Chapter 37

[585]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[586]Simancæ de Cath. Instt. Tit.XLVII, n. 60-63; Enchirid. Tit. lix.[587]Bullar. Roman, I, 821.—On the plea that such heretics claimed exemption from this on the ground of ignorance, Clement VIII, February 3, 1603, renewed and confirmed in perpetuity the act of Paul IV.—Bullar. III, 160.Although the Spanish Inquisition preserved these decrees in its collections it does not seem to have acted on them. In 1568 there were two cases in Valencia of heretics who, among other errors, denied the virginity of the Virgin. One of these was a Gascon, Bernat de Vidosa, who was reconciled with only reclusion in a monastery; the other was Pedro Sobrino, a fisherman of Naples, more severely treated with ten years of galleys.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 31.[588]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 63.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 90, p. 252.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 930, fol. 26.[589]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol, 119.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, Cap. ix, § 3.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442(Lib. 4).[590]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 937, fol. 199.[591]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.[592]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 121.[593]Simancæ de Cath. Instt. Tit.LVII, n. 3.[594]Pablo García, Orden de Processar, fol. 11.[595]Miguel Calvo (Archive de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).[596]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 933.[597]Simancæloc. cit., n. 4.[598]Instrucciones de 1561, § 41 (Arguello, fol. 33).[599]Elucidationes S. Officii, § 23 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).—Alphonsi de Castro de justa Hæret. Punitione Lib.II, cap. 2.—Bibl. nacional, MSS. V, 377, Cap. ix, § 1.[600]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 3, fol. 72.[601]Ibidem, Lib. 926, fol. 49, 53, 57, 63, 67.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. II, fol. 79; Lib. III, fol. 88, 109.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.[602]Olmo, Relacion del Auto, pp. 252-62.[603]Garau, La Fee triunfante, pp. 65-112.[604]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.[605]MSS. del Archivo Municipal de Sevilla, Seccion especial, Siglo XVIII, Letra A, Tom. 4, n. 54.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 128.[606]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 254).[607]Carbonell,op. cit. (Col. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVIII, 62, 141, 152).[608]Proceso contra Fray Luis de Leon (Col. de Doc. inéd, X, 158-61).[609]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.[610]Garau, La Fee Triunfante, pp. 39-42, 114-22.[611]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt., 9548.[612]Elucidationes S. Officii, § 19 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 544,3Lib. 4).—Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, p. 270.[613]Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XLII, Art. i. n. 14.[614]Ibidem, Cap.XLIII, Art. iv, n. 1.[615]Ibidem, Cap.XLIII, Art. iv, n. 4.[616]Páramo, p. 597.[617]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. Lib. I, Lib. 933, p. 551.[618]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, IX, 300).[619]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. I.[620]Ibidem, Lib. 979, fol. 38.[621]Ibidem, Lib. 72, fol. 73.[622]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 4, fol. 9; Lib. 5, fol. 24, 29.[623]Ibidem, Lib. 939, fol. 121.—Instrucciones de 1561, § 77 (Arguello, fol. 37).[624]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1157, fol. 154, 155.[625]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 213 fol., p. 126.[626]Archivo gen. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 91.[627]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 10, fol. 2; Lib. 926, fol. 326-50; Lib. 937, fol. 222; Lib. 939, fol. 126—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 213 fol., p. 126.[628]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 123.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 473.—Juan Gómez de Mora, Auto de la Fé celebrado en Madrid este año de 1632, §§ 4, 5.—Olmo, Relacion del Auto, pp. 30-44.[629]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 123.[630]Ibidem, Lib. 926, fol. 313-25.[631]Ibidem, Hacienda, Leg. 25.[632]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 473.[633]In the Logroño auto of November 7, 1610, there marched in the procession a thousand familiars, commissioners and notaries. In that of Barcelona, June 21, 1627, there were five or six hundred familiars and alguaziles.—Auto de fe celebrado in Logroño, 7 y 8 de Noviembre, 1610 (Logroño, 1610).—Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist, español, XX, 20).[634]In the early autos, where there were large numbers of the dead and absent, an economical though somewhat grotesque device was that ofstatuæ duplicatæ—effigies with Janus faces, one before and the other behind. At Barcelona, January 25, 1488, there were five married couples thus represented by five effigies and, on May 23d, of the same year, twenty effigies were made to do duty for forty-two fugitives, while, on February 9, 1489, ten effigies served for thirty-nine absentees.—Carbonell,op. cit.(Col. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVIII, 13, 15, 30).As regards the corozas or mitres, the Roman Inquisition, with a finer sense of what was fitting, forbade their use in 1596, as derogatory to the episcopal dignity, which was distinguished by the use of mitres.—Decr. S. Congr. StiOfficii, p. 458 (Bibl. del R. Archivo di Stato in Roma, Fondo camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).[635]The procession of thecruz verdewas not universal. It was practised in Valladolid, Toledo, Murcia and probably some others.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 979, fol. 40.[636]The cost of these meals was scrutinized. In 1571 the Suprema ordered Logroño not to spend more than twelve ducats on the breakfast. A carta acordada of January 25, 1574, refers to the heavy expenses for collation and breakfast given to inquisitors and officials, confessors and penitents. In future they are to be confined to confessors and penitents; if the inquisitors and officials want meals it must be at their own expense, and evidence of this must accompany the reports of the autos.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 82, fol. 9; Lib. 942, fol. 39.