[1] The average, or at least the most powerful, type of a race is stamped on its history. It is perhaps needless to say that no generalisations on character apply to all its individual members.
[2] Even the Hellenes of the West are only a partial exception. It is true that their cities clung to the coast; but the vast inland possessions of states like Sybaris are scarcely paralleled elsewhere in the history of Greek colonisation.
[3] The Latin colony of Aquileia was settled in the former year (Liv. xl. 34 Vellei. 1. 15), the Roman colony of Auximum in the latter (Vellei. l.c.).
[4] Cic.de Leg. Agr. ii. 27. 73 Est operae pretium diligentiam majorum recordari, qui colonias sic idoneis in locis contra suspicionem periculi collocarunt, ut esse non oppida Italiae, sed propugnacula imperii viderentur.
[5] Liv. xxvii. 38; xxxvi. 3; cf. MarquardtStaatsverwaltung1. p. 51.
[6] The Roman citizen, who entered his name for a Latin colony, suffered the derogation ofcaputwhich was known to the later jurists ascapitis deminutio minorand expressed the loss ofcivitas(Gaius i. 161; iii. 56). That a fine was the alternative of enrolment, hence conceived as voluntary, we are told by Cicero (pro Caec. 33. 98 Aut sua voluntate aut legis multa profecti sunt: quam multam si sufferre voluissent, manere in civitate potuissent. Cf.pro Domo30. 78 Qui cives Romani in colonias Latinas proficiscebantur, fieri non poterant Latini, nisi erant auctores acti nomenque dederant).
[7] Liv. xxxix. 23.
[8] Liv. xxxvii. 4.
[9] Liv. xlii. 32 Multi voluntate nomina dabant, quia locupletes videbant, qui priore Macedonico bello, aut adversus Antiochum in Asia, stipendia fecerant.
[10] For the assignationsviritimin the times of the Kings see VarroR.R. i. 10 (Romulus); Cic.de Rep. ii. 14. 26 (Numa); Liv. 1. 46 (Servius Tullius). That the Cassian distribution was to be [Greek:kat andra] is stated by Dionysius (viii. 72, 73). On the whole subject see Mommsen in C.I.L. i. p. 75. He has made out a good case for the land thus assigned being known by the technical name ofviritanus ager. See Festus p. 373; Siculus Flaccus p. 154 Lachm. We shall find that this was the form of distribution effected by the Gracchi.
[11] For the settlement in the land of the Volsci see Liv. v. 24; for that made by M. Curius in the Sabine territory, Colum. i. praef. 14; [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 33.
[12] Cato ap. Varr.R.R. i. 2. 7 Ager Gallicus Romanus vocatur, qui viritim cis Ariminum datus est ultra agrum Picentium; cf. Cic.Brut. 14. 57;de Senect. 4. 11; Val. Max. v. 4. 5.
[13] Liv. xlii. 4 (173 B.C.); cf. xli. 16.
[14] The other sources were theportoriaand thevicesima libertatis. Even at a period when the revenues from the provinces were infinitely larger than they were at the present time Cicero could write, with reference to Caesar's proposal for distributing the Campanian land, Portoriis Italiae sublatis, agro Campano divisor, quid vectigal superest domesticum praeter vicensimam? (Cic.ad Att. ii. 16. i).
[15] See the map attempted by Beloch in his workDer Italische Bund unter Roms Hegemonie.
[16] Vellei. ii. 7. See ch. iv., where the attitude of the senate towards the proposals for transmarine settlement made by Caius Gracchus is described.
[17] Polyb. xxxii. 11.
[18] Besides the continued war in Spain from 145 to 133 there were troubles in Macedonia (in 142) and in Sicily during this period of comparative peace.Circa140-135 commences the great slave rising in that island, and in the latter year the long series of campaigns against the free Illyrian and Thracian peoples begins.
[19] Theofficiaof thevillicushave become very extensive even in Cato's time (CatoR.R. 5). Their extent implies the assumption of very prolonged absences on the part of the master.
[20] Lucullus paid 500,200 drachmae for the house at Misenum which had once belonged to Cornelia. She had purchased it for 75,000 (Plut.Mar. 34). Marius had been its intermediate owner. Even during his occupancy it is described as [Greek:polytelaes oikia tryphas echousa kai diaitas thaelyteras hae kat andra polemon tosouton kai strateion autourgon.]
[21] Diod. xxxvii. 3.
[22] Sulla rented one of the lower floors for 3000 sesterces (Plut.Sulla1).
[23] Thecoenaculumis mentioned by Livy (xxxix. 14) in connection with the year 186 B.C. It is known both to Ennius (ap. Tertull.adv. Valent. 7) and to Plautus (Amph. iii. 1. 3).
[24] Festus p. 171. Theinsularesembled a large hotel, with one or more courts, and bounded on all sides by streets. See SmithDict. of Antiq. (3rd ed.) i. p. 665.
[25] Val. Max. viii. 1. damn. 7 Admodum severae notae et illud populi judicium, cum M. Aemilium Porcinam (consul 137 B.C.) a L. Cassio (censor 125 B.C.) accusatum crimine nimis sublime extructae villae in Alsiensi agro gravi multa affecit. The author does not sufficiently distinguish between the censorian initiative and the operation of the law. The passage is important as showing the existence of an enactment on the height of buildings. See Voigt in Iwan-Müller'sHandbuchiv. 2, p. 394, and cf. Vellei. ii. 10. Augustus limited the height of houses to 70 feet (Strabo v. p. 235).
[26] Diodor. v. 40 (The Etruscans) [Greek:en … tais oikiais ta peristoa pros tas ton therapeuonton ochlon tarachas exeuron euchraestian.] See KrauseDeinokratesp. 528.
[27] In spite of the plural formfauces(Vitruv. vi. 3. 6) may denote only a single passage. See MarquardtPrivatl. p. 240; Smith and Middleton in SmithDict. of Antiq. i. p. 671.
[28] For thisatriensis, the English butler, the continental porter, see the frequent references in Plautus (e.g.,Asin. ii. 2. 80 and 101;Pseud. ii. 2. 15), KrauseDeinokratesp. 534 and MarquardtPrivatl. p. 140.
[29] Plin.H.N. xxxv. 6 Stemmata vero lineis discurrebant ad imagines pictas. It is not known at what period theimagineswere transferred from the Atrium to the Alae.
[30] OverbeckPompeiip. 192; KrauseDeinokratesp. 539.
[31] For the practice started, or developed, by Caius Gracchus of receiving visitors, some singly, others in smaller or larger groups, see Senecade Ben. vi. 34. 2 and the description of Gracchus' tribunate in chapter iv.
[32] Festus p. 357 (according to Mommsen, Abh. der Berl. Akad. Phil.-hist. Classe, 1864 p. 68). Tablinum proxime atrium locus dicitur, quod antiqui magistratus in suo imperio tabulis rationum ibi habebant publicarum rationum causa factum locum; Plin.H.N. xxxv. 7 Tabulina codicibus implebantur et monimentis rerum in magistratu gestarum. Marquardt, however (Privatl. p. 215) thinks that the nametablinumis derived from the fact that this chamber was originally made of planks (tablinumfromtabula, asfiglinumfromfigulus).
[33] The earliest instances of extreme extravagance in the use of building material—of the use, for instance, of Hymettian and Numidian marble—are furnished by the houses of the orator Lucius Licinius Crassus (built about 92 B.C.) and of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, consul in 78 B.C. This growth of luxury will be treated when we come to deal with the civilisation of the Ciceronian period.
[34] As Krause expresses it (Deinokratesp. 542), at the final stage we find a Greek "Hinterhaus" standing behind an old Italian "Vorderhaus".
[35] The case mentioned by Juvenal (xi. 151)
Pastoris duri hic est filius, ille bubulci.Suspirat longo non visam tempore matrem,Et casulam, et notos tristis desiderat haedos,
must have been of frequent occurrence as soon as the urban and rusticfamiliaehad been kept distinct.
