Chapter 43

FOOTNOTES:[1]I have considered this subject at greater length in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” but the views there expressed have been somewhat modified by access to additional documents.[2]II. Corinth. xii, 2-4.[3]Est hodie soror apud nos revelationum charismata sortita quas in ecclesia inter Dominica solemnia per ecstasin in spiritu patitur; conversatur cum angelis, aliquando etiam cum Domino, et vidit et audit sacramenta et quorumdam corda dignoscit et medicinas desiderantibus submittit.—De Anima, cap. ix.[4]Rufini Aquileiensis Historia Monachorum,passim.—Vitæ Patrum, Lib. III, c. 141.[5]Chapeavilli Gestt. Pontiff. Leodiens., II, 256-7.[6]Treatises of Richard Rolle,VIII, pp. 14-15 (Early English Text Society).[7]Basnage in Canisii Thes. Monum. Ecclesiæ, IV, 366-7.[8]Johann. PP. XXII, Bull.In agro dominico(Ripoll. Bullar. Ord. Prædic. VII, 57).[9]S. Cypriani Epist. iv ad Pomponium.—Concil. Antioch. (Harduin Concil. I, 198).—Lactant. Divin. Institt.VI, xix.This test of continence was tried by St. Aldhelm (Girald. Cambrens. Gemm. Eccles., Dist.II, cap. xv) and was practised by the followers of Segarelli and Dolcino (Bern. Guidonis Practica, Ed. Douais, p. 260).[10]Clementin. Lib.V, Tit. iii, cap. 3.[11]Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. xiii, cap. 3, fol. 122 (Burgos, 1544).[12]Subida del Monte Carmelo,III, 38.[13]De la Oracion y Meditacion,II, ii.[14]De Oratione et Meditatione, cap. lv.—Cf. S. Pedro de Alcántara, De la OracionII, iv.[15]Archivo de Simancas, Sala 40, Lib.IV, fol. 231(see Vol. III, p. 570).[16]R. S. Victor Benjaminis Minoris, c. lxxxi.—S. Th. Aquin. Summæ Sec., Sec. Q. clxxv, Art. 1.[17]Joh. Gersoni. Tract. de Distinct. verar. Visionum a falsis (Opp. Ed. 1494, T. I, xix. L).[18]B. Juan de Avila, Audi Filia et vide, cap. li-lv.[19]Arbiol, Disengaños misticos, Lib.III, cap. xv (1707).[20]Amort de Revelationibus etc. P.I, pp. 259-68 (Aug. Vindel. 1744).[21]Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. vi, cap. 2, fol. 52.—Cf. Molinos, Guida, LibIII, cap. xvii, n. 163-4.[22]Melgares Marin, Procedimientos de la Inquisicion, II, 88(Madrid, 1886).[23]Proceso contra Hieron. de la M. de Dios (MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VII).[24]Eymerici Director. P.II, Q. ix, n. 5.—Repertor. Inquisit. s. vvBeatæ,Begardæ,Beguinæ,Hæresis,Hæretici, etc.[25]Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. xxi, cap. 4, fol. 204.—Menendez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos, II, 526.[26]Pet. Mart. Angler. Epistt. 428, 431.[27]D. Manuel Serrano y Sans (Revista de Archivos etc., Enero, 1903, p. 2).[28]See the trial of Alcaraz, epitomized by D. Manuel Serrano y Sana, in the Revista de Archivos, Enero, 1903, pp. 1-16; Febrero, pp. 127, 130 sqq.[29]S. Bonaventuræ de Puritate Conscientiæ, cap. 14.[30]Don M. Serrano y Sans has published (Boletín, XLI, 105-37) the principal features and documents of this trial. He states that much of the testimony is utterly unfit for transcription.[31]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib.III, fol. 133.[32]This account of Francisco Ortiz is derived from the skilful analysis of his trial by Eduard Böhmer in his “Franzisca Hernandez und Frai Franzisco Ortiz” (Leipzig, 1865).[33]Melgares Marin, Procedimientos de la Inquisicion, II, 94-5.[34]Juan and María were uncle and aunt of the Cazallas who suffered for Protestantism.[35]Melgares Marin,op. cit., II, 74-88.[36]Ibidem, pp. 147-53.[37]Archivo, hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. III, u. 46.—Cf. Schäfer, II, 119.[38]MS.penes me.[39]Diálogo de Mercurio y Caron, cap. lxv.[40]So much has been said about this prosecution of Loyola that Padre Fidel Fita has performed a service in printing the documents of the case in the Boletin, XXXIII, 431-57.[41]Caballero, Vida de Melchor Cano, pp. 549-50, 557-9, 568-9, 572-7, 582-3, 592-3, 598, 601.[42]Salazar de Mendoza, Vida de Carranza, cap. xxxiii.The first of these undoubtedly is found in the Comentarios (P. III, Obra iii, cap. 3), but it was perfectly admissible doctrine at the period. Aspilcueta, who was no mystic, tells us, in 1577, that prayer is worthless unless uttered in lively faith and ardent charity; innumerable priests are consigned to purgatory or to hell on account of their prayers, each one of which is at least a venial sin.—De Oratione, cap. viii.It illustrates the progress of the movement against mysticism that the Index of Zapata, in 1632 (p. 980) orders a passage in Don Quixote to beborradoin which this is expressed much less offensively—“Las obras de Charidad que se hasen tibia y floxamente no tienen merito ni valen nada.”[43]Reusch, Die Indices, pp. 237, 438.[44]V. de la Fuente, Escritos de S. Teresa, I, 3-4, 557; II, 439-40, 557, 568, 571.—Index of Sotomayor, 1640, p. 529.—Indice Ultimo, p. 118.