention the relation in my old paper on “The Literature of Witchcraft” was partly because they borrowed from other sources as well and partly because Isidore is himself a compiler. I hoped to come back to the matter in a more careful study of the whole genesis of these stock passages.”[2565]See below, chapter 60 on Aquinas.[2566]Etymol., VIII, 11, 15-17;Differentiarum, II, 14.[2567]Indeed,Differentiarum, II, 39, he defines astrology as he had astronomy inEtymol., III, 27. InEtymol., III, 25, he ascribes the invention of astronomy to the Egyptians and that of astrology to the Chaldeans.[2568]Caps. 14 and 27.[2569]De nat. rer., III, 4; PL 83, 968.[2570]Ibid., XIX, 2.[2571]Ibid., XXII, 2-3.[2572]Ibid., IX, 1-2.[2573]Ibid., XXVI, 15;Etymol., III, 71, 16.[2574]Etymol., XIV, 5, “vim sideris.”[2575]Ibid., IX, 2, “secundum diversitatem enim coeli.”[2576]Ibid., IV, 13, 4.[2577]De nat. rerum, XVIII, 5-7.[2578]History of the Anglo-Saxons, III, 403.[2579]Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought, 1884, p. 20; p. 18 in 1920 edition.[2580]Migne, PL 90, 293-4.[2581]A few MSS, chiefly from France, earlier than the 12th century, are: BN 5543, 9th century; BN 15685, 9th century; BN nouv. acq. 1612, 1615, and 1632, all 9th or 10th century; Amiens 222, 9th century; Cambrai 925, 9th century; Ivrea 3, 9th century; Ivrea 6, 10th century; Berlin 128, 8-9th century; Berlin 130, 9-10th century; CLM 18158, 11th century; CLM 21557, 11th century.I have not noted the MSS of Bede in the British Museum and Bodleian collections.[2582]PL 90, 187-278; the text occupies but a small portion of these columns.[2583]Ibid., Cap. 14.[2584]Ibid., Cap. 24.[2585]Ibid., Cap. 25.[2586]In Samuelem prophetam allegorica expositio, IV, 7; PL 91, 701.[2587]De tonitruis libellus ad Herefridum, PL 90, 609-14.[2588]See below, chapter 29.[2589]TheAenigmatum Liberforms a part of theLiber de septenario et de metrisin Aldhelm’s works as edited by Giles, Oxford, 1844, and reprinted in Migne, PL 89, 183-99.[2590]Cantimpré’s citations of Adhelmus seem almost certainly drawn from theAenigmatain the cases ofLeo,ciconia,hirundinus,nycticorax,salamander,luligo(or,loligo),perna,draguntia lapis(natrix),myrmicoleon,colossus, andmolossus. On the other hand, the citations concerningonocentaurdo not correspond to the riddleDe monocero sive unicorni; the two accounts of Scylla are different; and I do not findcacusoronageror harpy or siren or locust or the Indian ants larger than foxes in theRiddlesas edited by Giles.The passages in which Thomas of Cantimpré cites Adhelmus are printed together by Pitra (1855) III, 425-7.[2591]Pitra (1855) III, xxvi. Only in the case of the salamander does Pitra say, “Thomas huc adduxit Adhelmi Shirbrunensis aenigma de Salamandra vatemque a philosopho clare distinxit.”[2592]I have used the text in Migne, PL vol. 77.[2593]VariarumIV,Epist.22-23, Migne, PL 69, 624-25.[2594]I derive the following facts from E. C. Quiggin, “Irish Literature,” in EB V, 622et seq., where further bibliography is given.[2595]“The Gaelic medical MSS, whether preserved in Ireland, Scotland, or elsewhere, ... are all, or nearly all, of foreign origin”:—Mackinnon, in theInternational Congress of Medicine, London, 1913, p. 413.[2596]G. Flügel,Alkindi, genannt der Philosoph der Araber, ein Vorbild seiner Zeit, Leipzig, 1857.F. Dieterici,Die Naturanschauung und Naturphilosophie der Araber im zehnten Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1861.O. Loth,Al-Kindi als Astrolog.inMorgenländische Forschungen. Festschrift für Fleischer, Leipzig, 1875, pp. 263-309.A. Nagy,Die philosophischen Abhandlungen des Al-Kindis, 1897 inBeiträge z. Gesch. d. Philos. d. Mittelalt., II, 5.A. A. Björnbo and S. Vogl,Alkindi, Tideus, und Pseudo-Euclid, Drei Optische Werke, Leipzig, 1911, inAbhandl. z. Gesch. d. Math. Wiss., XXVI, 3.For further bibliography see the last-named work and Steinschneider (1905) 23-4, 47, (1906) 31-33.The Apology of Al Kindy(Sir Wm. Muir, London, 1882) is a defense of Christianity by another writer of about the same time.[2597]Astrorum iudicis Alkindi, Gaphar de pluviis imbribus et ventis ac aeris mutatione, ex officina Petri Liechtenstein: Venetiis, 1507.[2598]Amplon. Quarto 151, fols. 17-19.[2599]In the 1412 catalogue of Amplonius, Math. 48 was “Theorica Alkindi de radiis stellicis seu arcium magicarum vel de phisicis ligaturis”; and at present Amplon. Quarto 349, 14th century, fols. 47v, 65v, 66r-v, 16r-v, 29r, contains “Liber Alkindi de radiis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / Explicit theorica artis magis (sic). Explicit Alkindi de radiis stellicis.”Harleian 13, 13th century, given by John of London to St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury (#1166, James, 330-1), fols. 166-74, “de radiis stellicis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / explicit Theoria Artis Magice Alkindi.”Digby 91, 16th century, fols. 66-80, Alkindus de radiis stellarum, “Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”Digby 183, end 14th century, fols. 38-45.Selden supra 76 (Bernard 3464), fols. 47r-60v, “Incipit theoreita artium magicarum. Capitulum de origine scientie. Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”; Selden 3467, #4.Canon. Misc. 370, fols. 240-59, “Explicit theoria magice artis sive libellus Alkindi de radiis stellatis anno per me Theod. scriptus Domini 1484....”Rawlinson C-117, 15th century (according to Macray, but since the MS once belonged to John of London it is more likely to be 13th century), fols. 157-69, “Incipit theorica Alkindi et est de causis reddendis circa operationes karacterum et conjurationes et suffumigationes et ceteris huiusmodi quae pertinent ad artem magicam. ‘Omnes homines qui sensibilia.’ ...”BN nouv. acq. 616, 1442 A.D., Liber Jacobi Alchindi de radiis.CU Trinity 936 (R. 15, 17) 17th century, Alkyndus de Radiis.Ste. Geneviève 2240, 17th century, fol. 32 (?)—since the treatise is listed between two others which begin at fols. 68 and 112, respectively—“Alkyndus de radiis; de virtute verborum.”Steinschneider (1906), 32, has already listed four of these MSS, but was mistaken in thinking Cotton Appendix VI, fols. 63v-70r, “Explicit Iacob alkindi de theorica planetarum,” the same treatise asThe Theory of the Magic Art.[2600]In Digby 91 Roger Bacon on Perspective is followed by Alkindi on the rays of the stars, while in Digby 183 a marginal note to Alkindi’s treatise reads “Nota hoc quod est extractum de libro Rogeri Bakun de celo et mundo, capitulo de numero celorum,” and following the work of Alkindi we have Bacon on the retardation of old age and perhaps alsode radiis solaribus.[2601]Edited by Nagy (1897). A MS of the late 12th or early 13th century which Nagy fails to note is Digby 40, fols. 15v-25, de somno et visionibus.