[637]The royal oath, taken by the young Carlos II, at the Madrid auto of 1680, with one hand on the cross and the other on the gospels, was as follows. The inquisitor-general said “Vuestra Magestad jura y promete por su fe y palabra real, que como verdadero y Catolico Rey, puesto por la mano de Dios, defenderá con todo su poder la Fe Catolica que tiene y cree la santa madre Iglesia Apostolica de Roma y la conservacion y aumento della, y que persiguirá y mandará perseguir á los Hereges y Apostatas contrarios della, y que mandará dar y dará el favor y ayuda necessario para el Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion y ministros dello, para que los hereges perturbadores de nuestra Religion Cristiana sean prendidos y castigados conforme á los derechos y sacros canones, sin que aya omision de parte de Vuestra Magestad ni excepcion de persona alguna de qualquier calidad que sea.” To this the king replied “Assi lo juro y prometo por mi fee y palabra Real.” (Olmo, Relacion del Auto, p. 125.) Such an oath was administered to the prince Don Carlos at the Valladolid auto of May 21, 1559 (Gachard, Don Carlos, I, 47); also to Philip II at that of October 8, 1559 (Cabrera, Vida de Felipe II, Lib.V, cap. 3); also to Philip III at that of Toledo, March 6, 1600 (MSS. of Library of University of Halle., Yc, 20, T. VIII), and to Philip IV at the Madrid auto of 1632 (Mora, Auto de la Fee, § 27).[638]At the great Logroño auto of Nov. 7-8, 1610, where there were fifty-three culprits, including twenty-nine witches, the sentences were so long that the day was consumed with the eleven cases of relaxation. The second day was occupied from dawn till nightfall; some of the sentences had to be curtailed, and the reconciliations were performed after dark.—Auto de Fe de Logroño (Logroño, 1611; Madrid, 1820).[639]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 221.[640]Mora, Auto de la Fee de 1632, § 44.[641]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[642]Ant. Rodríguez Villa, La Corte y Monarquía de España, p. 238.[643]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 1.[644]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inq., Leg. 621, fol. 171.[645]Relacion histórica de la Juderia de Sevilla, pp. 85 sqq. (Sevilla, 1849).[646]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 937, fol. 123.—A commentator on this cites Azpilcueta and Peña to prove that in Rome autos that included relaxations were held in churches and also that, in 1611, at Cuenca an auto comprehending four relaxations was held in a church by order of the Suprema.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, Cap. iii, § 2.[647]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 17, 22, 23.[648]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.[649]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 40.—Proceso contra Diego Rodríguez Silba, fol. 32-4 (MS.penes me).[650]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 42, fol. 289.—Archivo hist. nacional,ubi sup.[651]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 11, n. 1, fol. 220, 230, 240.[652]Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 42, fol. 239. Whether through design or carelessness, this was not sent to the Valencia tribunal until October 14, 1699, when it was enclosed in a letter saying that as it had not been forwarded at the time it was now sent for their instruction.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 138.[653]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 42, fol. 291, 308.[654]Bibl. nacional, MSS., R. 128.[655]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442(Lib. 9).[656]Ibidem.[657]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.[658]Danvila y Collado, Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 106.[659]Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XXIV, Art. 1, n. 2.[660]Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II, I, 106-7.[661]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I; Tom. VIII.[662]Moro, Auto de la Fee (Madrid, 1632).[663]Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist. español, XXIV, 297).[664]Olmo, Relacion del Auto, p. 47.[665]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XL, Art. 1, n. 3.—Vicente de la Fuente, Hist. eclesiástica de España, III, 378.—“Preparose unautode fe para obsequiar al Rey, pues habian llegado losautosá ser un obligado de todas las fiestas régias, como los toros y los fuegos artificiales. Felipe V se negó por primera vez á concurrir á ellos; mas adelante se le vio asistir á uno (1720).”[666]Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos, III, 381-3.[667]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 108.[668]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 389.[669]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 128. For illustration of the trivial evidence which justified prosecution for Judaism see Vol. II, p. 566.[670]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 98.[671]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[672]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 787; Leg. 1157, fol. 155.[673]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 177.[674]Relasioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 19.[675]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 109, 111.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 926, fol. 129.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.[676]Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discurso contra a Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 100 (Lisboa, 1623).[677]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 5.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 926, fol. 127.[678]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 130.The district of Galicia would seem to be an exception to this, probably arising from the lateness of the organization of the tribunal of Santiago. Jews there had been quite numerous, wealthy and respected, and there had not been time to enforce their conversion or extermination. The severity of the tribunal earned for it the reputation of the most cruel in Spain and, pitiless as was that of Portugal, many Galician Conversos took refuge there. Towards the close of the century Inquisitor Pedro Pérez Gamarra acquired for himself an infamous distinction by his relentless activity, and the archbishop and chapter protested publicly against the proceedings of the tribunal. Its rapacity was rewarded with abundant confiscations. We hear of Méndez of Valdeorras, whose estate was reckoned at more than 40,000 ducats, of that of Antonia de Saravia at 233,707 reales and of Marcial Pereira at 363,444.—Benito F. Alonso, Los Judíos en Orense, pp. 8, 26, 28-30, 32 (Orense, 1904).[679]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 205, fol. 3.[680]Ample authentic material exists for this in the twelve volumes of theCorpo Diplomatico Portuguez(Lisboa, 1862-1902)—material of which Herculano had skilfully utilized a portion in his classicalDa Origem e Estabelecimento da Inquisicão em Portugal(Lisboa, 1854). Some gaps in this have been filled by A. Ronchini, in hisGiovanniIIIdi Portogallo, il Cardinal Silva e l’Inquisizione(Modena, 1879).[681]Osorii de Rebus Emmanuelis Lib. I.—Monteiro, Historia da S. Inquisição de Portugal, Liv. II, c. 43.—Amador de los Rios, III, 358, 360, 614-15.—Herculano, I, 113-14, 116-18, 124-30.