[45]José de Jesus María, Vida de San Juan de la Cruz (Escritos de S. Teresa, II, 511-14).[46]Index of Sandoval, 1612, p. 379 (Ed. Genevæ, 1620).[47]Reusch, Die Indices, p. 224.[48]Caballero, Vida de Melchor Cano, p. 597.—Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 346-7.—Giovanni da Capugnano, Vida del P. Luigi Granata.—Theiner, Annal. Eccles., III, 361.—Palafox y Mendoza, Obras, VII, 65.[49]Alfonso Rodríguez, Ejercicio de la Perfeccion, P. I, Trat. v, cap. 7, 12.[50]Ribadeneira, Vit. S. Ig. Loyolæ, Lib. v, cap. 10.[51]Alegambe, Bibl. Scriptt. Soc. Jesu, p. 136.—Nieremberg, Honor del Gran Patriarca San Ignacio, p. 513.—L. de la Puente, Guia Spirituale, P.II, Trat. 1, cap. 15, n. 3; cap. 18, n. 2 (Roma, 1628).—De Backer, III, 639-53.[52]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 343.[53]Caballero,op. cit., p. 526.—Cf p. 359.[54]Fray Alonso’s Memorial, from which the subsequent details are drawn, has been printed by Don Miguel Mir in theRevista de Archivasfor Aug.-Sept., 1903; Jan., 1904; Aug.-Sept., 1904; June, 1905; July, 1905; and Aug.-Sept., 1905.[55]Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 332-47.[56]Biblioteca nacional, MSS., S. 151, fol. 54-67.—Barrantes,op. cit., II, 329, 347-57.—Miscelanea de Zapata (Memorial hist. español, XI, 75).—Cipriano de Valera, Dos Tratados (Reformistas antig. españoles, p. 272).—Dorado, Compendio histórico de Salamanca, p. 423.In 1576 Alonso González Carmena was tried at Toledo for saying that the only object of the Inquisition was to get money, and instancing a wealthy damsel of Llerena recently arrested as an Alumbrado. He probably considered his assertions verified by having to pay a fine of 4000 maravedís, in addition to six months’ exile.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[57]Páramo, p. 302.[58]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 108; Lib 979, fol. 30.—The details of the Edict are derived from a copy published in Mexico, July 17, 1579, which I owe to the kindness of the late General Don Riva Palacio. In the Edict published at the opening of the Mexican Inquisition, Nov. 3, 1571, there is no allusion to the subject. See Appendix to Vol. II, p. 587.[59]Páramo, pp. 302, 681-2, 688-9, 854.[60]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[61]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VII.[62]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 1.[63]Mística Teología, Lib.II, cap. 1, 4, 5, 6.[64]Menéndez y Pelayo, II, 547-8.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch S, 130.[65]Barrantes, Aparato, II, 363.[66]Barrantes,op. cit., II, 364-70. Thia copy is somewhat imperfect; a better one is in the Bibliothèque nationale, fonds Dupuy, 673, fol. 181.Malvasia (Cathologus omnium Hæresum et Conciliorum, Romæ, 1661, p. 269) gives a list of fifty Illuminist errors from this edict of Pacheco. Cf. Bernino, Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 613 (Venezia, 1717).[67]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 927, fol. 475.This bold protest seems to have called attention to Portocarrero’s ability for, in 1624, we find him appointed Inquisitor of Majorca and writing a book in defence of the Inquisition against the royal jurisdiction.[68]Barrantes,op. cit., II, 363, 371-2.[69]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch S, 130.[70]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A., Subt. 11; Arch Seld. 130.[71]Llorente, Hist. crit., cap. xxxviii, n. 5.—Llorente’s statement is confirmed by the account in Bernino’sHistoria di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 613. See also Terzago, Theologia historico-mystica, p. 6 (Venetiis, 1764).[72]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xxi.[73]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIII, 122, 150-62, 165, 173, 175, 177-80, 184, 205-7, 214, 222, 245, 267, 324, 435, 528, 543, 547; XIV, 12, 21, 47; XV, 80; XIX, 383).—Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 99, 168).—Index of Vidal Marin, 1707, II, 19.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 591.—Decret. authent. Sacræ Congr. Indulgentt. n. 4, 14.[74]Vida, pp. 6, 10, 275 (Ed. 1784).[75]Various biographies of her have been written by Moran de Butron, Pietro del Spirito Santo, P. Gijon y Leon, P. Gius. Boero and Juan del Castillo, of some of which repeated editions have appeared.[76]Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 171).[77]Ochoa, Epistolario español, II, 81.[78]Vita Yen. Mariæ de Agreda, §§ 4, 6, 8, 13, 38.—Præfat. ad Lib. I, Vitæ B. Virginis.[79]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. Leg. 1465, fol. 101.—Index Libb. prohib. Innoc. PP. XI, p. 167; Append. p. 41.—Reusch, Der Index, II, 253.—Mendham, Literary Policy of the Church of Rome, pp. 272-4 (London, 1830).—Phelippeaux, Relation de l’Origine etc. du Quietisme, I, 178-83 (s. l. 1732).