Chapter 29

[1086]They obtained aFreibrief, or license, for their practice:Sohm,Eheschliessung, 138.Cf.Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 16 ff., on the abuses of matrimonial jurisdiction.

[1087]"The promise, se ducturum in conjugem, or one similar, is conceived to be consensus de futuro in c. 5, 15, 17, 22x. de sponsal. (4, 1); but as consensus de praesenti in c. 5x. de sponsa duor. (4, 3)."—Sohm,Eheschliessung, 135 n. 51.

[1088]Ex et pro eo quia dictus David diu ante solemnizationem dicti pretensi matrimonii ... alia sponsalia tam verba de futuro quam de praesenti cum Margareta Abirnethy, impressentiarum superstite, carnali copula subsecuta, contraxit," etc.—Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 58;Liber officialis S. Andree, 21. This book, 19, 33, 66, 73, 75, contains, according to Friedberg, other records of marriagesde futuro, sometimescopula subsecuta, dissolved on account of latersponsalia de praesenti.Cf.alsoSohm,op. cit., 135.

[1089]In the spiritual courts two good witnesses were required to establish a fact. On the "proof of marriage" seeEsmein,Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 189 ff.; II, 127 ff.;Pollock and Maitland,Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 382 ff.;Law Review(English), I, 378 ff.

[1090]Salis,Die Publikation des trid. Rechts, 6, 7;Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 382, 383;Esmein,op. cit., I, 189 ff.; II, 127 ff.;Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 102 ff.;Sohm,Eheschliessung, 187 ff.

[1091]Da spricht der Papst und die Juristen, die Ehe dürfe nimmermehr gescheiden werden. Was geschah? Die Eheleute wurden darnach uneins und schieden sich wieder von einander. Also ging mirs im Kloster auch; oder wo man fur den Official kam, so schwur sich eines vom andern, freieten wieder. Darnach kamen sie zu mir oder einem Andern in die Beichte und sprachen: Lieber Herr, ich habe itzt eine Frau, der hab ichs heimlich gelobt; wie thue ich ihm immermehr? Helft mir, lieber Herr Doctor, dass ich nicht verzweifele. Denn Greta, mit der ich mich am ersten verlob hab, ist mein recht Eheweib. Aber diese Barbara, die mir darnach vertrawet, ist nicht mein Weib und muss doch bei ihr schlaffen? Jene darf ich nicht nehmen, die ich doch gerne möcht haben, da es sein könnte; aber ich kann nu nicht, denn ich habe eine Andere, so hat sie auch einen Andern: doch weiss es Niemand, dass sie mein Weib ist, denn allein, Gott im Himmel, dem ist bewust. O, ich werde verdampt, ich weiss keinen Rath."—"Tischreden," inWerke(Erlang. ed.), LXII, 229; quoted also inSalis, 7, 8, who gives other proofs; likewise inSohm,op. cit., 189, 190;Friedberg,op. cit., 102; andEsmein,op. cit., II, 129.

[1092]InLuther's"Von Ehesachen,"Werke(Erlang., XXIII, 98), is another interesting passage forcibly describing the danger of bigamy through the confusion wrought by clandestine marriages. The passage is also inStrampff,Luther: Ueber die Ehe, 313 ff.; and it is partly quoted bySohm,op. cit., 188, 189.

[1093]Richter-Schulte,Canones et dec. conc. trid., 216 ff.;Pallavicino,1st. conc. Trent., IV, lib. XXII, 1, 16;Theiner,Acta gen. conc. trid., II, 314, 335. Cap. 1 of the decree of the council for the reform of marriage contains the following: "Cum sancta synodus animadvertat prohibitiones illas propter hominum inoboedientiam jam non prodesse, et gravia peccata perpendat, quae ex eisdem clandestinis conjugiis ortum habent, praesertim vero eorum qui in statu damnationis permanent, dum priore uxore cum qua clam contraxerant, relicta cum alia palam contrahunt et cum ea in perpetuo adulterio vivunt, cui malo cum ab ecclesia, quae de occultis non judicat, succurri non possit, nisi efficacius aliquod remedeium adhibeatur;" also inWaterworth'sCanons and Decrees, 196, 197. Compare the passage on the evil resulting from the canon law of marriage in the address with which Hieronymus Ragazzoni opens the last or xxv. solemn session of the council:Theiner,Acta gen., II, 502. See this and other excerpts inSalis,op. cit., 1, 9,passim.