[2602]Nagy, p. 18, “Quare autem videamus quasdam res antequam sint? et quare videamus res cum interpretatione significantes res antequam sint? et quare videamus res facientes nos videre contrarium earum?”[2603]Spec. astron. cap. 7. More fully the Incipit is, “Rogatus fui quod manifestem consilia philosophorum....”[2604]Digby 68, 14th century, fols. 124-35, Liber Alkindii de impressionibus terre et aeris accidentibus. CU Clare College 15 (Kk. 4, 2), c. 1280, fols. 8-13, “In nomine dei et eius laude Epistola Alkindi de rebus aeribus et pluviis cum sermone aggregato et utili de arabico in latinum translata.”Steinschneider (1906) 32 gives the title asDe impressionibus aeris, and suggests that it is the same as aDe pluviisorDe nubibus, which seems to be the case, as they have the same Incipit—Steinschneider (1905) 13—as does aDe imbribusin Digby 176, 14th century, fols. 61-63. Steinschneider also suggested that BN 7332,De impressionibus planetarumwas probably the same treatise; and this is shown to be true by the Explicit of Alkindi’s treatise in another MS, Cotton Appendix VI, fol. 63v, “Explicit liber de impressionibus planetarum secundum iacobum alkindi.” See also BN 7316, 7328, 7440, 7482.The opening words of an anonymousTractatus de meteorologiain Vienna 2385, 13th century, fols. 46-49, show that it is the Alkindi. A very similar treatise on weather prediction,De subradiis planetarumorDe pluviis, is ascribed to Haly and exists in three Digby MSS (67, fol. 12v; 93, fol. 183v; 147, fol. 117v) and in some other MSS noted by Steinschneider. It belongs, I suspect, together with a briefHaly de dispositione aeris(Digby 92, fol. 5) which Steinschneider listed separately.[2605]Some notion of the number of these astrological treatises on the weather may be had from the following group of them in a single MS.Vienna 2436, 14th century, fols. 134-6, “Finitur Hermanni liber de ymbribus et pluviis”136-8, Iohannes Hispalensis, Tractatus de mutatione aeris139, Haomar de pluviis139-40, Idem de qualitate aeris et temporum140, de pluvia, fulgure, tonitruis et vento140-1, Dorochius, De hora pluvie et ventorum caloris et frigoris141, Idem, De hora pluvie141-2, Alkindus, alias Dorochius, De aeris qualitatibus142, Idem, De imbribus143, Jergis, De pluviis198, 206, Iacobus Alkindus, Liber de significationibus planetarum et eorum naturis, alias de pluviis.[2606]Their titles are listed by Steinschneider (1906) 99; 31-3. We may note BN 6978, 14th century, Incipit epistola Alkindi Achalis de Baldac philosophi de futurorum scientia; Corpus Christi 254, fol. 191, “de aspectibus”—a fragment from a 14th century MSS.[2607]MSS of Robert’s translation of Alkindi’sJudgmentsare numerous in the Bodleian library: Digby 91, fol. 80-; Ashmole 179; 209; 369; 434; and extracts from it in other MSS. It opens, “Quamquam post Euclidem.”[2608]CLM 392, 15th century, fol. 80-; 489, 16th century, fols. 207-21.[2609]O. Loth (1875), pp. 271-2; at 280-2 he gives the Latin of the passage in question from Albumasar, following the Arabic of Alkindi at 273-9.[2610]E. Wiedemann inJournal f. praktische Chemie, 1907, p. 73,et seq.; cited by Lippmann (1919) p. 399.[2611]Bridges,Opus Maius, I, 262, note.[2612]Steinschneider (1905), p. 47.[2613]HL 21, 499-503.[2614]Spec. astron.cap. 6. He gives the Incipit of theExperimentsof Albumasar as “Scito horam introitus” which serves to identify it with the following:Amplon. Quarto 365, 12th century, fols. 1-18, liber experimentorum.Ashmole 369-V, 13th century, fols. 103-23v, “ ... incipit liber in revolutione annorum mundi. Perfectus est liber experimentorum....”Ashmole 393, 15th century, fol. 95v, “Item Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum mundi sive de experimentis....”BN 16204, 13th century, pp. 302-333, “Revolutio annorum mundi.... Perfectus est liber experimentorum Albumasar....”Arsenal 880, 15th century, fol. 1-.Arsenal 1036, 14th century, fol. 104v.Dijon 1045, 15th century, fol. 81-.Other MSS containingExperimentsof Albumasar but where I am not sure of the wording of the Incipit are:Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fol. 123-, Liber experimentorum.Harleian 1, fols. 31-41, de experimentis in revolutione annorum mundi.CLM 51, 1487, and 1503.Vienna 2436, 14th century, following John of Spain’s translation of theIntroductorium magnumat fols. 1-85 and aLiber magnarum coniunctionumat fols. 144-98, comes at fol. 242, “Liber experimentorum seu Capitula stellarum oblata regi magno Sarracenorum ab Albumasore.” The Incipit here is “Dispositio est ut dicam ab ariete sic initium” but the treatise is incomplete.In some MS at Oxford which I cannot now identify theFloresof Albumasar close with the statement that the book of Experiments will follow. A different hand then adds “The following work is Albumazar on the revolutions of years,” while a third hand adds the explanation, “And according to some authorities it and the book of experiments are one,” which is the case.In some MSS, however, another treatise on revolutions accompanies theExperiments. In Amplon. Quarto 365 it is followed at fols. 18-27 bySentencie de revolucione annorum, while in Laud. Misc. 594 it is preceded at fol. 106 byLiber Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum collectus a floribus antiquorum philosophorum, which is the same as theFlores.[2615]The distinction between these various works is made quite clear in BN 16204, 13th century, where at pp. 1-183 is John of Spain’s translation of theLiber introductorius maiorin eight parts; at 183-302 theConjunctions, also in eight parts; at 302-333 theRevolutio annorum mundiorLiber experimentorum; at 333-353 theFlores, and at 353-369 theDe revolutione annorum in revolutione nativitatum, which opens “Omne tempus breve est operandi....” At the same time the Explicit of this treatise bears witness to the ease with which these works of Albumasar are confused, for it was at first written, “Explicit liber albumasar de revolutione annorum mundi,” and some other hand has crossed out this last word and substituted “nativitatis.”[2616]Conciliator, Diff. 156.[2617]Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fols. 137-41, Liber Sadan, sive Albumasar in Sadan. “Dixit Sadan, Audivi Albumayar dicentem quod omnis vita viventium post Deum est sol et luna / Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasar.”Cat. cod. astrol. Graec.V, i, 142, quotes from a 15th century MS, “Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasaris per Sadan discipulum cuius (eius?) et vocatur liber Albumasaris in Sadan.”The treatise, according to Steinschneider (1906), 36-8, is also found in Amplon. Quarto 352.CLM 826, 14th century, written and illuminated in Bohemia, fols. 27-33, Tractatus de nativitatibus, “Dixit Zadan: audivi Albumazar dicentem....”