[682]Herculano, I, 133, 153-4, 158-9, 164-8.[683]Herculano, I, 179, 189-90.[684]Herculano, I, 228-86.—Corpo Diplomatico, II, 335, 338, 409, 410.—Anno histórico Portuguez, I, 253 (Lisboa, 1744).[685]Corpo Diplomatico, III, 1, 11, 29, 47, 64, 75.[686]Corpo Diplomatico, II, 430, 452; III, 76, 82, 124.[687]Ibidem, III, 117, 121, 125, 166, 169, 171, 177, 181, 190, 206, 210, 218, 220, 228, 249-50, 252, 254, 275, 290-4. The bull of Paul III, embodying the previous one of Clement VII, is in the Bullarium, I, 712.[688]Herculano, II, 146-62.—Corpo Diplomatico, III, 283, 286, 288, 290, 302, 332; XI, 358.[689]Corpo Diplomatico, III, 348, 353, 354, 358, 402.[690]Herculano, II, 200-5.—Corpo Diplomatico, IV, 8, 11, 95.[691]Corpo Diplomatico, IV, 128-33, 134, 148, 158, 172-8, 186, 188, 195, 200, 205, 206, 271-6; V, 165; VIII, 294, 295. The Portuguese cruzado was nearly the equivalent of the Spanish ducat.[692]Historia dos principaes Actos e Procedimentos da Inquisicão de Portugal, p. 256 (Lisboa, 1845).In this year 1540 occurred the curious episode of the False Nuncio, Juan Pérez de Saavedra, a skilful forger and impostor, who presented himself with forged papal briefs, lived in great state in Lisbon for three months, and traversed the land for three more, collecting large sums, after the manner of nuncios. The Spanish Inquisition got upon his track; he was decoyed to the border, seized on Portuguese soil, January 23, 1541, and conveyed to Madrid. For this daring imposition he paid with nineteen years of galleys. He assumed the credit of introducing the Inquisition in Portugal, and this secondary imposture had currency nearly to our own times.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XVI, Art. iii, n. 1-21.—Páramo, pp. 227-32.—Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, Lib. VI, cap. iv,—Ant. de Sousa, Aphorismi Inquisit.; De Origine Inquisit. § 6.—Feyjoo, Theatro crítico, T. VI, Disc. iii.—Hernández, Verdadera Origen de la Inquisicion de Portugal (Madrid, 1789).Salazar de Mendoza (Chronica de el Cardenal Don Juan de Tavera, pp. 119-21) puts Saavedra’s gains at 300,000 ducats and states that Paul III released him from the galleys by a special brief.[693]Corpo Diplomatico, IV, 381, 404-5, 422-5.[694]Herculano, II, 304-17, 332-40—Ciaconii Vitt. Poutiff., III, 675.—Corpo Diplomatico, IV, 388, 392, 399; V, 41, 54; XI, 388, 472, 473, 496.[695]Herculano, III, 8-9.[696]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 34, 70, 83, 114.[697]Ronchini, pp. 6-12.—Herculano, III, 64-5.[698]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 90, 96, 98, 104-5, 113, 115-16, 117-20.[699]Ronchini, p. 11.—Corpo Diplomatico, V, 134, 135, 140, 145, 149, 152, 164.[700]Herculano, III, 116-199.[701]Ronchini, pp. 16, 17, 20, 23.[702]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 169-71, 179, 184, 187.[703]Ibidem, V, 176.[704]Ibidem, V, 186, 196, 222, 506.—Ronchini, p. 24.[705]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 225, 273, 281-2.[706]Ibidem, V, 291; XI, 503.—Ronchini, p. 26.[707]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 306, 308, 311, 315, 317; XI, 507.—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. unico, fol. 34.—Historia dos principaes Actos, p. 256.[708]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 320, 321, 324, 330, 344.[709]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 405, 434, 442.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1545, n. 58.[710]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 448, 451, 453, 460, 470.[711]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 23, 42.—Ronchini, pp. 31-2.[712]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 361, 391, 398, 399; VII, 32, 51-3, 204, 216, 241, 327; VIII, 111.After João’s death, the regency, in 1562, in return for a favor, sent to Pius IV a couple of rings, to which he loftily replied that he did not desire such gifts, but he had previously had them appraised and found that they were of little value. There was some indignation felt in the papal palace and Alvaro de Castro, in reporting it, dwelt on the importance of keeping the pope well-disposed.—Ibidem, X, 19, 20, 21.[713]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 23.[714]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 95, 101, 105-25, 139, 141, 144, 170-5, 176-77, 180, 183, 186, 198-208.—Ronchini, pp. 37-8.—Stewart Rose, St. Ignatius Loyola and the early Jesuits, p. 406 (New York, 1891).—Gothein, Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation, p. 611 (Halle, 1895).It was freely stated that Julius III continued the practice and sold, for a thousand cruzados a year, licence to seventy heads of families who had been baptized in Portugal to Judaize in Ancona, a privilege of which two hundred took advantage, with their wives and children.—Corpo Diplomatico, VII, 378.The facts of this curious episode are that Paul III issued letters of safe-conduct to foreign merchants in Ancona, including both Turks and Jews. Then, February 21, 1547, in an elaborate brief, specially favoring the New Christians of Portugal, he promised that, for all accusations of heresy or apostasy, they should be subject exclusively to the pope in person, all judges and inquisitors being forbidden to prosecute them. Feeling their position uncertain, they bargained with the local authorities that, for five years, they should be undisturbed and that any one prosecuted should have free permission to depart. In 1552 they presented these articles to Julius III for confirmation, which he gave by a brief of December 6th, forbidding judges and inquisitors to molest them. Paul IV, however, April 30, 1556 withdrew this and ordered their prosecution, even if they denied under torture their baptism, as it was notorious that for eighty years no Hebrew could live in Portugal except as a Christian. This was at the instance of Cardinal Caraffa and his other nephews, who thereupon seized the persons and property of the Jews, who arranged a compromise for 50,000 ducats, but were unable to raise the money in the time specified, whereupon the Caraffas held the property, estimated at 300,000 ducats. A contemporary states that more than eighty of them were burnt or sent to the galleys.—Collect. Decret. S. Congr. StiOfficii, s. v.Judaizantes(MS.penes me).—Decret S. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 327, 334-6 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 430, fol. 109.During the first half of the seventeenth century, the popes earnestly endeavored to force Venice to exclude the Portuguese refugees, when the decrees of Paul III and Julius III were persistently quoted in their favor. The inquisitors in all Italian cities were urged to active work against them, but they seem to have been favored by the local authorities. Those of Pisa and Leghorn were especially liberal.—Collect. Decret.loc. cit.—Albizzi, Riposta all’Historia dalla S. Inquisizione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 194-212.