[1094]In general seeFriedberg, Index, at "Ehe, heimliche;"Salis,op. cit., 1-14;Sohm,op. cit., 187 ff., 132 ff.;Esmein,op. cit., II, 121 ff.; I, 189 ff.;Geary,Marriage and Family Relations, 434 ff., Index;Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 367 ff., 382;Schelhas,De clandestinis sponsalibus juratis(Jena, 1716);Lyndwood,Provinciale(Oxford, 1679), 273 ff.;Sanchez,Disputat. de sto. mat. sac., I, 221-358.Luther's"Von Ehesachen,"Bücher und Schriften, V, 237-57, is largely devoted to a discussion of secret betrothals.

[1095]Friedberg,op. cit., 66-69.

[1096]Ibid., 75.

[1097]Salis,op. cit., 8;Friedberg,op. cit., 75-77.

[1098]Salis,op. cit., 8, 9;ap. Zeitschrift für schweiz. Recht, 1878, XX, 114 ff.

[1099]"Und ist ungezwyfelt, es sitzen im Bisthum Costanntz hundert und aber hundert parthyen, die vor Gott dem Herrn Eelüt sin und mit recht zusammen gewyst wurden, und doch umb sorg des penfals einander mit gepürlichen Rechten nit thüren fürnemmen."—Salis,op. cit., 9.

[1100]See the letter of Mutio Calini to Cardinal Luigi Cornara, July 29, 1563, inSalis,op. cit., 13.

[1101]Theiner,Acta gen., II, 367, 513;Pallavicino,1st. conc. trid., Vol. IV, lib. xxii, 4, 24;Salis,op. cit., 12.

[1102]Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 79, 260, 261.

[1103]Ibid., 71-74;Salis,op. cit., 11, 12.

[1104]Friedberg,op. cit., 62 ff., 499;Salis,op. cit., 9, 11, 12.

[1105]Theiner,op. cit., II, 316;Salis,op. cit., 9;Friedberg,op. cit., 110.

[1106]"Coniugia, que (quae) clam contrahuntur, non negantur esse coniugia, nec iubentur dissolui, si utriusque confessione probari poterunt: uerumtamen prohibentur, quia mutata alterius eorum uoluntate, alterius professione fides iudici fieri non potest. Unde publice, cum alterius uota in alteram partem se transtulerint, pro priore coniugio, quod iudici incertum est, sentencia ferri non poterit."—Gratian,Decreti sec. pars causaxxx, quest. v, c. ix:Richter-Friedberg,Corpus juris can., I, 1107. The passage is also quoted from different text bySalis,op. cit., 6, who adds the statement of the cardinal of Lothringen at the Council of Trent: "Clandestinum matrimonium est causa disjunctionis conjugum; tales enim cum nullos habeant testes matrimonii contracti,pro libitopossunt separari."—Ap.Theiner,op. cit., II, 314.

[1107]The document, of which a part is translated in the text, will be found inFriedberg,op. cit., 72, 73. On the kinds of clandestine marriage seeSalis,op. cit., 5, 6;Bohn,Pol. Cyc., III, 320;Esmein,Le mariage en droit canonique, I, 181 ff.;Lyndwood,Provinciale, 276.

[1108]For Scotland seeGeary,Marriage and Family Relations, 534 ff.;Friedberg,op. cit., 57, 58,passim;Jeaffreson,Brides and Bridals, II, 259, 260.