[80]D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, III, I, 156.[81]Analecta Franciscana, I, 92.—Reusch, Der Index, II, 256.—Amort de Revelationibus, P. II, p. 226.[82]Index Clementis PP. XI, p. 292.—Index Bened. PP. XIV, 1744, p. 313. It is significant of the resultant dubious position of the books that Caetano Marcecales, in hisEnchiridium mysticum(Veronæ, 1766), while giving two lists of mystic works, one permitted and the other prohibited, wholly omits the writings of María de Agreda.[83]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Biblioteca Casanatense, MS. X. v, 27, fol. 235.[84]Bordoni Sacrum Tribunal Judicum, p. 508 (Romæ, 1648).—Ign. Lupi Bergomens. Nova Lux in Edictum S. Inquisit. (Bergomi, 1648).[85]Reusch, Der Index, II, 610-11.[86]Scaglia, Prattica per le cause del Sant’ Officio, cap. 25 (MS.penes me). There are copies in the Bibliothèque nationale, fonds italien, 139; in the Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 598, and in the Municipal Library of Piacenza.[87]Bernino, Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 712 (Venezia, 1717.)[88]Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 185, pp. 1-7.—Library of the Seminario della Curia arcivescovile di Firenze, Chiese, Spogli, Vol. I, pp. 407 aqq.—[Modesto Rastrelli] Fatti attinenti all’ Inquisizione, pp. 173-77 (Venezia, 1782).—Cf. Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, III, 336.[89]Biblioteca del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Miscellanea MS., pp. 577-630.—Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Itat. 185, pp. 13-26.—L’Ambasciata di Romolo a Romani, p. 689 (Colon. 1676).—Collect. Decret. S. Congr. S. Officii, p. 7 (MS.penes me).—Cantù,op. cit., III, 330.[90]MSS. of Ambrosian Library of Milan, H, S, VI, 29, fol. 140.[91]Bernino, Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 722-6.—MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H, S, VI, 29, fol. 14. This latter is a considerable body of documents from which are derived the facts that follow.[92]Ambrosian MSS.ubi sup.fol. 111, 113, 117, 119, 121, 135, 137, 138.[93]Ibidem, fol. 58, 61, 66, 80, 83, 86.[94]Ambrosian MSS.ubi sup., fol. 18, 22, 24, 34, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 61, 81, 91.[95]Ibidem, fol. 44, 54, 66, 81.[96]Ambrosian MSS.ubi sup., fol. 65, 82, 113, 117, 119.[97]Guida spirituale, Lib.I, n. 128.—“Non parlando, non pensando, non desiderando, si giunge al perfetto silenzio mistico, nel quale Iddio parla con l’anima e a lei si communica e le insegna nel più intimo fondo la più perfetta e alta sapienza.”Cf. Osuna, Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. xxi, Cap. 3, fol. 203.—Santa Teresa, Libro de las Revelaciones.—San Juan de la Cruz, Subida del Monte Carmelo,II, vii.[98]Guida, Lib.I, n. 68-70.[99]Guida, Lib.III, n. 3, 40.[100]Biblioteca Casanatense, MS. X, v, 27, fol. 231 sqq.[101]Reusch, Der Index, II, 612-14. Of these controversial works I have been able to examine only Segneri’sLetteraand theClavis Aurea. The chief impression made by these polemics is the elusiveness of these mystic dreams when an attempt is made at rigid definition and differentiation.[102]Biblioteca Casanatense, MS. X,IV, 39, fol. 19sqq.[103]Bernino,op. cit., IV, 726.[104]Biblioteca Casanatense, MSS. X,VII, 46, fol. 289 sqq. This is an account of the affair by one evidently in position to have accurate knowledge of details.[105]Archivo histórico nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Legajo 1, n. 4, fol. 164.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Legajo 1465, fol. 101.[106]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Legajo 12, n. 1, fol. 106.[107]Trois lettres touchant l’Etat present d’Italie, pp. 90-120 (Cologne, 1688)These nineteen errors are here printed with their confutations, but without indication of date or of the authority under which they were prepared. They are also contained, with a different series of confutations, in the mass of papers concerning the Pelagini, in the Ambrosian Library, H, S., VI, 29, fol. 28.This also contains (fol. 30) a series of instructions for detecting the Quietist heresy, consisting of a list of forty-three errors. Some of these set forth so concisely the leading tenets ascribed, with tolerable accuracy, to the Quietists, that they are worth presenting here.21. They seek to annihilate the memory, the intellect and the will; to remember nothing, to understand nothing, to desire nothing, and they say that when they have thus emptied themselves they are refilled by God.22. They say that God operates in their souls without coöperation; that their spirit is identified with God, so that they are purely passive, surrendering their freewill to God who takes possession of it.23. Thus such souls are preserved from even venial sins of advertence and, if they commit some inadvertently they are not imputed.24. Also some proceed to claim impeccability, because they cannot sin when God operates in them without their participation.25. If these souls commit sinful acts, they say it is through the violence of the demon, with the permission of God, for their torment and purgation.28. Examination of conscience to ascertain if there has been consent to such acts is not expedient, for it distracts introversion and disturbs the quiet of the soul.