[2618]Steinschneider (1906), 36-38.[2619]Cat. cod. astrol. Graec.V, i, 142. In Vienna MS 10583, 15th century, 99 fols., we find a “de revolutionibus nativitatum” by Albumasar “greco in latinum.”[2620]BN 7316, 15th century, #13, liber imbrium secundos Indos ... authore Jafar; so too BN 7329, 15th century, #6; BN 7316 #16, de mutatione temporum secundum Indos, seems, however, to be another anonymous treatise on the same subject. Perhaps the following, although not so listed in the catalogue, is by Albumasar.Digby 194, fol. 147v-“Sapientes Indi de pluviis indicant secundum lunam, considerantes ipsius mansiones / quum dominus aspectus aspicit dominum vel est ei conjunctus.”[2621]Corpus Christi 233, 13-15th century, fol. 122-“Japhar philosophi et astrologi Aegyptii. Cum multa et varia de nubium congregatione precepta Indorum traxit auctoritas....”Cod. Cantab. Ii-I-13, “Incipit liber Gaphar de temporis mutatione qui dicitur Geazar Babiloniensis. Universa astronomiae iudicia prout Indorum....”[2622]The text printed in 1507 and 1540 is Hugo’s translation. So is Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456) 14th century, fols. 20r-24r, “Incipit liber imbrium editum a Iafar astrologo et a lenio et mercurio (Cilenio Mercurio) correcto.” See also Savile 15 (Bernard 6561), Liber imbrium ab antiquo Indorum astrologo nomine Jafar editus, deinde a Cylenio Mercurio abbreviatus.[2623]Digby 68, 14th century, fol. 116-“Ysagoga minor Japharis mathematici in astronomiam per Adhelardum Bathoniencem ex Arabico sumpta. Quicunque philosophie scienciam altiorem studio constanti inquireris....”Sloane 2030, fols. 83-86v, according to Haskins in EHR (1913), but my notes, which it is now too late to verify, suggest that it is a fragment occupying less than a page at fol. 87.[2624]By Carra de Vaux inJournal asiatique, 9e série, I, 386, II, 152, 420, with a French translation; and by Nix, Leipzig, 1900, with a German translation, also printed separately in 1894.[2625]Galen, ed. Chart. X, 571; Constantinus Africanus, ed. Basel, 1536, pp. 317-21; Arnald of Villanova,Opera, Lyons, 1532, fol. 295, and also in other editions of his works; H. C. Agrippa,Occult Philosophy, Lyons, 1600, pp. 637-40.[2626]HL XXVIII, 78-9.[2627]Idem.[2628]Additional 22719, 12th century, fol. 200v, “Quesivisti fili karissime de incantatione adjuratione colli suspensione....” In view of this and the citations of the work by Albertus Magnus who wrote before Arnald of Villanova, I cannot agree with Steinschneider (1905), pp. 6 and 12, in denying that Constantinus translated the work and in ascribing the translation exclusively to Arnald.[2629]Florence II, III, 214, 15th century, fols. 72-4, “Liber Unayn de incantatione. Quesisti fili karissime....”[2630]De vegetabilibus, V, ii, 6.[2631]Mineral.II, ii, 7, and II, iii, 6.[2632]Mineral. II, iii, 6 (ed. Borgnet, V, 55-6).[2633]I am not certain as to this word: it issizamelonin one text,sesameleonin another.[2634]“Quorum enim actio ex proprietate est non rationibus, unde sic comprehendi non potest. Rationibus enim tantum comprehenduntur que sensibus subministrantur. Aliquando ergo quedam substantie habent proprietatem ratione incomprehensibilem propter sui subtilitatem et sensibus non subministratum propter altitudinem sui magnam.” I doubt if these last three words refer to the influence of the stars.[2635]Liber de differentia spiritus et animae, orDe differentia inter animam et spiritum. The prologue opens: “Interrogasti me—honoret te Deus!—de differentia....”[2636]Steinschneider (1866), p. 404; (1905), p. 43, “wovon ich das Original in Gotha 1158 erkannte.“[2637]So in Corpus Christi 114, late 13th century, fol. 229, and at Paris in the following MSS of the 13th or 14th century mostly: BN 6319, #11; 6322, #11; 6323, #6; 6323A; 6325, #17; 6567A; 6569; 8247; 16082; 16083; 16088; 16142; 16490.[2638]Specific illustrations of such confusions between the two names in the MSS are: BN 6296, 14th century, #15, “ ... authore filio Lucae Medici Constabolo”; Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 2784, 12th century, “Constaben”; Sloane 2454, late 13th century, “Liber differentiae inter animam et spiritum quem Constantinus Luce amico suo scriptori Regis edidit.”[2639]Constantinus Africanus,Opera, Basel, 1536, pp. 307-17, “Qui voluerit scire differentiam, que est inter duas res .../ ... Hec igitur de differentiis spiritus et anime tibi dicta sufficiant, valeto.” Edited more recently by S. Barach, Innsbruck, 1878, pp. 120-39.[2640]Theorica, III, 12.[2641]Corpus Christi 154, late 13th century, pp. 356-74, ascribed to Augustine in both Titulus and Explicit.[2642]S. Marco 179, 14th century, fols. 57-9, 83, Liber Ysaac de differentia spiritus et animae.[2643]CU Gonville and Caius 109, 13th century, fols. 1-6v, “Avicenna de differencia spiritus et anime.”[2644]So says Coxe, anent Corpus Christi 114, and Steinschneider (1905), p. 43.[2645]Migne, PL 40, 779-832.[2646]By Trithemius; but earlier so cited by Vincent of Beauvais (PL 40, 779-80). See also Exon. 23, 13th century, fol. 196v.[2647]Migne, PL 40, 779-80.[2648]Both passages were excerpted by Vincent of Beauvais,Speculum naturale, XXIX, 41.[2649]De Renzi (1852-9) IV, 189; Petrocellus is very brief on the cells of the brain.[2650]Singer (1917), pp. 45 and 51, has noted that Hildegard’s description of the brain as divided into three chambers is anteceded by theLiber de humana naturaof Constantinus, and contained “in the writings of St. Augustine.”[2651]PL 40, 795, cap. 22.[2652]De proprietatibus rerum, III, 10 and 16; V, 3.[2653]Similarly E. G. Browne (1921), p. 123, writing of Arabian medicine and Avicenna, says, “Corresponding with the five external senses, taste, touch, hearing, smelling, and seeing, are the five internal senses, of which the first and second, the compound sense (or ‘sensus communis’) and the imagination, are located in the anterior ventricle of the brain; the third and fourth, the co-ordinating and emotional faculties, in the mid-brain; and the fifth, the memory, in the hind-brain.” Galen had somewhat similar ideas.[2654]De Genesi ad litteram, VII, 18 (PL 34, 364).[2655]The fullest treatment of him will be found in D. A. Chwolson,Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, Petrograd, 1856, 2 vols.,passim. For a list of his works see Steinschneider.Zeitschrift f. Math., XVIII, 331-38.[2656]There is some difficulty with these dates or their Arabic equivalents, because we are not certain whether the length of his life is given in lunar or solar years: see Chwolson, I, 532-3, 547-8.[2657]Bridges, I, 394.[2658]Carra de Vaux,Avicenne, Paris, 1900, p. 68.[2659]Chwolson, II, 406, 422, 431, 440, 453, 610, 703.[2660]Ibid., I. 741; II, 7, 258, 386, 677, etc.[2661]Chwolson, II, 386-97, 500, 525, 530, 676.[2662]Ibid., I, 737.