[1109]Friedberg,op. cit., 36-57, 317, 335, 344, 355. Secret marriages are censured byCranmer,Misc. Writings, 82, 159;Hooper,Later Writings, 137, 149;Latimer,Sermons, II, 243. Consent of parents is urged bySandys,Sermons, 50, 281, 325, 326, 455;Becon,Catechism, 355, 358, 371, 372;idem,Prayers, 199, 532;Tyndale,Early Writings, 169, 170, 199;Jeaffreson,Brides and Bridals, II, 104-14; I, 113 ff., discusses clandestine marriages, mainly after the Reformation.

[1110]Friedberg,op. cit., 39, 40. This appears plainly from the constitution of Stratford, 1343, against clandestine marriages; as well as from that of Zouche, 1347:Johnson'sCanons, II, 395-97, 410, 411.

[1111]Miles Coverdale,The Christen State of Matrimonye(1st ed., 1541), xlviii, xlviiii.This passage was transcribed for me from a copy of the first edition (1541) in the library of the British Museum by Professor William H. Hudson. To his kindness I am also indebted for the extract from Whitforde's book taken from a copy in the possession of the same library. In 1899 Sotheran offered for £4 10s. a "probably unique" copy of a 24mo edition of Coverdale's work, 1543. This he regards as a copy of the second edition, the title differing somewhat from that of the first edition. An 8vo edition appeared also in 1543, with a preface by Becon.Friedberg,op. cit., 40, quotes the same passage; but the different spelling indicates that he has not used the first edition.

[1111]Miles Coverdale,The Christen State of Matrimonye(1st ed., 1541), xlviii, xlviiii.

This passage was transcribed for me from a copy of the first edition (1541) in the library of the British Museum by Professor William H. Hudson. To his kindness I am also indebted for the extract from Whitforde's book taken from a copy in the possession of the same library. In 1899 Sotheran offered for £4 10s. a "probably unique" copy of a 24mo edition of Coverdale's work, 1543. This he regards as a copy of the second edition, the title differing somewhat from that of the first edition. An 8vo edition appeared also in 1543, with a preface by Becon.Friedberg,op. cit., 40, quotes the same passage; but the different spelling indicates that he has not used the first edition.

[1112]Richard Whitforde,A Werke for housholders(2d ed., 1537), sign. E. iii and following page. There is no pagination. For the date seeBayne, inDict. Nat. Biog., LXI, 125-27.

[1113]Friedberg,op. cit., 41.

[1114]Ibid., 47, 48.

[1115]Discussed inPalgrave,Commonwealth, II, v-xxvii;Bigelow,Placita Anglo-Normannica, 175;Pollock and Maitland,Hist. of Eng. Law, I, 137, 138.

[1116]Ibid., II, 365.For further illustration seeLoersch, "Ein eherechtliches Urtheil,"ZKR., XV, 407-10; andFrensdorff, "Ein Urtheilsbuch des geist. Gerichts zu Augsburg,"ibid., X, 1-37, publishing a manuscript containing decisions for the years 1348-52 which afford abundant proof of the doctrine and practice regardingsponsalia de praesenti.

[1116]Ibid., II, 365.

For further illustration seeLoersch, "Ein eherechtliches Urtheil,"ZKR., XV, 407-10; andFrensdorff, "Ein Urtheilsbuch des geist. Gerichts zu Augsburg,"ibid., X, 1-37, publishing a manuscript containing decisions for the years 1348-52 which afford abundant proof of the doctrine and practice regardingsponsalia de praesenti.

[1117]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 369, where a translation of the epistle is given.Cf.Bohn,Pol. Cyc., III, 319;Sohm.,Eheschliessung, 124 ff., who discusses from the canons the influence of Alexander III. on this doctrine.

[1118]This principle is illustrated in a suit for jactitation of marriage before the commissary of London, 1501:Hale,Precedents, 72, 73; and in a case of punishing clandestine marriage by prescribing penance by the same court in 1502:ibid., 78, 79.