[585]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[586]Simancæ de Cath. Instt. Tit.XLVII, n. 60-63; Enchirid. Tit. lix.

[587]Bullar. Roman, I, 821.—On the plea that such heretics claimed exemption from this on the ground of ignorance, Clement VIII, February 3, 1603, renewed and confirmed in perpetuity the act of Paul IV.—Bullar. III, 160.Although the Spanish Inquisition preserved these decrees in its collections it does not seem to have acted on them. In 1568 there were two cases in Valencia of heretics who, among other errors, denied the virginity of the Virgin. One of these was a Gascon, Bernat de Vidosa, who was reconciled with only reclusion in a monastery; the other was Pedro Sobrino, a fisherman of Naples, more severely treated with ten years of galleys.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 31.

Although the Spanish Inquisition preserved these decrees in its collections it does not seem to have acted on them. In 1568 there were two cases in Valencia of heretics who, among other errors, denied the virginity of the Virgin. One of these was a Gascon, Bernat de Vidosa, who was reconciled with only reclusion in a monastery; the other was Pedro Sobrino, a fisherman of Naples, more severely treated with ten years of galleys.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 31.

[588]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 63.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 90, p. 252.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 930, fol. 26.

[589]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol, 119.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, Cap. ix, § 3.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442(Lib. 4).

[590]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 937, fol. 199.

[591]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.

[592]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 121.

[593]Simancæ de Cath. Instt. Tit.LVII, n. 3.

[594]Pablo García, Orden de Processar, fol. 11.

[595]Miguel Calvo (Archive de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).

[596]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 933.

[597]Simancæloc. cit., n. 4.

[598]Instrucciones de 1561, § 41 (Arguello, fol. 33).

[599]Elucidationes S. Officii, § 23 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).—Alphonsi de Castro de justa Hæret. Punitione Lib.II, cap. 2.—Bibl. nacional, MSS. V, 377, Cap. ix, § 1.

[600]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 3, fol. 72.

[601]Ibidem, Lib. 926, fol. 49, 53, 57, 63, 67.—Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. II, fol. 79; Lib. III, fol. 88, 109.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.

[602]Olmo, Relacion del Auto, pp. 252-62.

[603]Garau, La Fee triunfante, pp. 65-112.

[604]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.

[605]MSS. del Archivo Municipal de Sevilla, Seccion especial, Siglo XVIII, Letra A, Tom. 4, n. 54.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., R, 128.

[606]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 254).

[607]Carbonell,op. cit. (Col. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVIII, 62, 141, 152).

[608]Proceso contra Fray Luis de Leon (Col. de Doc. inéd, X, 158-61).

[609]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[610]Garau, La Fee Triunfante, pp. 39-42, 114-22.

[611]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt., 9548.

[612]Elucidationes S. Officii, § 19 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 544,3Lib. 4).—Matute y Luquin, Autos de Fe de Córdova, p. 270.

[613]Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XLII, Art. i. n. 14.

[614]Ibidem, Cap.XLIII, Art. iv, n. 1.

[615]Ibidem, Cap.XLIII, Art. iv, n. 4.

[616]Páramo, p. 597.

[617]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. Lib. I, Lib. 933, p. 551.

[618]Relacion de la Inquisicion Toledana (Boletin, IX, 300).

[619]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. I.

[620]Ibidem, Lib. 979, fol. 38.