[2546]Brehaut (1912), p. 34.

[2547]Migne, PL 82, 73, “Opus de origine quarumdam rerum, ex veteris lectionis recordatione collectum, atque ita in quibusdam locis adnotatum, sicut exstat conscriptum stylo maiorum.”

[2548]See, for example,Etymol., VIII, 7, 3, “Vates a vi mentis appellatos, Varro auctor est.”

[2549]Etymol., XX, 2, 37.

[2550]Cassiodorus, however, urged the monks of the sixth century who cared for the sick to read Hippocrates and Galen as well as Dioscorides and Caelius Aurelianus; Brehaut (1912), p. 87, note, citing PL 70, 1146, in theDe instit. divin. litterarum.

[2551]Etymol., XII, 4, 6 and 6, 34.

[2552]Ibid., XII, 4, 12.

[2553]Ibid., XII, 6, 56.

[2554]Ibid., XVII, 7, 17 and 9, 36; XIX, 17, 8.

[2555]Ibid., XVII, 9, 85.

[2556]Ibid., XVII, 9, 30.

[2557]Etymol., XVI, 15, 21-26.

[2558]Ibid., XI, 3, 4, “quod plurimis etiam experimentis probatum est.”

[2559]Brehaut (1912), p. 3.

[2560]Etymol., XVI, 26, 10, from Epiphanius,Liber de ponderibus et mensuris.

[2561]Hence, presumably, thesextarii, fromsex.

[2562]“Mens hausti nulla sanie polluta veneniIncantata perit....”

[2562]

“Mens hausti nulla sanie polluta veneniIncantata perit....”

“Mens hausti nulla sanie polluta veneni

Incantata perit....”

[2563]Migne, PL 83, 9.

[2564]For Rabanus’ account see Migne, PL 110, 1097-1110; Burchard, PL 140, 839et seq.; Ivo, PL 161, 760et seq.; Hincmar, PL 125, 716-29. Moreover, Burchard continues to follow Rabanus word for word for some ten columns after the conclusion of their mutual excerpt from Isidore, while Ivo is identical with Burchard for fifteen more columns. In “Some Medieval Conceptions of Magic,”The Monist, January, 1915, XXV, 107-39, I stated (p. 109, note 2) that I thought that I was the first to point out the identity of these four accounts with Isidore’s.Since then, however, I have noticed that Manitius (1911), p. 299, notes the identity of Rabanus with Isidore, “Dass Hraban sich auch sonst ganz an Isidor anlehnt, beweist er in der SchriftDe consanguineorum nuptiisim Abschnittde magicis artibus(Migne, 109, 1097ff.) der ausEtym.8, 9 stammt.” Also Mr. C. C. I. Webb, in his 1909 edition of thePolycraticusnotes John of Salisbury’s borrowings from Isidore and Ivo of Chartres. Finally, J. Hansen,Zauberwahn, Inquisition, und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, 1900, at p. 49 notes that Isidore’s sketch of the history of magic keeps recurring in medieval writings, at p. 71 the dependence of Rabanus and Hincmar upon Isidore, and perhaps he somewhere notes the identity with the foregoing of the accounts of magic in Burchard and the other decretalists, but in the absence of an index to his volume I do not find such a passage. At p. 128, however, he notes that John of Salisbury’s description of magic is in part taken word for word from Isidore and Rabanus.Professor Hamilton, in one of his papers onStorm-Making Springs, which appeared at about the same time as my article (Romanic Review, V, 3, 1914; but, owing probably to war conditions, this issue did not actually appear until after the number ofThe Monistcontaining my article), came near noting the same thing when he spoke (p. 225) of Isidore’s chapter as “quoted at length” by Gratian—who seems to me, however, to give the substance of Isidore’s chapter rather than his exact wording—and further noted that four lines of Latin which he quoted were found alike in Rabanus, Hincmar, Ivo, and thePolycraticusof John of Salisbury.In my article I also stated: “Professor Burr, in a note to his paper on ‘The Literature of Witchcraft’ (American Historical Association Papers, IV (1890), p. 241) has described the accounts of Rabanus and Hincmar but without explicitly noting their close resemblance, although he characterizes Rabanus’ article as ‘mainly compiled.’” Professor Burr subsequently wrote to me, “That I did not mention the relation in my old paper on “The Literature of Witchcraft” was partly because they borrowed from other sources as well and partly because Isidore is himself a compiler. I hoped to come back to the matter in a more careful study of the whole genesis of these stock passages.”

Since then, however, I have noticed that Manitius (1911), p. 299, notes the identity of Rabanus with Isidore, “Dass Hraban sich auch sonst ganz an Isidor anlehnt, beweist er in der SchriftDe consanguineorum nuptiisim Abschnittde magicis artibus(Migne, 109, 1097ff.) der ausEtym.8, 9 stammt.” Also Mr. C. C. I. Webb, in his 1909 edition of thePolycraticusnotes John of Salisbury’s borrowings from Isidore and Ivo of Chartres. Finally, J. Hansen,Zauberwahn, Inquisition, und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, 1900, at p. 49 notes that Isidore’s sketch of the history of magic keeps recurring in medieval writings, at p. 71 the dependence of Rabanus and Hincmar upon Isidore, and perhaps he somewhere notes the identity with the foregoing of the accounts of magic in Burchard and the other decretalists, but in the absence of an index to his volume I do not find such a passage. At p. 128, however, he notes that John of Salisbury’s description of magic is in part taken word for word from Isidore and Rabanus.

Professor Hamilton, in one of his papers onStorm-Making Springs, which appeared at about the same time as my article (Romanic Review, V, 3, 1914; but, owing probably to war conditions, this issue did not actually appear until after the number ofThe Monistcontaining my article), came near noting the same thing when he spoke (p. 225) of Isidore’s chapter as “quoted at length” by Gratian—who seems to me, however, to give the substance of Isidore’s chapter rather than his exact wording—and further noted that four lines of Latin which he quoted were found alike in Rabanus, Hincmar, Ivo, and thePolycraticusof John of Salisbury.

In my article I also stated: “Professor Burr, in a note to his paper on ‘The Literature of Witchcraft’ (American Historical Association Papers, IV (1890), p. 241) has described the accounts of Rabanus and Hincmar but without explicitly noting their close resemblance, although he characterizes Rabanus’ article as ‘mainly compiled.’” Professor Burr subsequently wrote to me, “That I did not mention the relation in my old paper on “The Literature of Witchcraft” was partly because they borrowed from other sources as well and partly because Isidore is himself a compiler. I hoped to come back to the matter in a more careful study of the whole genesis of these stock passages.”

[2565]See below, chapter 60 on Aquinas.

[2566]Etymol., VIII, 11, 15-17;Differentiarum, II, 14.

[2567]Indeed,Differentiarum, II, 39, he defines astrology as he had astronomy inEtymol., III, 27. InEtymol., III, 25, he ascribes the invention of astronomy to the Egyptians and that of astrology to the Chaldeans.

[2568]Caps. 14 and 27.

[2569]De nat. rer., III, 4; PL 83, 968.

[2570]Ibid., XIX, 2.

[2571]Ibid., XXII, 2-3.

[2572]Ibid., IX, 1-2.

[2573]Ibid., XXVI, 15;Etymol., III, 71, 16.

[2574]Etymol., XIV, 5, “vim sideris.”

[2575]Ibid., IX, 2, “secundum diversitatem enim coeli.”

[2576]Ibid., IV, 13, 4.

[2577]De nat. rerum, XVIII, 5-7.

[2578]History of the Anglo-Saxons, III, 403.

[2579]Illustrations of the History of Medieval Thought, 1884, p. 20; p. 18 in 1920 edition.

[2580]Migne, PL 90, 293-4.