[108]Bibl. Casanatense MSS., X,VII, 45, fol. 289.I cannot but regard this as a truthful report. It accords with the briefer abstract in the final sentence, which distinguishes between the articles proved by witnesses and denied by Molinos and those which he admitted. Reusch (Der Index, II, 617-18) states that the sentence has been printed in theAnalecta Juris Pontificii, 6, 1653, and in the Appendix to Francke’s translation of theGuida Spirituale, published in 1687. I have a copy from the Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 185, and there is one in the Bibliothèque nationale, fonds italien, 138, which also contains the 263 articles drawn from his correspondence, with his answers.[109]D’Argentré, Collect. judic. de novis Erroribus, III,II, 357-62.[110]The account of the atto di fede is derived from the MS. Casanatense, X,VII, 45, and a relation printed by Laemmer,Meletematum Romanorum Mantissa, pp. 407 sqq., who also prints (pp. 412-22) the sentence of Pedro Peña.The contemporary printed sources of the whole affair areTrois Lettres touchant l’Etat present d’Italie, Cologne, 1688;Recueil de diverses pièces concernant le Quietisme et les Quietistes, Amsterdam, 1688, and Bernino,Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 711 sqq. The concise account by Reusch (Der Index, II, 611 sqq.) is written with his accustomed thoroughness and careful use of all accessible sources. John Bigelow’s “Molinos the Quietist” (New York, 1882) is a popular narrative which rejects the charges of immorality. See also Heppe,Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik, pp. 110 sqq., 260 sqq. (Berlin, 1875).[111]Innocentii PP. XI, Bull.Cœlestis Pastor(Bullar. X, 212).[112]Reusch, Der Index, II, 618.—Index Innoc. XI, Append, pp. 7, 28, 45, 47 (Romæ, 1702).[113]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S.VI, 29, fol. 67 sqq.[114]Bernino,op. cit., IV, 727-8.[115]Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 209, fol. 67 sqq.—Cf. Phelippeaux, Relation du Quietisme, II, 117, 154.[116]Laemmer,op. cit., p. 427.—Heppe, Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik, p. 445.[117]Mongitore, L’Atto pubblico di Fede celebrato à 6 Aprile, 1724 (Palermo 1724).[118]See the extracts from S. François de Sales collected by Fénelon, in his Fifth Letter.—Œuvres, II, 95-98 (Paris, 1838).[119]Noack, Die christliche Mystic, II, 236 (Königsberg, 1853).[120]Heppe,op. cit., p. 88.[121]Abomination des Abominations des fausses Devotions de ce Tems divisées, en Trois, la premiere des Illuminez; la seconde des nouveaux Adamites; la troisieme des Spirituels à la mode, p. 88 (Paris, 1632).[122]Bossuet, who read her autobiography in MS. tells us of this tympanitic condition and the splitting of her garments (De Quietismo,ap.Laemmer,op. cit., p. 423). In the printed life, this special feature is omitted, but the passage has every appearance of curtailment (II, 33, cf. 234; III, 9).[123]Bossuet’s side in this controversy is elaborately set forth in Phelippeaux’s posthumous “Relation de l’Origine, du Progrès et de la Condemnation du Quiétisme,” 2 vols., 1732 (s. l.). Also in Bossuet’s “Relation sur le Quiétisme” and subsequent controversial writings, Paris, 1698. Madame Guyon’s statements are contained in “La Vie de Madame J. M. B. de la Mothe Guion, écrite por Elle-même,” 3 vols. Cologne, 1720. She is defended in the “Lettres de M. xxx (Abbé de la Blatterie) à un Ami au sujet de la Relation du Quiétisme,” 1733 (s. l.). Fénelon’s writings on the subject are in hisŒuvres, T. II, Paris, 1838.Comprehensive accounts may be found in Matter, “Le Mysticisme en France au temps de Fénelon,” Paris, 1865 and Heppe, “Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik in der katholischen Kirche,” Berlin, 1865.[124]Compendio de la asombrosa Vida del gran Siervo de Dios, Fr. Juan Joseph de la Cruz, pp. 276 sqq. (Madrid, 1790).[125]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 4, fol. 164.[126]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. V, fol. 103; Lib. III de copias, fol. 703, 704.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 12, n. 4, fol. 124.[127]MSS. of Archivo municipal de Sevilla, Seccion especial, Siglo XVIII, Letra A, Tomo IV, n. 48-49.—These are relations of the auto, one of which I have printed in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain.”