[36] Suetonius says (de Rhet. 3) of L. Voltacilius Pilutus, one of the teachers of Pompeius, Servisse dicitur atque etiam ostiarius vetere more in catena fuisse.
[37] For theseatrienses, atriarii, admissionales, velariisee WallonHist. de l'Esclavageii. p. 108.
[38] Diod. xxxvii. 3; Sallust (Jug. 85) makes Marius say (107 B.C.) Neque pluris pretii coquum quam villicum habeo. Livy (xxxix. 6) remarks with reference to the consequences of the return of Manlius' army from Asia in 187 B.C. Tum coquus, vilissimum antiquis mancipium et aestimatione et usu, in pretio esse; et, quod ministerium fuerat, ars haberi coepta.
[39] Plin.H.N. xviii. 108 Nec coquos vero habebant in servitiis eosque ex macello conducebant. The practice is mentioned by Plautus (Aul. ii. 4. 1; iii. 2. 15).
[40]Condus promus(Plaut.Pseud. ii. 2. 14).
[41] Wallon op. cit. ii. p. 111.
[42] C. Gracchus ap. Gell. x. 3. 5.
[43] Polyb. xxxii. 11; Diodor. xxxvii. 3.
[44] Diod. l.c.
[45] Plin.H.N. xxxiii. 143 Invenimus legatos Carthaginiensium dixisse nullos hominum inter se benignius vivere quam Romanos. Eodem enim argento apud omnes cenitavisse ipsos.
[46] Val. Max. ii. 9, 3.
[47] Plin.H.N. xxxiii. 141.
[48] Vellei. i. 13.
[49] Polyb. xl. 7.
[50] Liv. xxxix. 6 Lectos aeratos … plagulas … monopodia et abacos Romam advexerunt. Tunc psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia ludionum oblectamenta addita epulis. Cf. Plin,H.N. xxxiv. 14.
[51] Polyb. ix. 10 [Greek:Rhomaioi de metakomisantes ta proeiraemena tais men idiotikais kataskenais tous auton ekosmaesan bious, tais de daemosiais ta koina taes poleos.] Another great raid was that made by Fulvius Nobilior in 189 B.C. on the art treasures of the Ambraciots (Signa aenea marmoreaque et tabulae pictae, Liv. xxxviii. 9).
[52] Plin.H.N. xv. 19 Graeci vitiorum omnium genitores.
[53] Cic.pro Arch. 3. 5 Erat Italia tum plena Graecarum artium ac disciplinarum … Itaque hunc (Archiam) et Tarentini et Regini et Neapolitani civitate ceterisque praemiis donarunt: et omnes, qui aliquid de ingeniis poterant judicare, cognitione atque hospitio dignum existimarunt.
[54] Cic.de Rep. ii. 19. 34 Videtur insitiva quadam disciplina doctior facta esse civitas. Influxit enim non tenuis quidam e Graecia rivulus in hanc urbem, sed abundantissimus amnis illarum disciplinarum et artium. Cicero is speaking of the very earliest Hellenic influences on Rome, but his description is just as appropriate to the period which we are considering.
[55] Plut.Paul. 28.
[56] Sulla brought back the library of Apellicon of Teos, Lucullus the very large one of the kings of Pontus (Plut.Sulla26;Luc. 42; Isid.Orig. vi. 5). Lucullus allowed free access to his books. Here we get the germ of the public library. The first that was genuinely public belongs to the close of the Republican era. It was founded by Asinius Pollio in the Atrium Libertatis on the Aventine (Plin.H.N. vii. 45; Isid.Orig. vi. 5).
[57] Macrob.Sat. iii. 14. 7.
[58] Dionys. vii. 71.
[59] They had made contributions in 186 B.C. towards the games of Scipio Asiaticus (Plin.H.N. xxxiii. 138).
[60] Livy (xl. 44) after describing thesenatus consultum, in which occur the words Neve quid ad eos ludos arcesseret, cogeret, acciperet, faceret adversus id senatus consultum, quod L. Aemilio Cn. Baebio consulibus de ludis factum esset, adds Decreverat id senatus propter effusos sumptus, factos in ludos Ti. Sempronii aedilis, qui graves non modo Italiae ac sociis Latini nominis sed etiam provinciis externis fuerant.
[61] The effect was still worse when a rich man avoided it. Cic.de Off. ii. 17. 58. Vitanda tamen suspicio est avaritiae. Mamerco, homini divitissimo, praetermissio aedilitatis consulatus repulsam attulit. Sulla said that the people would not give him the praetorship because they wished him to be aedile first. They knew that he could obtain African animals for exhibition (Plut.Sulla5).
[62] Cic.in Verr. v. 14. 36.
[63] Liv. x. 47; xxvii. 6.
[64] Liv. xxiii. 30.
[65] Liv. xxx. 39.
[66] Plin.H.N. xviii. 286.
[67] MommsenRöm. Münzw. p. 645.
[68] Liv. xxxvi. 36. On these festivals see Warde FowlerThe Roman Festivalspp. 72. 91. 70. TheMegalesiaseem to have fallen to the lot of the curule aediles (Dio. Cass. xliii. 48), the others to have been given indifferently by either pair.
[69] Val. Max. ii. 4-7; Liv.Ep. xvi. It was exhibited in the Forum Boarium by Marcus and Decimus Brutus at the funeral of their father.
[70] Compare Livy's description (xli. 20) of the adoption of Roman gladiatorial shows by Antiochus Epiphanes—Armorum studium plerisque juvenum accendit.
[71] Polyb. xxx. 13.
[72] Liv. xxxix. 22.
[73] Liv. xliv. 18.
[74] Dig. 21. 1. 40-42 (from the edict of the curule aediles) Ne quis canem, verrem vel minorem aprum, lupum, ursum, pantheram, leonem … qua vulgo iter fiet, ita habuisse velit, ut cuiquam nocere damnumve dare possit.
[75] Cic.de Off. ii. 17. 60 Tota igitur ratio talium largitionum genere vitiosa est, temporibus necessaria. He adds the pious but unattainable wish Tamen ipsa et ad facultates accomodanda et mediocritate moderanda est. Compare the remarks of Pöhlmann on the subject in hisGeschichte des antiken Communismus und Sozialismusii. 2. p. 471.
[76] MommsenStaatsr. ii., p. 382.
[77] Plut,Ti. Gracch. 14.
[78] Liv. xxxix. 44; Plut,Cat. Maj. 18.
[79] NitzschDie Gracchen, p. 128.
[80] Cic.de Off. ii. 22. 76 (Paullus) tantum in aerarium pecuniae invexit, ut unius imperatoris praeda finem attulerit tributorum. A deterrent to luxury could still have been created by imposing heavy harbour-dues on articles of value; but this would have required legislation. Nothing is known about the Republican tariff at Italian ports. The percentage may have been uniform for all articles.
[81] Liv. xxxiv. cc. 1-8; Val. Max. ix. 1. 3; Tac.Ann. iii. 33.
[82] Macrob.Sat. iii. 17; Festus pp. 201, 242; Schol. Bob. p. 310; MeyerOrat. Rom. Fragm. p. 91.
[83] This date (161) is given by Pliny (H.N. x. 139); Macrobius (Sat. iii. 17. 3) places the law in 159.
[84] Gell. ii. 24; Macrob.Sat. iii. 17; Plin.H.N. x. 139; Tertull.Apol. vi. The ten asses of this law are the Fanni centussis misellus of Lucilius.
[85] It seems that we must assume formal acceptance on the part of the allies in accordance with the principle that Rome could not legislate for her confederacy, a principle analogous to that which forbade her to force her franchise on its members (Cic.pro Balbo8, 20 and 21).