[2581]A few MSS, chiefly from France, earlier than the 12th century, are: BN 5543, 9th century; BN 15685, 9th century; BN nouv. acq. 1612, 1615, and 1632, all 9th or 10th century; Amiens 222, 9th century; Cambrai 925, 9th century; Ivrea 3, 9th century; Ivrea 6, 10th century; Berlin 128, 8-9th century; Berlin 130, 9-10th century; CLM 18158, 11th century; CLM 21557, 11th century.I have not noted the MSS of Bede in the British Museum and Bodleian collections.

I have not noted the MSS of Bede in the British Museum and Bodleian collections.

[2582]PL 90, 187-278; the text occupies but a small portion of these columns.

[2583]Ibid., Cap. 14.

[2584]Ibid., Cap. 24.

[2585]Ibid., Cap. 25.

[2586]In Samuelem prophetam allegorica expositio, IV, 7; PL 91, 701.

[2587]De tonitruis libellus ad Herefridum, PL 90, 609-14.

[2588]See below, chapter 29.

[2589]TheAenigmatum Liberforms a part of theLiber de septenario et de metrisin Aldhelm’s works as edited by Giles, Oxford, 1844, and reprinted in Migne, PL 89, 183-99.

[2590]Cantimpré’s citations of Adhelmus seem almost certainly drawn from theAenigmatain the cases ofLeo,ciconia,hirundinus,nycticorax,salamander,luligo(or,loligo),perna,draguntia lapis(natrix),myrmicoleon,colossus, andmolossus. On the other hand, the citations concerningonocentaurdo not correspond to the riddleDe monocero sive unicorni; the two accounts of Scylla are different; and I do not findcacusoronageror harpy or siren or locust or the Indian ants larger than foxes in theRiddlesas edited by Giles.The passages in which Thomas of Cantimpré cites Adhelmus are printed together by Pitra (1855) III, 425-7.

The passages in which Thomas of Cantimpré cites Adhelmus are printed together by Pitra (1855) III, 425-7.

[2591]Pitra (1855) III, xxvi. Only in the case of the salamander does Pitra say, “Thomas huc adduxit Adhelmi Shirbrunensis aenigma de Salamandra vatemque a philosopho clare distinxit.”

[2592]I have used the text in Migne, PL vol. 77.

[2593]VariarumIV,Epist.22-23, Migne, PL 69, 624-25.

[2594]I derive the following facts from E. C. Quiggin, “Irish Literature,” in EB V, 622et seq., where further bibliography is given.

[2595]“The Gaelic medical MSS, whether preserved in Ireland, Scotland, or elsewhere, ... are all, or nearly all, of foreign origin”:—Mackinnon, in theInternational Congress of Medicine, London, 1913, p. 413.

[2596]G. Flügel,Alkindi, genannt der Philosoph der Araber, ein Vorbild seiner Zeit, Leipzig, 1857.F. Dieterici,Die Naturanschauung und Naturphilosophie der Araber im zehnten Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1861.O. Loth,Al-Kindi als Astrolog.inMorgenländische Forschungen. Festschrift für Fleischer, Leipzig, 1875, pp. 263-309.A. Nagy,Die philosophischen Abhandlungen des Al-Kindis, 1897 inBeiträge z. Gesch. d. Philos. d. Mittelalt., II, 5.A. A. Björnbo and S. Vogl,Alkindi, Tideus, und Pseudo-Euclid, Drei Optische Werke, Leipzig, 1911, inAbhandl. z. Gesch. d. Math. Wiss., XXVI, 3.For further bibliography see the last-named work and Steinschneider (1905) 23-4, 47, (1906) 31-33.The Apology of Al Kindy(Sir Wm. Muir, London, 1882) is a defense of Christianity by another writer of about the same time.

[2596]G. Flügel,Alkindi, genannt der Philosoph der Araber, ein Vorbild seiner Zeit, Leipzig, 1857.

F. Dieterici,Die Naturanschauung und Naturphilosophie der Araber im zehnten Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1861.

O. Loth,Al-Kindi als Astrolog.inMorgenländische Forschungen. Festschrift für Fleischer, Leipzig, 1875, pp. 263-309.

A. Nagy,Die philosophischen Abhandlungen des Al-Kindis, 1897 inBeiträge z. Gesch. d. Philos. d. Mittelalt., II, 5.

A. A. Björnbo and S. Vogl,Alkindi, Tideus, und Pseudo-Euclid, Drei Optische Werke, Leipzig, 1911, inAbhandl. z. Gesch. d. Math. Wiss., XXVI, 3.

For further bibliography see the last-named work and Steinschneider (1905) 23-4, 47, (1906) 31-33.

The Apology of Al Kindy(Sir Wm. Muir, London, 1882) is a defense of Christianity by another writer of about the same time.

[2597]Astrorum iudicis Alkindi, Gaphar de pluviis imbribus et ventis ac aeris mutatione, ex officina Petri Liechtenstein: Venetiis, 1507.

[2598]Amplon. Quarto 151, fols. 17-19.

[2599]In the 1412 catalogue of Amplonius, Math. 48 was “Theorica Alkindi de radiis stellicis seu arcium magicarum vel de phisicis ligaturis”; and at present Amplon. Quarto 349, 14th century, fols. 47v, 65v, 66r-v, 16r-v, 29r, contains “Liber Alkindi de radiis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / Explicit theorica artis magis (sic). Explicit Alkindi de radiis stellicis.”Harleian 13, 13th century, given by John of London to St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury (#1166, James, 330-1), fols. 166-74, “de radiis stellicis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / explicit Theoria Artis Magice Alkindi.”Digby 91, 16th century, fols. 66-80, Alkindus de radiis stellarum, “Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”Digby 183, end 14th century, fols. 38-45.Selden supra 76 (Bernard 3464), fols. 47r-60v, “Incipit theoreita artium magicarum. Capitulum de origine scientie. Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”; Selden 3467, #4.Canon. Misc. 370, fols. 240-59, “Explicit theoria magice artis sive libellus Alkindi de radiis stellatis anno per me Theod. scriptus Domini 1484....”Rawlinson C-117, 15th century (according to Macray, but since the MS once belonged to John of London it is more likely to be 13th century), fols. 157-69, “Incipit theorica Alkindi et est de causis reddendis circa operationes karacterum et conjurationes et suffumigationes et ceteris huiusmodi quae pertinent ad artem magicam. ‘Omnes homines qui sensibilia.’ ...”BN nouv. acq. 616, 1442 A.D., Liber Jacobi Alchindi de radiis.CU Trinity 936 (R. 15, 17) 17th century, Alkyndus de Radiis.Ste. Geneviève 2240, 17th century, fol. 32 (?)—since the treatise is listed between two others which begin at fols. 68 and 112, respectively—“Alkyndus de radiis; de virtute verborum.”Steinschneider (1906), 32, has already listed four of these MSS, but was mistaken in thinking Cotton Appendix VI, fols. 63v-70r, “Explicit Iacob alkindi de theorica planetarum,” the same treatise asThe Theory of the Magic Art.

Harleian 13, 13th century, given by John of London to St. Augustine’s Abbey, Canterbury (#1166, James, 330-1), fols. 166-74, “de radiis stellicis Omnes homines qui sensibilia / explicit Theoria Artis Magice Alkindi.”

Digby 91, 16th century, fols. 66-80, Alkindus de radiis stellarum, “Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”

Digby 183, end 14th century, fols. 38-45.

Selden supra 76 (Bernard 3464), fols. 47r-60v, “Incipit theoreita artium magicarum. Capitulum de origine scientie. Omnes homines qui sensibilia sensu percipiunt....”; Selden 3467, #4.