[1]I have considered this subject at greater length in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain,” but the views there expressed have been somewhat modified by access to additional documents.

[2]II. Corinth. xii, 2-4.

[3]Est hodie soror apud nos revelationum charismata sortita quas in ecclesia inter Dominica solemnia per ecstasin in spiritu patitur; conversatur cum angelis, aliquando etiam cum Domino, et vidit et audit sacramenta et quorumdam corda dignoscit et medicinas desiderantibus submittit.—De Anima, cap. ix.

[4]Rufini Aquileiensis Historia Monachorum,passim.—Vitæ Patrum, Lib. III, c. 141.

[5]Chapeavilli Gestt. Pontiff. Leodiens., II, 256-7.

[6]Treatises of Richard Rolle,VIII, pp. 14-15 (Early English Text Society).

[7]Basnage in Canisii Thes. Monum. Ecclesiæ, IV, 366-7.

[8]Johann. PP. XXII, Bull.In agro dominico(Ripoll. Bullar. Ord. Prædic. VII, 57).

[9]S. Cypriani Epist. iv ad Pomponium.—Concil. Antioch. (Harduin Concil. I, 198).—Lactant. Divin. Institt.VI, xix.This test of continence was tried by St. Aldhelm (Girald. Cambrens. Gemm. Eccles., Dist.II, cap. xv) and was practised by the followers of Segarelli and Dolcino (Bern. Guidonis Practica, Ed. Douais, p. 260).