[86] We may compare the enactment of 193 B.C., which was produced by the discovery that Roman creditors escaped the usury laws by using Italians as their agents (Liv. xxxv. 7 M. Sempronius tribunus plebis … plebem rogavit plebesque scivit ut cum sociis ac nomine Latino creditae pecuniae jus idem quod cum civibus Romanis esset).
[87] TheLex Licinia, which is attributed by Macrobius (l.c.) to P. Licinius Crassus Dives, perhaps belongs either to his praetorship (104 B.C.) or to his consulship (97 B.C.).
[88] Gellius (ii. 24), in speaking of Sulla's experiments, says of the older laws Legibus istis situ atque senio obliteratis.
[89]Exaequatio(Liv. xxxiv. 4).
[90] Cic.de Rep. iii. g. 16; see p. 80.
[91] Compare Tac.Ann. iii. 53. The Emperor Tiberius here speaks of Illa feminarum propria, quis lapidum causa pecuniae nostrae ad externas aut hostilis gentes transferuntur.
[92] The prohibition belongs to the year 229 B.C. (Zonar. viii. 19). For other prohibitions of the same kind dating from, a period later than that which we are considering see Voigt in Iwan-Müller'sHandbuchiv. 2, p. 376 n. 95.
[93] Earlier enactments had been directed against canvassing, but not against bribery. The simplicity of the fifth century B.C. was illustrated by the law that a candidate should not whiten his toga with chalk (Liv. iv. 25; 433 B.C.). TheLex Poeteliaof 358 B.C. (Liv. vii. 16) was directed against personal solicitation bynovi homines. Some law ofambitusis known to Plautus (Amph. prol. 73; cf. Trinumm. iv. 3. 26), See ReinCriminalrechtp. 706
[94] Liv. xl. 19 Leges de ambitu consules ex auctoritate senatus ad populum tulerunt. This was thelex Cornelia Baebiaand that it referred to pecuniary corruption is known from a fragment of Cato (ap.Non. vii. 19, s.v. largi, Cato lege Baebia: pecuniam inlargibo tibi).
[95] Obsequens lxxi.
[96] Liv.Ep. xlvii.
[97] Polyb. vi. 56 [Greek:para men Karchaedoniois dora phaneros didontes lambanousi tas archas, para de Rhomaiois thanatos esti peri touto prostimon.]
[98] The position of the ruined patrician will be fully illustrated in the following pages when we deal with the careers of Scaurus and of Sulla.
[99] Liv. xxxiv. 52.
[100] Liv. xxxix. 7.
[101] Liv. xxxviii. 9.
[102] For the later history of theaurum coronariumsee MarquardtStaatsverw. ii. p. 295. It was developed from thetriumphales coronae(Festus p. 367) and is described as gold Quod triumphantibus … a victis gentibus datur and as imposed by commanders Propter concessam vitam (al. immunitatem) (Serv.Ad. Aen. viii. 721).
[103] Liv. xxi. 63 (218 B.C.) Id satis habitum ad fructus ex agris vectandos; quaestus omnis patribus indecorus visus.
[104] It was antiqua et mortua (Cic.in Verr. v. 18. 45).
[105] Cicero (Parad. 6. 46) speaks of those Qui honeste rem quaerunt mercaturis faciendis, operis dandis, publicis sumendis. Compare the category of banausic trades inde Off, 1. 42. 150, although in theParadoxathe contrast is rather that between honest and vicious methods of money-making. Deloume (Les manieurs d'argent à Romepp. 58 ff.) believes that the fortune of Cicero swelled through participation inpublica.
[106] Plut.Cato Maj. 21.
[107] Plut.Crass. 2.
[108] Plut.Cato Maj. 21. Cato employed this method of training as a means of increasing thepeculiumof his own slaves. But even thepeculiumtechnically belonged to the master, and it is obvious that the slave-trainer might have been used by others as a mere instrument for the master's gain.
[109] Plat. l.c. [Greek:haptomenos de syntonoteron porismou taen men georgian mallon haegeito diagogaen hae prosodon.]
[110] Plaut.Trinumm. Prol. 8:
Primum mihi Plautus nomen Luxuriae indidit:Tum hanc mihi gnatam esse voluit Inopiam.
[111] Liv. xxxiv. 4 (Cato's speech in defence of the Oppian law) Saepe me querentem de feminarum, saepe de virorum, nec de privatorum modo, sed etiam magistratuum sumptibus audistis; diversisque duobus vitiis, avaritia et luxuria, civitatem laborare. Compare Sallust's impressions of a later age (Cat. 3) Pro pudore, pro abstinentia, pro virtute, audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant.
[112] Polyb. vi. 56.
[113] Polyb. xxiv. 9.
[114] Cato ap. Gell. xi. 18. 18. The speech was one De praeda militibus dividenda.
[115] We first hear of a standing court forpeculatusin 66 B.C. (Cic.pro Cluent. 53. 147). It was probably established by Sulla.
[116] ReinCriminalr. pp. 680 ff.; MommsenRöm. Forsch. ii. pp. 437 ff.
[117] Liv. xxxvii. 57 and 58 (190 B.C.).
[118] See especially the case of Pleminius, Scipio's lieutenant at Locri (204 B.C.), who, after a committee had reported on the charge, was conveyed to Rome but died in bonds before the popular court had pronounced judgment (Liv. xxix. 16-22).
[119] Liv. xlii. 1 (173 B.C.) Silentium, nimis aut modestum aut timidum Praenestinorum, jus, velut probato exemplo, magistratibus fecit graviorum in dies talis generis imperiorum.
[120] For such requisitions see Plut.Cato Maj6 (of Cato's government of Sardinia) [Greek:ton pro autou strataegon eiothoton chraesthai kai skaenomasi daemosiois kai klinais kai himatiois, pollae de therapeia kai philon plaethei kai peri deipna dapanais kai paraskeuais barhynonton.]
[121] Liv. xxxii. 27 Sumptus, quos in cultum praetorum socii facere soliti erant, circumcisi aut sublati (198 B.C.).
[122] TheLex de Termessibus(a charter of freedom given to Termessus in Pisidia in 71 B.C.) enjoins (ii. l. 15) Nei … quis magistratus … inperato, quo quid magis iei dent praebeant ab ieisve auferatur nisei quod eos ex lege Porcia dare praebere oportet oportebit. This Porcian law was probably the work of Cato (ReinCriminalr. p. 607).
[123] Liv. xxxviii. 43; xxxix. 3; Rein, l.c.
[124] Liv. xliii. 2.
[125] Cic.Brut. 27. 106;de Off. ii. 21. 75; cf.in Verr. iii. 84. 195; iv. 25. 56.
[126] Liv. xli. 15. (176 B.C.) Duo (praetores) deprecati sunt ne in provincias irent, M. Popillius in Sardiniam: Gracchum eam provinciam pacare &c…. Probata Popillii excusatio est. P. Licinius Crassus sacrificiis se impediri sollemnibus excusabat, ne in provinciam iret. Citerior Hispania obvenerat. Ceterum aut ire jussus aut jurare pro contione sollemni sacrificio se prohiberi…. Praetores ambo in eadem verba jurarunt. I have seen the passage cited as a proof that governors would not go to unproductive provinces; but Sardinia was a fruitful sphere for plunder, and the excuses may have been genuine. That of Popillius seems to have been positively patriotic.
[127] Liv. xlii. 45 Decimius unus sine ullo effectu, captarum etiam pecuniarum ab regibus Illyriorum suspicione infamis, Romam rediit.
[128] Cic.in Verr. v. 48. 126 (70 B.C.) Patimur … multos jam annos et silemus cum videamus ad paucos homines omnes omnium nationum pecunias pervenisse.
[129] For the principle see Gaius iii. 151-153.
[130] Polybius (vi. 17), after speaking of various kinds of property belonging to the state, adds [Greek:panta cheirizesthai symbainei ta proeiraemena dia tou plaethous, kai schedon hos epos eipein pantas endedesthai tais onais kai tais ergasiais tais ek touton].