Canon. Misc. 370, fols. 240-59, “Explicit theoria magice artis sive libellus Alkindi de radiis stellatis anno per me Theod. scriptus Domini 1484....”

Rawlinson C-117, 15th century (according to Macray, but since the MS once belonged to John of London it is more likely to be 13th century), fols. 157-69, “Incipit theorica Alkindi et est de causis reddendis circa operationes karacterum et conjurationes et suffumigationes et ceteris huiusmodi quae pertinent ad artem magicam. ‘Omnes homines qui sensibilia.’ ...”

BN nouv. acq. 616, 1442 A.D., Liber Jacobi Alchindi de radiis.

CU Trinity 936 (R. 15, 17) 17th century, Alkyndus de Radiis.

Ste. Geneviève 2240, 17th century, fol. 32 (?)—since the treatise is listed between two others which begin at fols. 68 and 112, respectively—“Alkyndus de radiis; de virtute verborum.”

Steinschneider (1906), 32, has already listed four of these MSS, but was mistaken in thinking Cotton Appendix VI, fols. 63v-70r, “Explicit Iacob alkindi de theorica planetarum,” the same treatise asThe Theory of the Magic Art.

[2600]In Digby 91 Roger Bacon on Perspective is followed by Alkindi on the rays of the stars, while in Digby 183 a marginal note to Alkindi’s treatise reads “Nota hoc quod est extractum de libro Rogeri Bakun de celo et mundo, capitulo de numero celorum,” and following the work of Alkindi we have Bacon on the retardation of old age and perhaps alsode radiis solaribus.

[2601]Edited by Nagy (1897). A MS of the late 12th or early 13th century which Nagy fails to note is Digby 40, fols. 15v-25, de somno et visionibus.

[2602]Nagy, p. 18, “Quare autem videamus quasdam res antequam sint? et quare videamus res cum interpretatione significantes res antequam sint? et quare videamus res facientes nos videre contrarium earum?”

[2603]Spec. astron. cap. 7. More fully the Incipit is, “Rogatus fui quod manifestem consilia philosophorum....”

[2604]Digby 68, 14th century, fols. 124-35, Liber Alkindii de impressionibus terre et aeris accidentibus. CU Clare College 15 (Kk. 4, 2), c. 1280, fols. 8-13, “In nomine dei et eius laude Epistola Alkindi de rebus aeribus et pluviis cum sermone aggregato et utili de arabico in latinum translata.”Steinschneider (1906) 32 gives the title asDe impressionibus aeris, and suggests that it is the same as aDe pluviisorDe nubibus, which seems to be the case, as they have the same Incipit—Steinschneider (1905) 13—as does aDe imbribusin Digby 176, 14th century, fols. 61-63. Steinschneider also suggested that BN 7332,De impressionibus planetarumwas probably the same treatise; and this is shown to be true by the Explicit of Alkindi’s treatise in another MS, Cotton Appendix VI, fol. 63v, “Explicit liber de impressionibus planetarum secundum iacobum alkindi.” See also BN 7316, 7328, 7440, 7482.The opening words of an anonymousTractatus de meteorologiain Vienna 2385, 13th century, fols. 46-49, show that it is the Alkindi. A very similar treatise on weather prediction,De subradiis planetarumorDe pluviis, is ascribed to Haly and exists in three Digby MSS (67, fol. 12v; 93, fol. 183v; 147, fol. 117v) and in some other MSS noted by Steinschneider. It belongs, I suspect, together with a briefHaly de dispositione aeris(Digby 92, fol. 5) which Steinschneider listed separately.

Steinschneider (1906) 32 gives the title asDe impressionibus aeris, and suggests that it is the same as aDe pluviisorDe nubibus, which seems to be the case, as they have the same Incipit—Steinschneider (1905) 13—as does aDe imbribusin Digby 176, 14th century, fols. 61-63. Steinschneider also suggested that BN 7332,De impressionibus planetarumwas probably the same treatise; and this is shown to be true by the Explicit of Alkindi’s treatise in another MS, Cotton Appendix VI, fol. 63v, “Explicit liber de impressionibus planetarum secundum iacobum alkindi.” See also BN 7316, 7328, 7440, 7482.

The opening words of an anonymousTractatus de meteorologiain Vienna 2385, 13th century, fols. 46-49, show that it is the Alkindi. A very similar treatise on weather prediction,De subradiis planetarumorDe pluviis, is ascribed to Haly and exists in three Digby MSS (67, fol. 12v; 93, fol. 183v; 147, fol. 117v) and in some other MSS noted by Steinschneider. It belongs, I suspect, together with a briefHaly de dispositione aeris(Digby 92, fol. 5) which Steinschneider listed separately.

[2605]Some notion of the number of these astrological treatises on the weather may be had from the following group of them in a single MS.Vienna 2436, 14th century, fols. 134-6, “Finitur Hermanni liber de ymbribus et pluviis”136-8, Iohannes Hispalensis, Tractatus de mutatione aeris139, Haomar de pluviis139-40, Idem de qualitate aeris et temporum140, de pluvia, fulgure, tonitruis et vento140-1, Dorochius, De hora pluvie et ventorum caloris et frigoris141, Idem, De hora pluvie141-2, Alkindus, alias Dorochius, De aeris qualitatibus142, Idem, De imbribus143, Jergis, De pluviis198, 206, Iacobus Alkindus, Liber de significationibus planetarum et eorum naturis, alias de pluviis.

[2605]Some notion of the number of these astrological treatises on the weather may be had from the following group of them in a single MS.

Vienna 2436, 14th century, fols. 134-6, “Finitur Hermanni liber de ymbribus et pluviis”136-8, Iohannes Hispalensis, Tractatus de mutatione aeris139, Haomar de pluviis139-40, Idem de qualitate aeris et temporum140, de pluvia, fulgure, tonitruis et vento140-1, Dorochius, De hora pluvie et ventorum caloris et frigoris141, Idem, De hora pluvie141-2, Alkindus, alias Dorochius, De aeris qualitatibus142, Idem, De imbribus143, Jergis, De pluviis198, 206, Iacobus Alkindus, Liber de significationibus planetarum et eorum naturis, alias de pluviis.

Vienna 2436, 14th century, fols. 134-6, “Finitur Hermanni liber de ymbribus et pluviis”

136-8, Iohannes Hispalensis, Tractatus de mutatione aeris

139, Haomar de pluviis

139-40, Idem de qualitate aeris et temporum

140, de pluvia, fulgure, tonitruis et vento

140-1, Dorochius, De hora pluvie et ventorum caloris et frigoris

141, Idem, De hora pluvie

141-2, Alkindus, alias Dorochius, De aeris qualitatibus

142, Idem, De imbribus

143, Jergis, De pluviis

198, 206, Iacobus Alkindus, Liber de significationibus planetarum et eorum naturis, alias de pluviis.

[2606]Their titles are listed by Steinschneider (1906) 99; 31-3. We may note BN 6978, 14th century, Incipit epistola Alkindi Achalis de Baldac philosophi de futurorum scientia; Corpus Christi 254, fol. 191, “de aspectibus”—a fragment from a 14th century MSS.

[2607]MSS of Robert’s translation of Alkindi’sJudgmentsare numerous in the Bodleian library: Digby 91, fol. 80-; Ashmole 179; 209; 369; 434; and extracts from it in other MSS. It opens, “Quamquam post Euclidem.”