[621]Ibidem, Lib. 72, fol. 73.

[622]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 4, fol. 9; Lib. 5, fol. 24, 29.

[623]Ibidem, Lib. 939, fol. 121.—Instrucciones de 1561, § 77 (Arguello, fol. 37).

[624]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1157, fol. 154, 155.

[625]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 213 fol., p. 126.

[626]Archivo gen. de la C. de Aragon, Regist. 3684, fol. 91.

[627]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 10, fol. 2; Lib. 926, fol. 326-50; Lib. 937, fol. 222; Lib. 939, fol. 126—MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 213 fol., p. 126.

[628]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 123.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 473.—Juan Gómez de Mora, Auto de la Fé celebrado en Madrid este año de 1632, §§ 4, 5.—Olmo, Relacion del Auto, pp. 30-44.

[629]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 123.

[630]Ibidem, Lib. 926, fol. 313-25.

[631]Ibidem, Hacienda, Leg. 25.

[632]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 473.

[633]In the Logroño auto of November 7, 1610, there marched in the procession a thousand familiars, commissioners and notaries. In that of Barcelona, June 21, 1627, there were five or six hundred familiars and alguaziles.—Auto de fe celebrado in Logroño, 7 y 8 de Noviembre, 1610 (Logroño, 1610).—Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist, español, XX, 20).

[634]In the early autos, where there were large numbers of the dead and absent, an economical though somewhat grotesque device was that ofstatuæ duplicatæ—effigies with Janus faces, one before and the other behind. At Barcelona, January 25, 1488, there were five married couples thus represented by five effigies and, on May 23d, of the same year, twenty effigies were made to do duty for forty-two fugitives, while, on February 9, 1489, ten effigies served for thirty-nine absentees.—Carbonell,op. cit.(Col. de Doc. de la C. de Aragon, XXVIII, 13, 15, 30).As regards the corozas or mitres, the Roman Inquisition, with a finer sense of what was fitting, forbade their use in 1596, as derogatory to the episcopal dignity, which was distinguished by the use of mitres.—Decr. S. Congr. StiOfficii, p. 458 (Bibl. del R. Archivo di Stato in Roma, Fondo camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).

As regards the corozas or mitres, the Roman Inquisition, with a finer sense of what was fitting, forbade their use in 1596, as derogatory to the episcopal dignity, which was distinguished by the use of mitres.—Decr. S. Congr. StiOfficii, p. 458 (Bibl. del R. Archivo di Stato in Roma, Fondo camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).

[635]The procession of thecruz verdewas not universal. It was practised in Valladolid, Toledo, Murcia and probably some others.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 979, fol. 40.

[636]The cost of these meals was scrutinized. In 1571 the Suprema ordered Logroño not to spend more than twelve ducats on the breakfast. A carta acordada of January 25, 1574, refers to the heavy expenses for collation and breakfast given to inquisitors and officials, confessors and penitents. In future they are to be confined to confessors and penitents; if the inquisitors and officials want meals it must be at their own expense, and evidence of this must accompany the reports of the autos.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 82, fol. 9; Lib. 942, fol. 39.

[637]The royal oath, taken by the young Carlos II, at the Madrid auto of 1680, with one hand on the cross and the other on the gospels, was as follows. The inquisitor-general said “Vuestra Magestad jura y promete por su fe y palabra real, que como verdadero y Catolico Rey, puesto por la mano de Dios, defenderá con todo su poder la Fe Catolica que tiene y cree la santa madre Iglesia Apostolica de Roma y la conservacion y aumento della, y que persiguirá y mandará perseguir á los Hereges y Apostatas contrarios della, y que mandará dar y dará el favor y ayuda necessario para el Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion y ministros dello, para que los hereges perturbadores de nuestra Religion Cristiana sean prendidos y castigados conforme á los derechos y sacros canones, sin que aya omision de parte de Vuestra Magestad ni excepcion de persona alguna de qualquier calidad que sea.” To this the king replied “Assi lo juro y prometo por mi fee y palabra Real.” (Olmo, Relacion del Auto, p. 125.) Such an oath was administered to the prince Don Carlos at the Valladolid auto of May 21, 1559 (Gachard, Don Carlos, I, 47); also to Philip II at that of October 8, 1559 (Cabrera, Vida de Felipe II, Lib.V, cap. 3); also to Philip III at that of Toledo, March 6, 1600 (MSS. of Library of University of Halle., Yc, 20, T. VIII), and to Philip IV at the Madrid auto of 1632 (Mora, Auto de la Fee, § 27).

[638]At the great Logroño auto of Nov. 7-8, 1610, where there were fifty-three culprits, including twenty-nine witches, the sentences were so long that the day was consumed with the eleven cases of relaxation. The second day was occupied from dawn till nightfall; some of the sentences had to be curtailed, and the reconciliations were performed after dark.—Auto de Fe de Logroño (Logroño, 1611; Madrid, 1820).

[639]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 221.

[640]Mora, Auto de la Fee de 1632, § 44.

[641]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[642]Ant. Rodríguez Villa, La Corte y Monarquía de España, p. 238.

[643]Archivo hist. nacional, Inquisicion de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[644]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inq., Leg. 621, fol. 171.

[645]Relacion histórica de la Juderia de Sevilla, pp. 85 sqq. (Sevilla, 1849).