[131] Polyb. vi. 17. The senate can [Greek:symptomatos genomenou kouphisai kai to parapan adynatou tinos symbantos apolysai taes ergonias]. Thus the senate invalidated thelocationesof the censors of 184 B.C. (Liv. xxxix. 44 Locationes cum senatus precibus et lacrimis publicanorum victus induci et de integro locari jussisset.)
[132] In 169 B.C. it was the people that released from an oppressive regulation (Liv. xliii. 16). In this case a tribune answered the censor's intimation, that none of the former state-contractors should appear at the auction, by promulgating the resolution Quae publica vectigalia, ultro tributa C. Claudius et Ti. Sempronius locassent, ea rata locatio ne esset. Ab integro locarentur, et ut omnibus redimendi et conducendi promiscue jus esset.
[133] Deloume op. cit. pp. 119 ff. Polybius (vi. 17) has been quoted as an authority for the distinction between these two classes. He says [Greek:oi men gar agorazousi para ton timaeton autoi tas ekdoseis, oi de koinonousi toutois, oi d' enguontai tous aegorakotas, oi de tas ousias didoasi peri touton eis to daemosion.] The first three classes are themancipes, socii and praedes. In the fourth the shareholders (participesor perhapsadfines, cf. Liv. xliii. 16) are found by Deloume (p. 120); but the identification is very uncertain. The words may denote either real as opposed to formal security or the final payment of thevectigalinto the treasury. A better evidence for the distinction betweensociiand shareholders is found in the Pseudo-Asconius (in Cic.in Verr. p. 197 Or.) Aliud enim socius, Aliud particeps qui certam habet partem et non _in_divise agit ut socius. Themagnas partes(Cic.pro Rab. Post. 2. 4) and theparticulam(Val. Max. vi. 9. 7) of apublicum, need only denote large or small shares held by thesocii.Dare partes(Cic. l.c.) is to "allot shares," but not necessarily to outside members. Apart from the testimony of the Pseudo-Asconius and the mention ofadfinesin Livy the evidence for the ordinary shareholder is slight but by no means fatal to his existence.
[134] E.g. by loan to asociusat a rate of interest dependent on his returns, perhaps with apactum de non petendoin certain contingencies.
[135] These are, in strict legal language, the truepublicani; the lessees of state property arepublicanorum loco(Dig. 39. 4, 12 and 13).
[136] Later legal theory assimilated the third with the first class. Gaius says (ii. 7) In eo (provinciali) solo dominium populi Romani est vel Caesaris, nos autem possessionem tantum vel usumfructum habere videmur. But the theory is not ancient-perhaps not older than the Gracchan period. See GreenidgeRoman Public Lifep. 320. From a broad standpoint the first and second classes may be assimilated, since the payment of harbour dues (portoria) is based on the idea of the use of public ground by a private occupant.
[137]Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 31. 84.
[138] Thédenat in Daremberg-SaglioDict. des Antiq. s.v. Ergastulum.
[139] Compare CunninghamWestern Civilisation in its Economic Aspectsvol. i. p. 162.
[140] Cic.in Verr. ii. 55. 137; iii. 33. 77; ii. 13. 32; 26. 63.
[141] Ibid. ii. 13. 32.
[142] Liv. xxv. 3.
[143] Liv. xxiii. 49.
[144] Liv. xxiv. 18; Val. Max. v. 6. 8.
[145] Plut.Cato Maj. 19.
[146] Liv. xliii. 16.
[147] Cic.Brut. 22. 85 Cum in silva Sila facta caedes esset notique homines interfecti insimulareturque familia, partim etiam liberi, societatis ejus, quae picarias de P. Cornelio, L. Mummio censoribus redemisset, decrevisse senatum ut de ea re cognoscerent et statuerent consules. For the value of the pine-woods of Sila see Strabo vi. 1. 9.
[148] Liv. xlv. 18 Metalli quoque Macedonici, quod ingens vectigal erat, locationesque praediorum rusticorum tolli placebat. Nam neque sine publicano exerceri posse, et, ubi publicanus esset, ibi aut jus publicum vanum aut libertatem sociis nullam esse. Thepraedia rusticawere probably public domains, that might have formed part of the crown lands of the Macedonian Kings and would now, in the natural course of events, have been leased topublicani.
[149] It might happen that the interest of thenegotiatorwas opposed to that of thepublicanus. The former, for instance, might wishportoriato be lessened, the latter to be increased (Cic.ad Att. ii. 16. 4). But such a conflict was unusual.
[150] CatoR.R. pr. 1. Est interdum praestare mercaturis rem quaerere, nisi tam periculosum sit, et item fenerari, si tam honestum sit. Majores nostri sic habuerunt et ita in legibus posiverunt, furem dupli condemnari, feneratorem quadrupli. Quanto pejorem civem existimarint feneratorem quam furem, hinc licet existimare. Cf. Cic.de Off. i. 42. 150. Improbantur ii quaestus, qui in odia hominum incurrunt, ut portitorum, ut feneratorum.
[151] Cic.de Off. ii. 25. 89. Cum ille … dixisset "Quid fenerari?" tum Cato "Quid hominem," inquit, "occidere?"
[152] For such professional money-lenders see Plaut.Most. iii. 1. 2 ff.;Curc. iv. 1. 19.
[153] Liv. xxxii. 27.
[154] On the history and functions of the bankers see VoigtUeber dieBankiers, die Buchführung und die Litteralobligation der Römer(Abh. d.Königl. Sächs. Gesell. d. Wissench.; Phil. hist. Classe, Bd. x);Marquardt Staatsverw, ii. pp. 64 ff.; DeloumeLes manieurs d'argent àRome, pp. 146 ff.
[155] Plin.H.N. xxi. 3. 8.
[156] Cf. Cic.de Off, iii. 14. 58. Pythius, qui esset ut argentarius apud omnes ordines gratiosus….
[157] Yet the two never became thoroughly assimilated. Theargentarius, for instance, was not an official tester of money, and thenummulariiappear not to have performed certain functions usual to the banker, e.g. sales by auction. See Voigt op. cit. pp. 521. 522.
[158] Plaut.Cure. iv. 1. 6 ff.
Commonstrabo, quo in quemque hominem facile inveniatis loco.* * * * *Ditis damnosos maritos sub basilica quaerito.Ibidem erunt scorta exoleta, quique stipulari solent.* * * * *In foro infumo boni homines, atque dites ambulant.Sub veteribus, ibi sunt qui dant quique accipiunt faenore.
[159] To be bankrupt isforo mergi(Plaut.Ep. i. 2. 16),a foro fugere, abire(Plaut.Pers. iii. 3. 31 and 38).
[160] Cic.de Off. ii. 24. 87. Toto hoc de genere, de quaerenda, de collocanda pecunia, vellem etiam de utenda, commodius a quibusdam optumis viris ad Janum medium sedentibus … disputatur. ForJanus mediusand the question whether it means an arch or a street see RichterTopogr. der Stadt Rom. pp. 106. 107.
[161] Liv. xxxix. 44; xliv. 16. The Porcian was followed by the Fulvian Basilica (Liv. xl. 51). The dates of the three were 184, 179, 169 B.C. respectively.
[162] Deloume op. cit. pp. 320 ff.; Guadet in Daremberg-SaglioDict. des Antiq. s.v. Basilicae.
[163] Large transport ships could themselves come to Rome if their build was suited to river navigation. In 167 B.C. Aemilius Paulus astonished the city with the size of a ship (once belonging to the Macedonian King) on which he arrived (Liv. xlv. 35). On the whole question of this foreign trade see Voigt in Iwan-Müller'sHandbuchiv. 2, pp. 373-378.
[164] Voigt op. cit. p. 377 n. 99.