[2608]CLM 392, 15th century, fol. 80-; 489, 16th century, fols. 207-21.

[2609]O. Loth (1875), pp. 271-2; at 280-2 he gives the Latin of the passage in question from Albumasar, following the Arabic of Alkindi at 273-9.

[2610]E. Wiedemann inJournal f. praktische Chemie, 1907, p. 73,et seq.; cited by Lippmann (1919) p. 399.

[2611]Bridges,Opus Maius, I, 262, note.

[2612]Steinschneider (1905), p. 47.

[2613]HL 21, 499-503.

[2614]Spec. astron.cap. 6. He gives the Incipit of theExperimentsof Albumasar as “Scito horam introitus” which serves to identify it with the following:Amplon. Quarto 365, 12th century, fols. 1-18, liber experimentorum.Ashmole 369-V, 13th century, fols. 103-23v, “ ... incipit liber in revolutione annorum mundi. Perfectus est liber experimentorum....”Ashmole 393, 15th century, fol. 95v, “Item Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum mundi sive de experimentis....”BN 16204, 13th century, pp. 302-333, “Revolutio annorum mundi.... Perfectus est liber experimentorum Albumasar....”Arsenal 880, 15th century, fol. 1-.Arsenal 1036, 14th century, fol. 104v.Dijon 1045, 15th century, fol. 81-.Other MSS containingExperimentsof Albumasar but where I am not sure of the wording of the Incipit are:Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fol. 123-, Liber experimentorum.Harleian 1, fols. 31-41, de experimentis in revolutione annorum mundi.CLM 51, 1487, and 1503.Vienna 2436, 14th century, following John of Spain’s translation of theIntroductorium magnumat fols. 1-85 and aLiber magnarum coniunctionumat fols. 144-98, comes at fol. 242, “Liber experimentorum seu Capitula stellarum oblata regi magno Sarracenorum ab Albumasore.” The Incipit here is “Dispositio est ut dicam ab ariete sic initium” but the treatise is incomplete.In some MS at Oxford which I cannot now identify theFloresof Albumasar close with the statement that the book of Experiments will follow. A different hand then adds “The following work is Albumazar on the revolutions of years,” while a third hand adds the explanation, “And according to some authorities it and the book of experiments are one,” which is the case.In some MSS, however, another treatise on revolutions accompanies theExperiments. In Amplon. Quarto 365 it is followed at fols. 18-27 bySentencie de revolucione annorum, while in Laud. Misc. 594 it is preceded at fol. 106 byLiber Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum collectus a floribus antiquorum philosophorum, which is the same as theFlores.

[2614]Spec. astron.cap. 6. He gives the Incipit of theExperimentsof Albumasar as “Scito horam introitus” which serves to identify it with the following:

Amplon. Quarto 365, 12th century, fols. 1-18, liber experimentorum.

Ashmole 369-V, 13th century, fols. 103-23v, “ ... incipit liber in revolutione annorum mundi. Perfectus est liber experimentorum....”

Ashmole 393, 15th century, fol. 95v, “Item Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum mundi sive de experimentis....”

BN 16204, 13th century, pp. 302-333, “Revolutio annorum mundi.... Perfectus est liber experimentorum Albumasar....”

Arsenal 880, 15th century, fol. 1-.

Arsenal 1036, 14th century, fol. 104v.

Dijon 1045, 15th century, fol. 81-.

Other MSS containingExperimentsof Albumasar but where I am not sure of the wording of the Incipit are:

Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fol. 123-, Liber experimentorum.

Harleian 1, fols. 31-41, de experimentis in revolutione annorum mundi.

CLM 51, 1487, and 1503.

Vienna 2436, 14th century, following John of Spain’s translation of theIntroductorium magnumat fols. 1-85 and aLiber magnarum coniunctionumat fols. 144-98, comes at fol. 242, “Liber experimentorum seu Capitula stellarum oblata regi magno Sarracenorum ab Albumasore.” The Incipit here is “Dispositio est ut dicam ab ariete sic initium” but the treatise is incomplete.

In some MS at Oxford which I cannot now identify theFloresof Albumasar close with the statement that the book of Experiments will follow. A different hand then adds “The following work is Albumazar on the revolutions of years,” while a third hand adds the explanation, “And according to some authorities it and the book of experiments are one,” which is the case.

In some MSS, however, another treatise on revolutions accompanies theExperiments. In Amplon. Quarto 365 it is followed at fols. 18-27 bySentencie de revolucione annorum, while in Laud. Misc. 594 it is preceded at fol. 106 byLiber Albumasar de revolutionibus annorum collectus a floribus antiquorum philosophorum, which is the same as theFlores.

[2615]The distinction between these various works is made quite clear in BN 16204, 13th century, where at pp. 1-183 is John of Spain’s translation of theLiber introductorius maiorin eight parts; at 183-302 theConjunctions, also in eight parts; at 302-333 theRevolutio annorum mundiorLiber experimentorum; at 333-353 theFlores, and at 353-369 theDe revolutione annorum in revolutione nativitatum, which opens “Omne tempus breve est operandi....” At the same time the Explicit of this treatise bears witness to the ease with which these works of Albumasar are confused, for it was at first written, “Explicit liber albumasar de revolutione annorum mundi,” and some other hand has crossed out this last word and substituted “nativitatis.”

[2616]Conciliator, Diff. 156.

[2617]Laud. Misc. 594, 14-15th century, fols. 137-41, Liber Sadan, sive Albumasar in Sadan. “Dixit Sadan, Audivi Albumayar dicentem quod omnis vita viventium post Deum est sol et luna / Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasar.”Cat. cod. astrol. Graec.V, i, 142, quotes from a 15th century MS, “Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasaris per Sadan discipulum cuius (eius?) et vocatur liber Albumasaris in Sadan.”The treatise, according to Steinschneider (1906), 36-8, is also found in Amplon. Quarto 352.CLM 826, 14th century, written and illuminated in Bohemia, fols. 27-33, Tractatus de nativitatibus, “Dixit Zadan: audivi Albumazar dicentem....”

Cat. cod. astrol. Graec.V, i, 142, quotes from a 15th century MS, “Expliciunt excerpta de secretis Albumasaris per Sadan discipulum cuius (eius?) et vocatur liber Albumasaris in Sadan.”

The treatise, according to Steinschneider (1906), 36-8, is also found in Amplon. Quarto 352.

CLM 826, 14th century, written and illuminated in Bohemia, fols. 27-33, Tractatus de nativitatibus, “Dixit Zadan: audivi Albumazar dicentem....”

[2618]Steinschneider (1906), 36-38.

[2619]Cat. cod. astrol. Graec.V, i, 142. In Vienna MS 10583, 15th century, 99 fols., we find a “de revolutionibus nativitatum” by Albumasar “greco in latinum.”

[2620]BN 7316, 15th century, #13, liber imbrium secundos Indos ... authore Jafar; so too BN 7329, 15th century, #6; BN 7316 #16, de mutatione temporum secundum Indos, seems, however, to be another anonymous treatise on the same subject. Perhaps the following, although not so listed in the catalogue, is by Albumasar.Digby 194, fol. 147v-“Sapientes Indi de pluviis indicant secundum lunam, considerantes ipsius mansiones / quum dominus aspectus aspicit dominum vel est ei conjunctus.”

Digby 194, fol. 147v-“Sapientes Indi de pluviis indicant secundum lunam, considerantes ipsius mansiones / quum dominus aspectus aspicit dominum vel est ei conjunctus.”