[646]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 937, fol. 123.—A commentator on this cites Azpilcueta and Peña to prove that in Rome autos that included relaxations were held in churches and also that, in 1611, at Cuenca an auto comprehending four relaxations was held in a church by order of the Suprema.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, Cap. iii, § 2.

[647]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 17, 22, 23.

[648]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.

[649]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 40.—Proceso contra Diego Rodríguez Silba, fol. 32-4 (MS.penes me).

[650]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 42, fol. 289.—Archivo hist. nacional,ubi sup.

[651]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 11, n. 1, fol. 220, 230, 240.

[652]Archivo de Simancas, Lib. 42, fol. 239. Whether through design or carelessness, this was not sent to the Valencia tribunal until October 14, 1699, when it was enclosed in a letter saying that as it had not been forwarded at the time it was now sent for their instruction.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 10, n. 2, fol. 138.

[653]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 42, fol. 291, 308.

[654]Bibl. nacional, MSS., R. 128.

[655]Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442(Lib. 9).

[656]Ibidem.

[657]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.

[658]Danvila y Collado, Expulsion de los Moriscos, p. 106.

[659]Llorente, Hist. crít., Cap.XXIV, Art. 1, n. 2.

[660]Gachard, Don Carlos et Philippe II, I, 106-7.

[661]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I; Tom. VIII.

[662]Moro, Auto de la Fee (Madrid, 1632).

[663]Parets, Sucesos de Cataluña (Mem. hist. español, XXIV, 297).

[664]Olmo, Relacion del Auto, p. 47.

[665]Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XL, Art. 1, n. 3.—Vicente de la Fuente, Hist. eclesiástica de España, III, 378.—“Preparose unautode fe para obsequiar al Rey, pues habian llegado losautosá ser un obligado de todas las fiestas régias, como los toros y los fuegos artificiales. Felipe V se negó por primera vez á concurrir á ellos; mas adelante se le vio asistir á uno (1720).”

[666]Amador de los Rios, Hist. de los Judíos, III, 381-3.

[667]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 108.

[668]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 389.

[669]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 128. For illustration of the trivial evidence which justified prosecution for Judaism see Vol. II, p. 566.

[670]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 98.

[671]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[672]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 787; Leg. 1157, fol. 155.

[673]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 177.

[674]Relasioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 19.

[675]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. III, fol. 109, 111.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 926, fol. 129.—Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 1049.

[676]Vicente da Costa Mattos, Breve Discurso contra a Perfidia do Judaismo, fol. 100 (Lisboa, 1623).

[677]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 5.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 926, fol. 127.

[678]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 130.The district of Galicia would seem to be an exception to this, probably arising from the lateness of the organization of the tribunal of Santiago. Jews there had been quite numerous, wealthy and respected, and there had not been time to enforce their conversion or extermination. The severity of the tribunal earned for it the reputation of the most cruel in Spain and, pitiless as was that of Portugal, many Galician Conversos took refuge there. Towards the close of the century Inquisitor Pedro Pérez Gamarra acquired for himself an infamous distinction by his relentless activity, and the archbishop and chapter protested publicly against the proceedings of the tribunal. Its rapacity was rewarded with abundant confiscations. We hear of Méndez of Valdeorras, whose estate was reckoned at more than 40,000 ducats, of that of Antonia de Saravia at 233,707 reales and of Marcial Pereira at 363,444.—Benito F. Alonso, Los Judíos en Orense, pp. 8, 26, 28-30, 32 (Orense, 1904).

[678]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 130.

The district of Galicia would seem to be an exception to this, probably arising from the lateness of the organization of the tribunal of Santiago. Jews there had been quite numerous, wealthy and respected, and there had not been time to enforce their conversion or extermination. The severity of the tribunal earned for it the reputation of the most cruel in Spain and, pitiless as was that of Portugal, many Galician Conversos took refuge there. Towards the close of the century Inquisitor Pedro Pérez Gamarra acquired for himself an infamous distinction by his relentless activity, and the archbishop and chapter protested publicly against the proceedings of the tribunal. Its rapacity was rewarded with abundant confiscations. We hear of Méndez of Valdeorras, whose estate was reckoned at more than 40,000 ducats, of that of Antonia de Saravia at 233,707 reales and of Marcial Pereira at 363,444.—Benito F. Alonso, Los Judíos en Orense, pp. 8, 26, 28-30, 32 (Orense, 1904).

[679]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 205, fol. 3.

[680]Ample authentic material exists for this in the twelve volumes of theCorpo Diplomatico Portuguez(Lisboa, 1862-1902)—material of which Herculano had skilfully utilized a portion in his classicalDa Origem e Estabelecimento da Inquisicão em Portugal(Lisboa, 1854). Some gaps in this have been filled by A. Ronchini, in hisGiovanniIIIdi Portogallo, il Cardinal Silva e l’Inquisizione(Modena, 1879).

[681]Osorii de Rebus Emmanuelis Lib. I.—Monteiro, Historia da S. Inquisição de Portugal, Liv. II, c. 43.—Amador de los Rios, III, 358, 360, 614-15.—Herculano, I, 113-14, 116-18, 124-30.

[682]Herculano, I, 133, 153-4, 158-9, 164-8.

[683]Herculano, I, 179, 189-90.

[684]Herculano, I, 228-86.—Corpo Diplomatico, II, 335, 338, 409, 410.—Anno histórico Portuguez, I, 253 (Lisboa, 1744).