[165] Compare CunninghamWestern Civilisation in its Economic Aspectsvol. i. p. 165, "It is only under very special conditions, including the existence of a strong government to exercise a constant control, that free play for the formation of associations of capitalists bent on securing profit, is anything but a public danger. The landed interest in England has hitherto been strong enough to bring legislative control to bear on the moneyed men from time to time…. The problem of leaving sufficient liberty for the formation of capital and for enterprise in the use of it, without allowing it licence to exhaust the national resources, has not been solved."
[166] Plut. Numa 17. On the history of these gilds see WaltzingCorporations professionelles chez les Remainspp. 61-78.
[167] The praetor was Rutilius (Ulpian in Dig. 38. 2. 1. 1), perhaps P. Rutilius Rufus, the consul of 105 B.C. (Mommsen Staatsr. in. p. 433). See the last chapter of this volume. For the principle on which suchoperaewere exacted from freedmen see Mommsen l.c.
[168] Inliberales ac sordidi quaestus (Cic.de Off. i. 42. 150).
[169] Gell. vii. (vi.) 9; Liv. ix. 46; MommsenStaatsr. i. p. 497.
[170] Cf. Cic.de Off. i. 42. 151 Omnium autem rerum, ex quibus aliquid adquiritur, nihil est agricultura melius, nihil uberius, nihil dulcius, nihil homine libero dignius.
[171] See de BoorFasti Censorii. A disturbing element in this enumeration is the uncertainty of numerals in ancient manuscripts. But the fact of the progressive decline is beyond all question. No accidental errors of transcription could have produced this result in the text of Livy's epitome.
[172] Liv.Ep. xvi.
[173] Ibid. lvi.
[174] Ibid. xlvi. xlviii.
[175] Euseb. Arm. a. Abr. 1870 Ol. 158.3 (Hieron. Ol. 158.2 = 608 A.U.C.).
[176] Liv.Ep. lvi.
[177] Eorum qui arma ferre possent (Liv. i. 44); [Greek:ton echonton taen strateusimon haelikian] (Dionys. xi. 63); [Greek: ton en tais haelikiais] (Polyb. ii. 23).
[178] Besides theproletariiall under military age would be excluded from these lists. Mommsen (Staatsr. ii. p. 411) goes further and thinks that thesenioresare not included in our lists.
[179] The limit to the incidence of taxation was a property of 1500 asses (Cic.de Rep. ii. 22. 40), the limit of census for military service was by the time of Polybius reduced to 4000 asses (Polyb. vi. 19). Gellius (xvi. 10. 10) gives a reduction to 375 asses at a date unknown but preceding the Marian reform. Perhaps the numerals are incorrect and should be 3,750.
[180] Liv. xl. 38.
[181] Gell. i. 6. Cf. Liv.Ep. lix.
[182] See WallonHist. de l'Esclavageii. p. 276.
[183]Concubinatuscould not, by the nature of the case, become a legal conception until the Emperor Augustus had devised penalties forstuprum. It was then necessary to determine what kind ofstuprumwas not punishable. But the social institution and its ethical characteristics, although they may have been made more definite by legal regulations, could not have originated in the time of the Principate. For the meaning ofpaelexin Republican times see MeyerDer römische Konkubinatand a notice of that work in theEnglish Historical Reviewfor July 1896.
[184] CunninghamWestern Civilisationp. 156. Cf. Soltau inKulturgesch. des klass. Altertumsp. 318.
[185] Plin.H.N. xviii. 3. 22; VarroR.R. i. 1. 10.
[186] Colum. 1. 1. 18. The Latin translation was probably made shortly after the destruction of Carthage,circa140 B.C. (MahaffyThe Work of Mago on AgricultureinHermathenavol. vii. 1890). Mahaffy believes that the Greek translation by Cassius Dionysius (VarroR.R. i. 1. 10) was later, and he associates it with the colonies planted by C. Gracchus in Southern Italy.
[187] Saturnia in 183 (Liv. xxxix. 55), Graviscae in 181 (Liv. xl. 29), Luna in 180 and again in 177 (Liv. xli. 13; Mommsen in C.I.L. i. n. 539). See MarquardtStaatsverw, i. p. 39.
[188] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 8; NitzschDie Gracchenp. 198.
[189] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 198.
[190] Liv. xxxix. 29.
[191] VarroR.R. ii. 5. II Pascuntur armenta commodissime in nemoribus, ubi virgulta et frons multa. Hieme secundum mare, aestu abiguntur in montes frondosos.
[192] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 16.
[193] Nitzsch op. cit. p. 17.
[194] Cic.de Off. ii. 25. 89. So in Cato's more reasoned estimate (R.R. i. 7) of the relative degrees of productivity, althoughvineacomes first (cf. p. 80) yetpratumprecedescampus frumentarius.
[195] App.Hannib. 61.
[196] App. l.c.; Gell. x. 3. 19.
[197] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 193 So zerfiel denn Mittelitalien in zwei scharf-getheilte Hälften, den ackerbauenden Westen und den viehzuchttreibenden Osten; jener reich an Häfen, von Landstrassen durchschnitten, in einer Menge von Colonien oder einzelnen Gehöften von Römischen Ackerbürgern bewohnt; dieser fast ohne Häfen, nur von einer Küstenstrasse durchschnitten, für den grossen Römer der rechte Sitz seiner Sclaven und Heerden. Cf. p. 21. For the pasturage in Calabria and Apulia see op. cit. pp. 13 and 193.
[198] Liv. xxviii. II; cf. Luc.Phars. i. 30.
[199] Dureau de la Malle (Économie Politique ii. p. 38) compares the precept of the Roman "Quid est agrum bene colere? bene arare. Quid secundum? arare. Tertio stercorare" with the adage of the French farmer "Fumez bien, labourez mal, vous recueillerez plus qu'en fumant mal et en labourant bien".
[200] See DreyfusLes lois agrairesp. 97. Varro (R.R. i. 12. 2) is singularly correct in his account of the nature of the disease that arose from theloca palustria:—Crescunt animalia quaedam minuta, quae non possunt oculi consequi, et per aera intus in corpus per os ac nares perveniunt atque efficiunt difficilis morbos. The passage is cited by Voigt (Iwan-Müller'sHandbuchiv. 2. p. 358) who gives a good sketch of the evils consequent on neglect of drainage.
[201] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 228.
[202] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.
[203] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 237.
[204] Polyb. xxxvii. 3.
[205] Polyb. ii. 15.
[206] For such purchases from Sardinia see Liv. xxxvi. 2, from Sicily (at a period later than that which we are considering) Cic.in Verr. iii. 70, 163.
[207] Cf. CatoR.R. i. 3 (In choosing the situation of one's estate) oppidum validum prope siet aut mare aut amnis, qua naves ambulant, aut via bona celebrisque.
[208] For the traditions which assign a very early date for laws dealing with theager publicussee the following chapter, which treats of the legislation of Tiberius Gracchus.
[209] App,Bell. Civ. i. 7 [Greek:taes de gaes taes doriktaetou sphisin ekastote gignomenaes taen men exeirgasmenaen autika tois oikizomenois epidiaeroun hae epipraskon hae exemisthoun, taen d' argon ek tou polemou tote ousan, hae dae kai malista eplaethyen, ouk agontes po scholaen dialachein, epekaerytton en tosode tois ethelousin ekponein epi telei ton etaesion karpon].
[210] For the evidence for this and other statements connected with theager publicussee the citations in the next chapter.
[211] In consequence of the doubtfulness of the traditions concerning early agrarian laws this time cannot even be approximately specified. See the next chapter.
[212] Tradition represents the first laws dealing with theager publicus (e. g. the supposedlex Licinia) as earlier than thelex Poeteliaof 326 B.C., which abolished the contract ofnexum.
[213] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 8 [Greek:hysteron de ton geitnionton plousion hypoblaetois prosopois metapheronton tas misthoseis eis eautous.]
[214] App.Bell. Civ. i. 7 [Greek:oi gar plousioi … ta … anchou sphisin, osa te haen alla brachea penaeton, ta men onoumenoi peithoi ta de bia lambanontes, pedia makra anti chorion egeorgoun.] Cf. SenecaEp. xiv. 2 (90). 39 Licet agros agris adjiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel injuria.