[1119]The canonists distinguishedcognatiofromaffinitas. There are three sorts ofcognatio: (1)consanguinitas; (2)cognatio legalis, or adoption; (3)cognatio spiritualis, arising in a participation in the same sacrament:Esmein,op. cit., 335 ff., 374 ff. On the whole subject seeNiemeier,De conjugiis prohibitis, comprising ten separate dissertations with critical and bibliographical "supplementa," but relating largely to post-Reformation doctrine;Sanchez,Disput. de sto. mat. sac., II, 1-402;Tancred,Summa de mat.(ed.Wunderlich), 16 ff.; the monograph ofEichborn,Die Ehehinderniss der Blutsverwandtschaft nach kan. Rechte(Breslau, 1872);Schulte,Lehrbuch, 355-57;Friedberg,Lehrbuch, 337, 359;Sehling,Die Wirkungen der Geschlechtsgemeinschaft(impotence);Geary,Marriage and Family Relations, 20 ff.;Pollock and Maitland,Hist. of Eng. Law, II, 383 ff.;Freisen,Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 371 ff.;Jeaffreson,Brides and Bridals, I, 108 ff.; II, 306 ff.;Morgan,Marriage, Adultery, and Divorce, I, 199 ff. The Catholic doctrine is set forth at great length byScheicher-Binder,Praktisches Handbuch, 8-354; and inPerrone,De mat. christ., II, 31 ff.

[1120]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 383 ff.

[1121]Esmein,op. cit., I, 87, 90, 335 ff., discusses the causes which produced this irrational and intricate system.

[1122]Kemble,Saxons, II, 406-8;Lingard,Hist. Anglo-Saxon Church(2d ed.), II, 5 ff. Gregory advises Augustine to relax the rules of the church in England so as to allow marriage beyond the second degree:Haddan and Stubbs,Councils, III, 20, 21.Cf.alsoEsmein,op. cit., I, 344 ff.;Eichborn,Ehehinderniss, 11 ff.

[1123]Meyrick, "Marriage," inDict. Christ. Ant., II, 1092-1103. See also his article "Prohibited Degrees,"ibid., 1725-30; andEsmein,op. cit., I, 205 ff.

[1124]Thus, according to the Roman law, brother and sister are in the second degree; but by the canon law they are in the first degree. Second cousins by the canonists are regarded as in the third degree; by the Romans, as in the sixth (if they are equally distant from the common ancestor):Meyrick,op. cit., II, 1725;Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 383-85;Esmein,op. cit., I, 351 ff.;Freisen,Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 371-439. For the eastern church seeZhishman,Das Eherecht der orient. Kirche, 213-373.

[1125]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 385;Esmein,op. cit., I, 75 ff., 203-5.

[1126]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 385.

[1127]Much trouble grew out of the theory of spiritual affinity. Thus "in 1462, John Howthon, of Tonbridge, was sentenced by the Consistory Court of Rochester to be whipt three times round both market and church for having married Dionysia Thomas, for whom his former wife had been godmother. The like spiritual relation occasioned (Jan. 7, 1465) a dissolution of the marriage between John Trevennock and Joan Peckham; Letitia, the former wife of the said John having been godmother to a child of the said Joan." On December 29, 1472, William Lovelasse, of Kingsdown, was cited to appear "on a charge of having married his spiritual sister, viz., a woman whom his mother had held at her confirmation."—Burn,Parish Registers, 3, 4, notes, citingThorpe,Customale. The case of Henry VIII. and Catherine, wife of his elder brother Arthur, and the anecdote of Andowera and Fredegonda, wife of King Chilperic of Neustria (Thierry,Narratives of the Merovingian Era, London, n. d., 20), are in point. On the evils of the complex system seeThwing,The Family, 83;Law Review(English), I, 353 ff.;Woolsey,Divorce, 120 ff.; and especiallyHuth,Marriage of Near Kin, 113 ff.

[1128]Esmein,op. cit., I, 203-402, gives an elaborate historical account of matrimonial impediments.

[1129]The relation of the two jurisdictions is carefully examined byFriedberg,Eheschliessung, 47-57, with citation of the principal cases; also in a very clear and interesting way byPollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 370 ff., to whom I am particularly indebted.Cf.Geary,Marriage and Family Relations, 1-6.