[685]Corpo Diplomatico, III, 1, 11, 29, 47, 64, 75.

[686]Corpo Diplomatico, II, 430, 452; III, 76, 82, 124.

[687]Ibidem, III, 117, 121, 125, 166, 169, 171, 177, 181, 190, 206, 210, 218, 220, 228, 249-50, 252, 254, 275, 290-4. The bull of Paul III, embodying the previous one of Clement VII, is in the Bullarium, I, 712.

[688]Herculano, II, 146-62.—Corpo Diplomatico, III, 283, 286, 288, 290, 302, 332; XI, 358.

[689]Corpo Diplomatico, III, 348, 353, 354, 358, 402.

[690]Herculano, II, 200-5.—Corpo Diplomatico, IV, 8, 11, 95.

[691]Corpo Diplomatico, IV, 128-33, 134, 148, 158, 172-8, 186, 188, 195, 200, 205, 206, 271-6; V, 165; VIII, 294, 295. The Portuguese cruzado was nearly the equivalent of the Spanish ducat.

[692]Historia dos principaes Actos e Procedimentos da Inquisicão de Portugal, p. 256 (Lisboa, 1845).In this year 1540 occurred the curious episode of the False Nuncio, Juan Pérez de Saavedra, a skilful forger and impostor, who presented himself with forged papal briefs, lived in great state in Lisbon for three months, and traversed the land for three more, collecting large sums, after the manner of nuncios. The Spanish Inquisition got upon his track; he was decoyed to the border, seized on Portuguese soil, January 23, 1541, and conveyed to Madrid. For this daring imposition he paid with nineteen years of galleys. He assumed the credit of introducing the Inquisition in Portugal, and this secondary imposture had currency nearly to our own times.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XVI, Art. iii, n. 1-21.—Páramo, pp. 227-32.—Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, Lib. VI, cap. iv,—Ant. de Sousa, Aphorismi Inquisit.; De Origine Inquisit. § 6.—Feyjoo, Theatro crítico, T. VI, Disc. iii.—Hernández, Verdadera Origen de la Inquisicion de Portugal (Madrid, 1789).Salazar de Mendoza (Chronica de el Cardenal Don Juan de Tavera, pp. 119-21) puts Saavedra’s gains at 300,000 ducats and states that Paul III released him from the galleys by a special brief.

[692]Historia dos principaes Actos e Procedimentos da Inquisicão de Portugal, p. 256 (Lisboa, 1845).

In this year 1540 occurred the curious episode of the False Nuncio, Juan Pérez de Saavedra, a skilful forger and impostor, who presented himself with forged papal briefs, lived in great state in Lisbon for three months, and traversed the land for three more, collecting large sums, after the manner of nuncios. The Spanish Inquisition got upon his track; he was decoyed to the border, seized on Portuguese soil, January 23, 1541, and conveyed to Madrid. For this daring imposition he paid with nineteen years of galleys. He assumed the credit of introducing the Inquisition in Portugal, and this secondary imposture had currency nearly to our own times.—Llorente, Hist. crít. Cap.XVI, Art. iii, n. 1-21.—Páramo, pp. 227-32.—Illescas, Hist. Pontifical, Lib. VI, cap. iv,—Ant. de Sousa, Aphorismi Inquisit.; De Origine Inquisit. § 6.—Feyjoo, Theatro crítico, T. VI, Disc. iii.—Hernández, Verdadera Origen de la Inquisicion de Portugal (Madrid, 1789).

Salazar de Mendoza (Chronica de el Cardenal Don Juan de Tavera, pp. 119-21) puts Saavedra’s gains at 300,000 ducats and states that Paul III released him from the galleys by a special brief.

[693]Corpo Diplomatico, IV, 381, 404-5, 422-5.

[694]Herculano, II, 304-17, 332-40—Ciaconii Vitt. Poutiff., III, 675.—Corpo Diplomatico, IV, 388, 392, 399; V, 41, 54; XI, 388, 472, 473, 496.

[695]Herculano, III, 8-9.

[696]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 34, 70, 83, 114.

[697]Ronchini, pp. 6-12.—Herculano, III, 64-5.

[698]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 90, 96, 98, 104-5, 113, 115-16, 117-20.

[699]Ronchini, p. 11.—Corpo Diplomatico, V, 134, 135, 140, 145, 149, 152, 164.

[700]Herculano, III, 116-199.

[701]Ronchini, pp. 16, 17, 20, 23.

[702]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 169-71, 179, 184, 187.

[703]Ibidem, V, 176.

[704]Ibidem, V, 186, 196, 222, 506.—Ronchini, p. 24.

[705]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 225, 273, 281-2.

[706]Ibidem, V, 291; XI, 503.—Ronchini, p. 26.

[707]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 306, 308, 311, 315, 317; XI, 507.—Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Inquisicion, Leg. unico, fol. 34.—Historia dos principaes Actos, p. 256.

[708]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 320, 321, 324, 330, 344.

[709]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 405, 434, 442.—Raynald. Annal. ann. 1545, n. 58.

[710]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 448, 451, 453, 460, 470.

[711]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 23, 42.—Ronchini, pp. 31-2.