[215] [Greek:pedia makra] (App. l.c.), Plin.H.N. xviii. 6. 35 Verumque confitentibus latifundia perdidere Italiam. (For the expressionlati fundisee Siculus Flaccus pp. 157, 161). Frontinus p. 53 Per longum enim tempus attigui possessores vacantia loca quasi invitante otiosi soli opportunitate invaserunt, et per longum tempus inpune commalleaverunt. For the invasion of pasturage see Frontinus p. 48 Haec fere pascua certis personis data sunt depascenda tunc cum agri adsignati sunt. Haec pascua multi per inpotentiam invaserunt et colunt.
[216] In spite of the fertility of the land, the native Gallic population had vanished from most of the districts of this region as early as Polybius' time (Polyb. ii. 35). Cf. NitzschDie Gracchenp. 60.
[217] Val. Max. iv. 4. 6.
[218] SteinwenderDie römische Bürgerschaft in ihrem Verhältnis zum Heerep. 28.
[219] App.Bell. Civ. i. 7.
[220] Polyb. vi. 39.
[221] Liv. xxvii. 9 (209 B.C.) Fremitus enim inter Latinos sociosque in conciliis ortus:—Decimum annum dilectibus, stipendiis se exhaustos esse … Duodecim (coloniae) … negaverunt consulibus esse unde milites pecuniamque darent.
[222] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 194.
[223] CatoR.R. 144 etc.
[224] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 187.
[225] CatoR.R. 5. 136.
[226] CatoR.R. 136 Politionem quo pactopartiariodari oporteat. In agro Casinate et Venafro in loco bono parti octava corbi dividat, satis bono septima, tertio loco sexta; si granum modio dividet, parti quinta. In Venafro ager optimus nona parti corbi dividat … Hordeum quinta modio, fabam quinta modio dividat.
[227] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 188.
[228] Dureau de la MalleÉconomie Politiqueii. pp. 225, 226.
[229] CatoR.R. i. 7 Vinea est prima,… secundo loco hortus inriguus, tertio salictum, quarto oletum, quinto pratum, sexto campus frumentarius, septimo silva caedua, octavo arbustum, nono glandaria silva.
[230] Cic.de Rep. iii. 9. 16 Nos vero justissimi homines, qui Transalpinas gentis oleam et vitem serere non sinimus, quo pluris sint nostra oliveta nostraeque vineae. Cf. Colum. iii. 3. 11.
[231] See CatoR.R. 7, 8 for the produce of thefundus suburbanus. Cf. c. 1 (note 2) for the value of thehortus inriguus.
[232] See the citations in Voigt (Iwan-Müller'sHandbuchiv. 2 p. 370). Communities and corporations employedcolonion theiragri vectigales(Cic.ad Fam. xiii. 11, 1; Hygin.de Cond. Agr. p. 117. 11; Voigt l.c.).
[233] Liv. xlv. 34.
[234] Mahaffy ("The Slave Wars against Rome" inHermathenano. xvi. 1890) believes that the majority of these were shipped to Sicily.
[235] Strabo xiv. 5. 2.
[236] Cf. Arist.Pol. i. 8. 12 [Greek:hae polemikae physei ktaetikae pos estai; hae gar thaereutikae meros autaes, hae dei chraesthai pros te ta thaeria kai ton anthropon hosoi pephykotes archesthai mae thelousin, hos physei dikaion touton onta ton polemon.]
[237] Mahaffy (l.c.) thinks that the Syrians and Cilicians of the first slave war in Sicily, whom he believes to have been transferred from Carthage, had been secured by that state in a trade with the East—the trade which perhaps took the Southern Mediterranean route from Malta past Crete and Cyprus.
[238] WallonHistoire de l'Esclavageii. p, 45.
[239] Strabo xiv, 3. 2 [Greek:en Sidae goun polei taes Pamphylias ta naupaegia synistato tois Kilixin, hypo kaeruka te epoloun ekei tous halontas eleutherous homologountes.]
[240] Strabo (xiv. 5. 2), after describing the slave market at Delos, continues [Greek:hoste kai paroimian genesthai dia touto; hempore, katapleuson, exelou, panta pepratai.]
[241] Plut.Cato Maj. 4.
[242] If we make the denarius a rough equivalent of the drachma, some of the prices given in Plautus are as follows:—A child, 600 denarii, a nurse and two female children, 1800, a young girl, 2000, another 3000. Here we seem to get the average prices for valuable and refined domestics. Elsewhere special circumstances might increase the value; a female lyrist fetches 5000 denarii, a girl of remarkable attractions 6000. See Wallon _Hist. de l'Esclavage ii. pp. 160 ff.
[243] Ter.Andriaii. 6. 26.
[244] It is probable, however, that in the case of superintendents (villici, villicae, procuratores) experience may have been an element in the prices which they fetched.
[245] Festus p. 332 Sardi venales, alius alio nequior.
[246] Plut.Cato Maj. 21.
[247] CatoR.R. 56, 57.
[248] Ibid. 2.
[249] At the close of this period a division took place between the functions ofvillicusand those ofprocurator. The former still controlled the economy of the estate and administered its goods; the latter was the business agent and entered into legal relations with other parties. See Voigt in Iwan-Müller'sHandbuchiv. 2 p. 368.
[250] Colum. i. 6.
[251] An inspection of all theergastulaof Italy was ordered by Augustus (Suet.Aug. 32) and Tiberius (Suet.Tib. 8). Columella (i. 8) recommends inspection by the master.
[252] Kidnapping became very frequent after the civil wars. It was to prevent this evil that inspection was ordered by the Emperors (note 3). See Thédenat in Daremberg-SaglioDict. des Antiq. s.v. Ergastulum.
[253] Plaut.Most. i. 1. 18; Florus iii. 19.
[254] For the distinction between thevinctiandsolutisee Colum. i. 7.
[255] VarroR.R. ii. 2 10 The proportion is larger than would be demanded in modern times, but Mahaffy (l.c.) remarks that we do not hear of the work of guardianship being shared by trained dogs, and that the danger from wild beasts and lawless classes was considerable. As regards the first point, however, we do hear of packs of hounds which followed the Sicilian shepherds (Diod. xxxiv. 2), and it is difficult to believe that these had not developed some kind of training.
[256] VarroR.R. ii. 10. 7.
[257] Diod, xxxiv. 2. 38.
[258] Val. Max. ii. 10. 2.
[259] Livy (xxxii. 26) speaks of them asnationis eius. He has just mentioned the slaves of the Carthaginian hostages. But it does not follow that either class was composed of native Africans. They may have been imported Asiatics, as in Sicily.
[260] Liv. xxxii. 26.
[261] Liv. xxxiii. 36 Etruriam infestam prope conjuratio servorum fecit.
[262] Liv. xxxix. 29.
[263] BücherDie Aufstände der unfreien Arbeiterp. 34. Cf. Soltau inKulturgesch. des klass. Altertumsp. 326.
[264] Oros. v. 9 Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 19.
[265] Mahaffy l.c.
[266] Cf. Bücher op. cit. p. 79.
[267] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 27. For the large number of Roman proprietors in Sicily see Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19) 3—(Sicilia) terra frugum ferax et quodam modo suburbana provincia latifundis civium Romanorum tenebatur.
[268] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 32. 36.
[269] Diod. l.c.
[270] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 31. This may have been true of the time of which we are speaking; for the influence of the Roman residents in Sicily on the administration of the island must always have been great. But Diodorus assigns an incorrect reason when he states that the Roman knights of Sicily were judges of the governors of the provinces. This is true only of the period preceding the second servile war.
[271] Historians profess to tell the mechanism by which this device was secured. A spark of fire was placed with inflammable material in a hollow nut or some similar small object, which was perforated. The receptacle was placed in the mouth, and judicious breathing did the rest. See Diodorus xxxiv, 2. 7; Floras ii. 7 (iii. 19).