[1130]Glanville,Tractatus, lib. vii, c. 13:Phillips, II, 402.Idem, c. 14:Phillips, II, 402, gives the form of writ by which a question of valid marriage is referred to the archbishop.

[1131]See, however,Friedberg,op. cit., 51: "Lag aber die Frage vor, haben die Parteien wie Mann und Frau zusammen gelebt, haben sie sich verlobt, war mithin über das Recht der Ehe ['the right of marriage'] keine Entscheidung zu fällen, sondern allein über den factischen Thatbestand, so urtheilte der weltliche Richter." But this led to strange embarrassments. Thus it was in doubt whether a compulsory marriage belonged to the spiritual or to the temporal court:Rolle,Abridgment(1688), I, 340; and "still greater was the doubt in case of the question, whether a second marriage were invalid if the first still existed":Friedberg,op. cit., 51 n. 2;Year Book, 49 Ed. III., 18.

[1132]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 378.Cf.Friedberg,op. cit., 56. "The canonists themselves having made marriages all too easy, and valid marriages all too difficult, had been driven into a doctrine of possessory marriage." In a case where a valid or canonical marriage could not be proved by the plaintiff, he was given a possessory action,actio spolii, and "in this the defendant will not be allowed to set up pleas which dispute, not the existence of ade factomarriage, but its validity," while the "plaintiff must prove a marriage celebrated in face of the church":Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 379.Cf.Esmein,op. cit., II, 15 ff.

[1133]On the divergence of the temporal and ecclesiastical laws as to legitimacy seeGlanville,Tractatus, lib. vii, c. 15:Phillips, II, 403. CompareSwinburne,Of Spousals, 15, 233 ff.

[1134]Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 50;Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 372;Bracton,De leg. et consuetud., foll. 302-4;idem,Note Book, placita 891, 1669, 1718, 1875,Maitland'sed., II, 688; III, 517, 559, 659.

[1135]Ap.Bracton,De leg. et consuetud., fol. 92;Note Book, pl. 891, 1669, 1718, 1875,Maitland'sed., II, 688; III, 517, 559, 659.

[1136]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 372, 373.

[1137]Glanville,op. cit., lib. vii, c. 15:Phillips, II, 403. For an interesting case, showing that the spiritual court could determine only the question of the validity of marriage, and not that of inheritance, which belonged to the king's courts, seeCorpus juris can., c. 17, x, 1, 29; c. 4, x, 4, 17; c. 7; quoted byFriedberg,op. cit., 50 n. 2.

[1138]On "putative" marriages seeEsmein,op. cit., II, 33-37;Freisen,Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 857-62; especiallyPollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 373-77.

[1139]"To this agreement between church and state there was the one well-known exception: our temporal courts would not allow to marriage any retroactive power; the bastard remained incapable of inheriting land even though his parents had become husband and wife and thereby made him capable of receiving holy orders and, in all probability, of taking a share in the movable goods of his parents.... But about all other matters the church could have, and apparently had, her way.... 'You are a bastard, for your father was a deacon': that was a good plea in the king's court, and the king's court did nothing to narrow the mischievous latitude of the prohibited degrees."—Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 375, 376. On legitimation through subsequent marriage by the canon law seeEsmein,op. cit., II, 37 ff.;Swinburne,Of Spousals, 233 ff.

[1140]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 375 n. 3;ap.Pike,Year Book, 11-12 Ed. III., pp. xx-xxii.