[2621]Corpus Christi 233, 13-15th century, fol. 122-“Japhar philosophi et astrologi Aegyptii. Cum multa et varia de nubium congregatione precepta Indorum traxit auctoritas....”Cod. Cantab. Ii-I-13, “Incipit liber Gaphar de temporis mutatione qui dicitur Geazar Babiloniensis. Universa astronomiae iudicia prout Indorum....”

[2621]Corpus Christi 233, 13-15th century, fol. 122-“Japhar philosophi et astrologi Aegyptii. Cum multa et varia de nubium congregatione precepta Indorum traxit auctoritas....”

Cod. Cantab. Ii-I-13, “Incipit liber Gaphar de temporis mutatione qui dicitur Geazar Babiloniensis. Universa astronomiae iudicia prout Indorum....”

[2622]The text printed in 1507 and 1540 is Hugo’s translation. So is Bodleian 463 (Bernard 2456) 14th century, fols. 20r-24r, “Incipit liber imbrium editum a Iafar astrologo et a lenio et mercurio (Cilenio Mercurio) correcto.” See also Savile 15 (Bernard 6561), Liber imbrium ab antiquo Indorum astrologo nomine Jafar editus, deinde a Cylenio Mercurio abbreviatus.

[2623]Digby 68, 14th century, fol. 116-“Ysagoga minor Japharis mathematici in astronomiam per Adhelardum Bathoniencem ex Arabico sumpta. Quicunque philosophie scienciam altiorem studio constanti inquireris....”Sloane 2030, fols. 83-86v, according to Haskins in EHR (1913), but my notes, which it is now too late to verify, suggest that it is a fragment occupying less than a page at fol. 87.

Sloane 2030, fols. 83-86v, according to Haskins in EHR (1913), but my notes, which it is now too late to verify, suggest that it is a fragment occupying less than a page at fol. 87.

[2624]By Carra de Vaux inJournal asiatique, 9e série, I, 386, II, 152, 420, with a French translation; and by Nix, Leipzig, 1900, with a German translation, also printed separately in 1894.

[2625]Galen, ed. Chart. X, 571; Constantinus Africanus, ed. Basel, 1536, pp. 317-21; Arnald of Villanova,Opera, Lyons, 1532, fol. 295, and also in other editions of his works; H. C. Agrippa,Occult Philosophy, Lyons, 1600, pp. 637-40.

[2626]HL XXVIII, 78-9.

[2627]Idem.

[2628]Additional 22719, 12th century, fol. 200v, “Quesivisti fili karissime de incantatione adjuratione colli suspensione....” In view of this and the citations of the work by Albertus Magnus who wrote before Arnald of Villanova, I cannot agree with Steinschneider (1905), pp. 6 and 12, in denying that Constantinus translated the work and in ascribing the translation exclusively to Arnald.

[2629]Florence II, III, 214, 15th century, fols. 72-4, “Liber Unayn de incantatione. Quesisti fili karissime....”

[2630]De vegetabilibus, V, ii, 6.

[2631]Mineral.II, ii, 7, and II, iii, 6.

[2632]Mineral. II, iii, 6 (ed. Borgnet, V, 55-6).

[2633]I am not certain as to this word: it issizamelonin one text,sesameleonin another.

[2634]“Quorum enim actio ex proprietate est non rationibus, unde sic comprehendi non potest. Rationibus enim tantum comprehenduntur que sensibus subministrantur. Aliquando ergo quedam substantie habent proprietatem ratione incomprehensibilem propter sui subtilitatem et sensibus non subministratum propter altitudinem sui magnam.” I doubt if these last three words refer to the influence of the stars.

[2635]Liber de differentia spiritus et animae, orDe differentia inter animam et spiritum. The prologue opens: “Interrogasti me—honoret te Deus!—de differentia....”

[2636]Steinschneider (1866), p. 404; (1905), p. 43, “wovon ich das Original in Gotha 1158 erkannte.“

[2637]So in Corpus Christi 114, late 13th century, fol. 229, and at Paris in the following MSS of the 13th or 14th century mostly: BN 6319, #11; 6322, #11; 6323, #6; 6323A; 6325, #17; 6567A; 6569; 8247; 16082; 16083; 16088; 16142; 16490.

[2638]Specific illustrations of such confusions between the two names in the MSS are: BN 6296, 14th century, #15, “ ... authore filio Lucae Medici Constabolo”; Brussels, Library of Dukes of Burgundy 2784, 12th century, “Constaben”; Sloane 2454, late 13th century, “Liber differentiae inter animam et spiritum quem Constantinus Luce amico suo scriptori Regis edidit.”

[2639]Constantinus Africanus,Opera, Basel, 1536, pp. 307-17, “Qui voluerit scire differentiam, que est inter duas res .../ ... Hec igitur de differentiis spiritus et anime tibi dicta sufficiant, valeto.” Edited more recently by S. Barach, Innsbruck, 1878, pp. 120-39.

[2640]Theorica, III, 12.

[2641]Corpus Christi 154, late 13th century, pp. 356-74, ascribed to Augustine in both Titulus and Explicit.

[2642]S. Marco 179, 14th century, fols. 57-9, 83, Liber Ysaac de differentia spiritus et animae.

[2643]CU Gonville and Caius 109, 13th century, fols. 1-6v, “Avicenna de differencia spiritus et anime.”

[2644]So says Coxe, anent Corpus Christi 114, and Steinschneider (1905), p. 43.

[2645]Migne, PL 40, 779-832.

[2646]By Trithemius; but earlier so cited by Vincent of Beauvais (PL 40, 779-80). See also Exon. 23, 13th century, fol. 196v.

[2647]Migne, PL 40, 779-80.

[2648]Both passages were excerpted by Vincent of Beauvais,Speculum naturale, XXIX, 41.

[2649]De Renzi (1852-9) IV, 189; Petrocellus is very brief on the cells of the brain.

[2650]Singer (1917), pp. 45 and 51, has noted that Hildegard’s description of the brain as divided into three chambers is anteceded by theLiber de humana naturaof Constantinus, and contained “in the writings of St. Augustine.”

[2651]PL 40, 795, cap. 22.

[2652]De proprietatibus rerum, III, 10 and 16; V, 3.

[2653]Similarly E. G. Browne (1921), p. 123, writing of Arabian medicine and Avicenna, says, “Corresponding with the five external senses, taste, touch, hearing, smelling, and seeing, are the five internal senses, of which the first and second, the compound sense (or ‘sensus communis’) and the imagination, are located in the anterior ventricle of the brain; the third and fourth, the co-ordinating and emotional faculties, in the mid-brain; and the fifth, the memory, in the hind-brain.” Galen had somewhat similar ideas.

[2654]De Genesi ad litteram, VII, 18 (PL 34, 364).

[2655]The fullest treatment of him will be found in D. A. Chwolson,Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus, Petrograd, 1856, 2 vols.,passim. For a list of his works see Steinschneider.Zeitschrift f. Math., XVIII, 331-38.

[2656]There is some difficulty with these dates or their Arabic equivalents, because we are not certain whether the length of his life is given in lunar or solar years: see Chwolson, I, 532-3, 547-8.

[2657]Bridges, I, 394.

[2658]Carra de Vaux,Avicenne, Paris, 1900, p. 68.

[2659]Chwolson, II, 406, 422, 431, 440, 453, 610, 703.

[2660]Ibid., I. 741; II, 7, 258, 386, 677, etc.

[2661]Chwolson, II, 386-97, 500, 525, 530, 676.

[2662]Ibid., I, 737.

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