[272] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 228.
[273] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 24 [Greek:hypo gar taes pepromenaes autois kekyrosthai taen patrida taen Ennan, ousan akropolin holaes taes naesou.]
[274] Ibid. 2. 12 [Greek:oud estin eipein … hosa enybrizon te kai enaeselgainon.]
[275] [Greek:planon te apekaloun] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 14).
[276] Diodor. xxxiv. 3. 41.
[277] Ibid. 2. 39.
[278] Ibid., 2, 24.
[279] Liv.Ep. lv.; App.Syr. 68. Cf. NitzschDie Gracchenp. 288.
[280] Diodorus describes him as an Achaean. Mahaffy (l.c.) suspects that he came from Eastern Asia Minor or Syria, where Achaeus occurs as a royal name. But the name also occurs in old Greece. One may instance the tragic poet of Eretria.
[281] [Greek:kai boulae kai cheiri diapheron] (Diod. xxxiv. 2. 16).
[282] Ibid. 2. 42.
[283] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 6.
[284] Diod. xxxiv. 2. 43.
[285] Ibid. 2. 18; Florus l.c.
[286] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 7 Quin illud quoque ultimum dedecus belli, capta sunt castra praetorum—nec nominare ipsos pudebit—castra Manli Lentuli, Pisonis Hypsaei. Itaque qui per fugitivarios abstrahi debuissent praetorios duces profugos praelio ipsi sequebantur. P. Popillius Laenas, the consul of 132 B.C., was praetor in Sicily either immediately before, or during the revolt (C.I.L. i. n. 351. l. g).
[287] Strabo vi. 2. 6. For the question whether they held Messana see p. 98.
[288] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 2 Quis crederet Siciliam multo cruentius servili quam Punico bello esse vastatam?
[289] [Greek:epi tae prophasei ton drapeton] (Diodor. xxxiv. 2. 48). Wallon (Hist. de l'Esclavageii. p. 307) takes these words to mean that the peasantry professed to be marching against the slaves.
[290] Mahaffy (l.c.) has raised and discussed this question. His conclusions are (i) that the pirates may have been influenced by a sense of business honour to the effect that the man-stealer should abide by his bargain, (ii) that these pirates may have received some large bribe, direct or indirect, from Rome, (iii) that the natural enmity between the slaves and the pirates may have hindered an agreement for transport, (iv) that the Cilician slaves, accustomed to permanent robber-bands, may have not held it impossible that Rome would acquiesce in such a creation in Sicily, (v) that the Syrian towns would not have troubled about the restoration of such of their members as had become slaves, even had they not feared to offend Rome. He remarks that the return of even free exiles to a Hellenistic city was a cause of great disturbance.
[291] Liv.Ep. lvi.; Oros. v. 9.
[292] C.I.L. i. nn. 642, 643.
[293] Oros. v. 9. ThisMamertium oppidumof Orosius has often been interpreted as Messana (Mamertinorum oppidum, Bücher, p. 68); for, although the slaves of this town had not revolted (Oros. v. 6. 4), it might have been captured by the rebels. Schäfer, however (Jahrb. f. Class. Philol. 1873 p. 71) explains Mamertium as Morgantia (Murgentinum oppidum).
[294] Val. Max. ix. 12ext. 1. Diodorus (xxxiv. 2. 20) calls him Comanus and speaks of his being captured during the siege of Tauromenium.
[295] Oros. v. 9.
[296] WallonHist. de l'Esclavageii. p. 308.
[297] Florus ii. 7 (iii. 19). 8.
[298] For thelex Rupiliasee Cic.in Verr. ii. 13. 32; 15. 37; 16. 39; 24. 59.
[299] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 8. Plutarch speaks of an "attempt" ([Greek:epecheiraese men oun tae diorthosei]); but the effort perhaps went no further than the testing of opinion to discover the probability of support. The enterprise may have belonged to the praetorship of Laelius (145 B.C.).
[300] Polyb. vi. 11.
[301] NitzschDie Gracchenp. 203.
[302] Cic.Brut. 27. 104 Fuit Gracchus diligentia Corneliae matris a puero doctus et Graecis litteris eruditus. Id. Ib. 58. 211 Legimus epistulas Corneliae matris Gracchorum: apparet filios non tam in gremio educatos quam in sermone matris. Cf. Quinctil.Inst. Or. i. 1. 6; Plut.Ti. Gracch. 1.
[303] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 1. The King referred to in this story is perhaps Ptolemy Euergetes, who reigned from 146 to 117 B.C.
[304] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 8.
[305] NitzschDie Gracchenpp. 208 foll., 258.
[306] Polyb. vi. 14 [Greek:krinei men oun ho daemos kai diaphorou] (money penalties) [Greek:pollakis … thanatou de krinei monos].
[307] Polyb. vi. 16 [Greek:opheilousi d' aei poiein oi daemarchoi to dokoun to daemo kai malista stochazesthai taes toutou boulaeseos].
[308] Polyb. vi. 57.
[309] Polyb. xxxvii. 4.
[310] Ibid.
[311] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 2.
[312] Ibid., 4 [Greek:outos haen periboaetos hoste taes ton Augouron legomenaes hierosonaes axiothaenai di' aretaen mallon hae dia taen eugeneian.] Tiberius may have filled the place vacated by the death of his father (circa148 B.C.). He would have been barely sixteen; and Plutarch says (l.c.) that he had but just emerged from boyhood. Election to the augural college at this time was effected by co-optation. See Underhill in loc.
[313] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 4.
[314] Cic.pro Cael. 14. 34; Suet.Tib. 2.
[315] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 4. The story is also told of the betrothal of Cornelia herself to the elder Gracchus (Liv. xxxviii. 57; Val. Max. iv. 2. 3; Gell. xii. 8); but Plutarch records a statement of Polybius that Cornelia was not betrothed until after her father's death, and Livy (l.c.) is conscious of this version.
[316] Fannius ap. Plut.Ti. Gracch. 4 [Greek:tou ge teichous epebae ton polemion protos]. As the context seems to show that Tiberius did not remain until the end of the siege, theteichoswas probably that of Megara, the suburb of Carthage (NitzschDie Gracchenp. 244); cf. App.Lib. 117.
[317] Plut. l.c.
[318] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 7; cf. App.Iber. 83; NitzschDie Gracchenp. 280; LongDecline of Rom. Rep. i. p. 83.
[319] Plut. l.c.
[320] Vellei. ii. 1 Mancinum verecundia, poenam non recusando, perduxit huc, ut per fetialis nudus ac post tergam religatis manibus dederetur hostibus. Plut.Ti. Gracch. 7 [Greek:ton men gar hypaton epsaephisanto gymnon kai dedemenon paradounai tois Nomantinois, ton d' allon epheisanto panton dia Tiberion.] Cf. Cic.de Off. iii. 30. 109.
[321] Cic.Brut. 27. 103 (Ti. Gracchus) propter turbulentissimum tribunatum, ad quem ex invidia foederis Numantini bonis iratus accesserat, ab ipsa re publica est interfectus. Id.de Har. Resp. 20. 43 Ti. Graccho invidia Numantini foederis, cui feriendo, quaestor C. Mancini consulis cum esset, interfuerat, et in eo foedere improbando senatus severitas dolori et timori fuit, eaque res illum fortem et clarum virum a gravitate patrum desciscere coegit. The same motive is suggested by Vellei. ii. 2; Quinctil.Inst. Or. vii. 4. 13; Dio Cass.frg. 82; Oros. v. 8. 3; Florus ii. 2 (iii. 14).
[322] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 8.
[323] Plut. l.c.
[324] Plut. l.c.
[325] Gell. i. 13. 10 Is Crassas a Sempronio Asellione et plerisque aliis historiae Romanae scriptoribus traditur habuisse quinque rerum bonarum maxima et praecipua: quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus, quod eloquentissimus, quod jurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus.