[1141]For the growth of the doctrines of the canonists as to the age of consent and the consequences of espousals before puberty seeFreisen,Geschichte des can. Eherechts, 323 ff.;Esmein,op. cit., II, 149 ff., with whomPollock and Mitland,op. cit., II, 387 ff., appear to agree. Read alsoJeaffreson,Brides and Bridals, I, 70 ff., 276 ff., who gives interesting illustrations of infantile betrothals and marriages; the learned monograph ofHoffmann,De aetate juvenili, 22 ff.;Lyndwood,Provinciale(ed. 1505), liber quartus, fol. cxcvi;Tancred,Summa de mat., tit. 4, pp. 4, 5.The constitutionDe desponsatione impuberumof the primate Edmund de Abingdon (1233-40) runs thus: "Ubi non est consensus utriusque non est conjugium. Igitur qui pueris dant puellas in cunabulis, nihil faciunt, nisi uterque puerorum, postquam venerit ad tempus discretionis, consentiat. Hujus ergo Decreti auctoritate inhibemus, ne de caetero aliqui, quorum uterque vel alter ad aetatem legibus constitutam et canonibus determinatam non pervenerit, conjungantur; nisi urgente necessitate pro bono pacis talis conjunctio toleretur."—Lyndwood,Provinciale; quoted byJeaffreson,op. cit., I, 74.

The constitutionDe desponsatione impuberumof the primate Edmund de Abingdon (1233-40) runs thus: "Ubi non est consensus utriusque non est conjugium. Igitur qui pueris dant puellas in cunabulis, nihil faciunt, nisi uterque puerorum, postquam venerit ad tempus discretionis, consentiat. Hujus ergo Decreti auctoritate inhibemus, ne de caetero aliqui, quorum uterque vel alter ad aetatem legibus constitutam et canonibus determinatam non pervenerit, conjungantur; nisi urgente necessitate pro bono pacis talis conjunctio toleretur."—Lyndwood,Provinciale; quoted byJeaffreson,op. cit., I, 74.

[1142]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 387, 388, who cite as proof the case of Thomas of Bayeux and Elena de Morville. The king's court decided that Elena should remain in ward to the king until the age of puberty, that "she may then consent or dissent."

[1143]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 388:ap.Littleton, sec. 36;Cokeupon Lit., 33a.

[1144]Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 388, 389, and the sources there cited.

[1145]See above, chap. iv.

[1146]"A treaty of peace involved an attempt to bind the will of a very small child, and such treaties were made not only among princes, but among men of humbler degree, who thus patched up their quarrels or compromised their law-suits. The rigour of our feudal law afforded another reason for such transactions; a father took the earliest opportunity of marrying his child in order that the right of marriage might not fall to the lord."—Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 389. See the case of Grace, supposititious child of Thomas of Saleby, married at four years of age to Adam Neville, and after his deathsoldin marriage twice by King John:ibid., 389, 390:ap. Magna vita S. Hugonis, 170-77; and in general on early marriages, especially as a means of alliance, compareEsmein,op. cit., I, 151 ff.

[1147]Denton,England in the Fifteenth Century, 161. For an illustration of the lord's marriage rights see the case of 1220 (H. III.) inSelect Pleas of the Crown(ed.Maitland), I, 135-38.

[1148]"As knighthood prevented wardship, a father sometimes endowed his son with land to qualify him for knighthood at an early age, so as to bar the claims of the mesne lord or of the crown to wardship. An instance occurs of knighthood at the age of seven years avowedly procured for this reason."—Denton,Eng. in Fifteenth Century, 261 n. I:ap.Smith,Lives of the Berkeleys, 140.

[1149]Traill,Social England, III, 578.

[1150]Theiner,Acta gen., II, 334, 347, 351, 352, 391, 395:Salis,Pub. des trid. Rechts, 10 n. 16.Cf.Waterworth,Canons, ccxxiii.

[1151]So, for instance, in France:Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 64 n. 5; and in Spain,ibid., 74.

[1152]Salis,Pub. des trid. Rechts, 11, 12, collates the evidence for the various opinions fromTheiner,Acta gen., II.Cf.Friedberg,op. cit., 108 ff.

[1153]Sohm,Eheschliessung, 175.

[1154]Ibid., 181.