[712]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 361, 391, 398, 399; VII, 32, 51-3, 204, 216, 241, 327; VIII, 111.After João’s death, the regency, in 1562, in return for a favor, sent to Pius IV a couple of rings, to which he loftily replied that he did not desire such gifts, but he had previously had them appraised and found that they were of little value. There was some indignation felt in the papal palace and Alvaro de Castro, in reporting it, dwelt on the importance of keeping the pope well-disposed.—Ibidem, X, 19, 20, 21.

[712]Corpo Diplomatico, V, 361, 391, 398, 399; VII, 32, 51-3, 204, 216, 241, 327; VIII, 111.

After João’s death, the regency, in 1562, in return for a favor, sent to Pius IV a couple of rings, to which he loftily replied that he did not desire such gifts, but he had previously had them appraised and found that they were of little value. There was some indignation felt in the papal palace and Alvaro de Castro, in reporting it, dwelt on the importance of keeping the pope well-disposed.—Ibidem, X, 19, 20, 21.

[713]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 23.

[714]Corpo Diplomatico, VI, 95, 101, 105-25, 139, 141, 144, 170-5, 176-77, 180, 183, 186, 198-208.—Ronchini, pp. 37-8.—Stewart Rose, St. Ignatius Loyola and the early Jesuits, p. 406 (New York, 1891).—Gothein, Ignatius von Loyola und die Gegenreformation, p. 611 (Halle, 1895).It was freely stated that Julius III continued the practice and sold, for a thousand cruzados a year, licence to seventy heads of families who had been baptized in Portugal to Judaize in Ancona, a privilege of which two hundred took advantage, with their wives and children.—Corpo Diplomatico, VII, 378.The facts of this curious episode are that Paul III issued letters of safe-conduct to foreign merchants in Ancona, including both Turks and Jews. Then, February 21, 1547, in an elaborate brief, specially favoring the New Christians of Portugal, he promised that, for all accusations of heresy or apostasy, they should be subject exclusively to the pope in person, all judges and inquisitors being forbidden to prosecute them. Feeling their position uncertain, they bargained with the local authorities that, for five years, they should be undisturbed and that any one prosecuted should have free permission to depart. In 1552 they presented these articles to Julius III for confirmation, which he gave by a brief of December 6th, forbidding judges and inquisitors to molest them. Paul IV, however, April 30, 1556 withdrew this and ordered their prosecution, even if they denied under torture their baptism, as it was notorious that for eighty years no Hebrew could live in Portugal except as a Christian. This was at the instance of Cardinal Caraffa and his other nephews, who thereupon seized the persons and property of the Jews, who arranged a compromise for 50,000 ducats, but were unable to raise the money in the time specified, whereupon the Caraffas held the property, estimated at 300,000 ducats. A contemporary states that more than eighty of them were burnt or sent to the galleys.—Collect. Decret. S. Congr. StiOfficii, s. v.Judaizantes(MS.penes me).—Decret S. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 327, 334-6 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 430, fol. 109.During the first half of the seventeenth century, the popes earnestly endeavored to force Venice to exclude the Portuguese refugees, when the decrees of Paul III and Julius III were persistently quoted in their favor. The inquisitors in all Italian cities were urged to active work against them, but they seem to have been favored by the local authorities. Those of Pisa and Leghorn were especially liberal.—Collect. Decret.loc. cit.—Albizzi, Riposta all’Historia dalla S. Inquisizione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 194-212.

It was freely stated that Julius III continued the practice and sold, for a thousand cruzados a year, licence to seventy heads of families who had been baptized in Portugal to Judaize in Ancona, a privilege of which two hundred took advantage, with their wives and children.—Corpo Diplomatico, VII, 378.

The facts of this curious episode are that Paul III issued letters of safe-conduct to foreign merchants in Ancona, including both Turks and Jews. Then, February 21, 1547, in an elaborate brief, specially favoring the New Christians of Portugal, he promised that, for all accusations of heresy or apostasy, they should be subject exclusively to the pope in person, all judges and inquisitors being forbidden to prosecute them. Feeling their position uncertain, they bargained with the local authorities that, for five years, they should be undisturbed and that any one prosecuted should have free permission to depart. In 1552 they presented these articles to Julius III for confirmation, which he gave by a brief of December 6th, forbidding judges and inquisitors to molest them. Paul IV, however, April 30, 1556 withdrew this and ordered their prosecution, even if they denied under torture their baptism, as it was notorious that for eighty years no Hebrew could live in Portugal except as a Christian. This was at the instance of Cardinal Caraffa and his other nephews, who thereupon seized the persons and property of the Jews, who arranged a compromise for 50,000 ducats, but were unable to raise the money in the time specified, whereupon the Caraffas held the property, estimated at 300,000 ducats. A contemporary states that more than eighty of them were burnt or sent to the galleys.—Collect. Decret. S. Congr. StiOfficii, s. v.Judaizantes(MS.penes me).—Decret S. Congr. StiOfficii, pp. 327, 334-6 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Officio, Vol. 3).—Bibl. nationale de France, fonds italien, 430, fol. 109.

During the first half of the seventeenth century, the popes earnestly endeavored to force Venice to exclude the Portuguese refugees, when the decrees of Paul III and Julius III were persistently quoted in their favor. The inquisitors in all Italian cities were urged to active work against them, but they seem to have been favored by the local authorities. Those of Pisa and Leghorn were especially liberal.—Collect. Decret.loc. cit.—Albizzi, Riposta all’Historia dalla S. Inquisizione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 194-212.

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