[326] Cic.Acad. Prior. ii. 5. 13 Duo … sapientissimos et clarissimos fratres, P. Crassum et P. Scaevolam, aiunt Ti. Graccho auctores legum fuisse, alterum quidem, ut videmus, palam; alterum, ut suspicantur, obscurius.
[327] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 9.
[328] App.Bell. Civ. i. 9 [Greek:esemnologaese peri tou Italikou genous]. The expression suggests the further question whether Gracchus intended Italians, as well as Romans, to benefit by his law. On this question see p. 115. But, whatever our opinion on this point, the widening of the issue by an appeal to Italian interests was natural, if not inevitable.
[329] App. l.c.
[330] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 9.
[331] App.Bell. Civ. i. 9; cf. Plut.Ti. Gracch. 8.
[332] The most respectable of the authorities for the Licinian law having dealt with the land question is Varro (R.R. 1. 2. 9 Stolonis illa lex, quae vetat plus D jugera habere civem R). A similar account is found in many other authors (Liv. vi. 35; Vellei. ii. 6; Plut.Cam. 39; Gell. vi. 3. 40; Val. Max. viii. 6. 3). A variant in the maximum amount permitted to a single holder is given by [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 20 [(Licinius Stolo) legem scivit, ne cui plebeio plus centum jugera agri habere liceret]; or the word "plebeio," if not a mistake, may suggest another clause in the supposed law.
[333] Cato ap. Gell. vi. (vii.) 3. 37. Cato asks whether any enactment punishesintent(for the Rhodians were charged with havingintendedhostility to Rome), and points his argument by the followingreductio ad absurdumof legislation conceived in this spirit, Si quis plus quingenta jugera habere voluerit, tanta poena esto: si quis majorem pecuum numerum habere voluerit, tantum damnas esto.
[334] On this subject see NieseDas sogenannte Licinisch-sextische Ackergesetz(Hermes xxiii. 1888), SoltauDas Aechtheit des licinischen Ackergesetzes von367 v. Chr. (Hermes xxx. 1895).
[335] Mommsen in C.I.L. i. pp. 75 ff.
[336] Cic.de Leg. Agr. ii. 29. 81 Nec duo Gracchi, qui de plebis Romanae commodis plurimum cogitaverunt, nec L. Sulla … agrum Campanum attingere ausus est. Cf. i. 7. 21.
[337] Exemptions were specified in the agrarian law of C. Gracchus, which must have appeared in that of his elder brother. They are noticed in the extantLex agraria(C.I.L. 1. n. 200; BrunsFontes1. 3. 11) l. 6 Extra eum agrum, quei ager ex lege plebive scito, quod C. Sempronius Ti. f. tr. pl. rog(avit), exceptum cavitumve est nei divideretur…. The law of C. Gracchus is here mentioned as being the later enactment. Cicero, when he writes (ad Att. 1. 19. 4) of his own attitude to the Flavian agrarian law of 60 B.C. Liberabam agrum eum, qui P. Mucio L. Calpurnio consulibus publicus fuisset, is probably referring to land that, public in 133 B.C., still remained public in his own day.
[338] See VoigtUeber die staatsrechtliche Possessio und den Ager Compascuusp. 229.
[339] App.Bell. Civ. 1. 9 [Greek:anekainize ton nomon maedena ton pentakosion plethron pleon hechein, paisi d' auton hyper ton palaion nomon prosetithei ta haemisea touton]. Liv.Ep. lviii. Ne quis ex publico agro plus quam mille jugera possideret, cf. [Victor]de Vir. Ill. 64. The conclusion stated in the text, which is gained by a combination of these passages, is, however, somewhat hazardous.
[340] App,Bell, Civ. 1. 11 [Greek:ekeleue tous plousious … mae, en ho peri mikron diapherontai, ton pleonon hyperidein, misthon hama taes peponaemenaes exergasias autarkae pheromenous taen exaireton aneu timaes ktaesin es aei bebaion hekasto pentakosion plethron, kai paisin, ois eisi paides, ekasto kai touton ta haemisea]. If [Greek:aneu timaes] means "without paying for it," the phrase has no relation to thetimaementioned by Plutarch (see the next note) which was a valuation to bereceivedby the dispossessed. It can scarcely mean "without further compensation"; but, if interpreted in this way, the two accounts can be brought into some relation with each other.
[341] Plut,Ti. Gracch. 9 [Greek:ekeleuse timaen proslambanontas ekbainein hon adikos ekektaento].
[342] Siculus Flaccus (p. 136 Lachm.); cf. Mommsen l.c.
[343] There is a reference to this limit in the extantLex Agraria(C. I. L. i. n. 200; BrunsFontes1. 3. 11) l. 14 Sei quis … agri jugra Non amplius xxx possidebit habebitve, but there is no direct evidence to connect it with the Gracchan legislation.
[344] App.Bell. Civ. i. 10.
[345] Cf. p. 110.
[346] Mommsen l.c.
[347] App,Bell. Civ. i. 10
[348] Cic.de Leg. Agr. ii. 12. 31 Audes etiam, Rulle, mentionem facere legis Semproniae, nec te ea lex ipsa commonet III viros illos XXXV tribuum suffragio creatos esse? App.Bell. Civ. i. 9 [Greek:prosetithei … taen loipaen treis airetous andras, henallassomenous kat' hetos, dianemein tois penaesin]. Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) doubts this latter characteristic of the magistracy. The history of the land-commission proves at least that the occupants of the post were perpetually re-eligible and could be chosen in their absence. Thus Gracchus, in spite of his two years' quaestorship in Sardinia, was still a commissioner in 124 B.C. (App.Bell. Civ. i. 21). See MommsenStaatsr. ii. i. p. 632. The electing body was doubtless theplebeianassembly of the tribes under the guidance of a tribune. This was the mode prescribed by Rullus's law of 63 B.C. (Cic.de Leg. Agr, ii. 7. 16).
[349] App.Bell, Civ. i. 11.
[350] Cf. App.Bell. Civ. i. 10.
[351] App. l.c. [Greek:daneistai te chrea kai tautaes epedeiknuon.]
[352] App. l.c. [Greek:plaethos hallo hoson en tais apoikois polesin hae tais isopolitisin hae hallos ekoinonei taesde taes gaes, dediotes homoios epaeesan kai es hekaterous auton diemerizonto. isopolitides] would naturally be themunicipia (c.f. Lex Agrarial. 31); but Strachan-Davidson (in loc.) thinks that thecivitates foederataeare here intended. There is a possibility that Appian has used the term vaguely: but there is no real difficulty in conceiving themunicipiato be meant. Even the majority, that had received Roman citizenship, still continued to bear the name, and they may have continued to enjoy municipal rights in public land. The wealthier classes in these towns were therefore alarmed; the poorer classes (possessed of Roman citizenship) hoped for a share in the assignment.
[353] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 10.
[354] Plut. l.c.
[355] Plut. l.c.
[356] Plut. l.c. [Greek:ouden eipein legontai peri allaelon phlauron, oude rhaema prospesein thaterou pros ton heteron di' horgaen anepitaedeion.]
[357] Diod. xxxiv 6 [Greek:synerreon eis taen Rhomaen oi hochloi apo taes choras hosperei potamoi tines eis taen panta dynamenaen dechesthai thalattan.]
[358] App.Bell. Civ. i. 12.
[359] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 10 [Greek:paroxyntheis ho Tiberios ton men philanthropon epaneileto nomon, ton d' haedio te tois pollois kai sphodroteron epi tous adikountas eisepheren haedae, keleuon existasthai taes choras haen ekektaento para tous proterous nomous]. Plutarch is apparently thinking of the abolition of what he calls thetimae(c. 9.); but his words do not necessarily imply that the original concessions mentioned by Appian (p. 114) were removed.
[360] Plut.Ti. Gracch. 10.