[1155]Capit. 802, c. 35:Walter,Corpus juris germ., II, 167: "conjunctiones facere non praesumant, antequam episcopi presbyteri cum senioribus populi consanguinitatem conjungentium diligenter exquirant, et tune cum benedictions jungantur."Cf.Sohm'sinterpretation,op. cit., 181,vs.that ofFriedberg,Eheschliessung, 59.

[1156]See p. 314, above; andcf.Pollock and Maitland,op. cit., II, 368;Friedberg,op. cit., 10, 653, 654, for the present practice as to banns in various countries.

[1157]Johnson'sCanons, II, 91, 340, 352, 395, 410.

[1158]See the rituals of York, Sarum, Hereford, and others, in Surtees SocietyPublications, LXIII, 26 ff., Appendix, 17 ff., 115 ff., 155 ff.; and the Salisbury ritual inMaskell'sMonumenta, I, 50 ff.

[1159]For many cases seeHale'sPrecedents, 6, 33, 38, 39, 54, 56, 65, 82, 83, 85, 92, 166, 181, 182, 199, 255.

[1160]Friedberg,Eheschliessung, 10, 124;Esmein,Le mariage en droit canonique, II, 170 ff., who shows that the rules relating to banns were too vague to be effective. On the requirement of banns seeCranmer,Misc. Writings, 159;Grindal,Remains, 126;Hooper,Later Writings, 126, 138, 149;Ridley,Works, 531;Sandys,Sermons, 434.Cf.on the history of the institutionJeaffreson,Brides and Bridals, I, 99-107, 130 ff. CompareBorn,De bannis nuptialibus(Leipzig, 1716), secs. 1 ff.

[1161]Burn,Hist. of Parish Registers, 1-16. CompareWaters,Parish Registers, 5. Mention is made of registers in France as early as 1308; and by an order of Cardinal Ximenes, 1497, they were to be kept in every parish of the diocese of Toledo "in order to remedy the disorders occasioned by the frequency of divorces in Spain, on the ground of spiritual affinity."—Burn, 3;Marsolier,Histoire du ministère du Cardinal Ximenes, tom. 1, liv. 2, 263;Waters,Parish Registers, 4.Cf.Palgrave, inQuart. Rev., LXXIII, 561, who thus goes too far in saying that "parish registers were never keptin any part of the world until the sixteenth century."There is some evidence, held to be inconclusive byBurn,op. cit., 5-15, that an order for the use of registers may have been made earlier than 1538. The fact that at least eight registers begin before that date points to instructions given at the time of the suppression of the smaller monasteries:Waters,op. cit., 6. At the time of the insurrection in Yorkshire, 1536, in order to draw the common people, it was given out "that the king designed to get all the gold of England into his hands, under colour of recoining it; that he would seize all unmarked cattle, and all the ornaments of parish churches, and they should be forcedto pay for christenings, marriages, and burials(orders having been given for keeping Registers thereof), and for licenses to eat white bread."—Carte,Hist. of England. See also the rare tract by Holmes (1537), and the letter of Sir Piers Edgcumb to Cromwell (April 20, 1539), both quoted byBurn,op. cit., 8, 9. For the date seeWaters,op. cit., 7; and compareBurn'sFleet Marriages, 3.

There is some evidence, held to be inconclusive byBurn,op. cit., 5-15, that an order for the use of registers may have been made earlier than 1538. The fact that at least eight registers begin before that date points to instructions given at the time of the suppression of the smaller monasteries:Waters,op. cit., 6. At the time of the insurrection in Yorkshire, 1536, in order to draw the common people, it was given out "that the king designed to get all the gold of England into his hands, under colour of recoining it; that he would seize all unmarked cattle, and all the ornaments of parish churches, and they should be forcedto pay for christenings, marriages, and burials(orders having been given for keeping Registers thereof), and for licenses to eat white bread."—Carte,Hist. of England. See also the rare tract by Holmes (1537), and the letter of Sir Piers Edgcumb to Cromwell (April 20, 1539), both quoted byBurn,op. cit., 8, 9. For the date seeWaters,op. cit., 7; and compareBurn'sFleet Marriages, 3.

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