[9]S. Cypriani Epist. iv ad Pomponium.—Concil. Antioch. (Harduin Concil. I, 198).—Lactant. Divin. Institt.VI, xix.

This test of continence was tried by St. Aldhelm (Girald. Cambrens. Gemm. Eccles., Dist.II, cap. xv) and was practised by the followers of Segarelli and Dolcino (Bern. Guidonis Practica, Ed. Douais, p. 260).

[10]Clementin. Lib.V, Tit. iii, cap. 3.

[11]Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. xiii, cap. 3, fol. 122 (Burgos, 1544).

[12]Subida del Monte Carmelo,III, 38.

[13]De la Oracion y Meditacion,II, ii.

[14]De Oratione et Meditatione, cap. lv.—Cf. S. Pedro de Alcántara, De la OracionII, iv.

[15]Archivo de Simancas, Sala 40, Lib.IV, fol. 231(see Vol. III, p. 570).

[16]R. S. Victor Benjaminis Minoris, c. lxxxi.—S. Th. Aquin. Summæ Sec., Sec. Q. clxxv, Art. 1.

[17]Joh. Gersoni. Tract. de Distinct. verar. Visionum a falsis (Opp. Ed. 1494, T. I, xix. L).

[18]B. Juan de Avila, Audi Filia et vide, cap. li-lv.

[19]Arbiol, Disengaños misticos, Lib.III, cap. xv (1707).

[20]Amort de Revelationibus etc. P.I, pp. 259-68 (Aug. Vindel. 1744).

[21]Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. vi, cap. 2, fol. 52.—Cf. Molinos, Guida, LibIII, cap. xvii, n. 163-4.

[22]Melgares Marin, Procedimientos de la Inquisicion, II, 88(Madrid, 1886).

[23]Proceso contra Hieron. de la M. de Dios (MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VII).

[24]Eymerici Director. P.II, Q. ix, n. 5.—Repertor. Inquisit. s. vvBeatæ,Begardæ,Beguinæ,Hæresis,Hæretici, etc.

[25]Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. xxi, cap. 4, fol. 204.—Menendez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos, II, 526.

[26]Pet. Mart. Angler. Epistt. 428, 431.

[27]D. Manuel Serrano y Sans (Revista de Archivos etc., Enero, 1903, p. 2).

[28]See the trial of Alcaraz, epitomized by D. Manuel Serrano y Sana, in the Revista de Archivos, Enero, 1903, pp. 1-16; Febrero, pp. 127, 130 sqq.

[29]S. Bonaventuræ de Puritate Conscientiæ, cap. 14.

[30]Don M. Serrano y Sans has published (Boletín, XLI, 105-37) the principal features and documents of this trial. He states that much of the testimony is utterly unfit for transcription.

[31]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib.III, fol. 133.

[32]This account of Francisco Ortiz is derived from the skilful analysis of his trial by Eduard Böhmer in his “Franzisca Hernandez und Frai Franzisco Ortiz” (Leipzig, 1865).

[33]Melgares Marin, Procedimientos de la Inquisicion, II, 94-5.

[34]Juan and María were uncle and aunt of the Cazallas who suffered for Protestantism.

[35]Melgares Marin,op. cit., II, 74-88.

[36]Ibidem, pp. 147-53.

[37]Archivo, hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. III, u. 46.—Cf. Schäfer, II, 119.

[38]MS.penes me.

[39]Diálogo de Mercurio y Caron, cap. lxv.

[40]So much has been said about this prosecution of Loyola that Padre Fidel Fita has performed a service in printing the documents of the case in the Boletin, XXXIII, 431-57.

[41]Caballero, Vida de Melchor Cano, pp. 549-50, 557-9, 568-9, 572-7, 582-3, 592-3, 598, 601.

[42]Salazar de Mendoza, Vida de Carranza, cap. xxxiii.The first of these undoubtedly is found in the Comentarios (P. III, Obra iii, cap. 3), but it was perfectly admissible doctrine at the period. Aspilcueta, who was no mystic, tells us, in 1577, that prayer is worthless unless uttered in lively faith and ardent charity; innumerable priests are consigned to purgatory or to hell on account of their prayers, each one of which is at least a venial sin.—De Oratione, cap. viii.It illustrates the progress of the movement against mysticism that the Index of Zapata, in 1632 (p. 980) orders a passage in Don Quixote to beborradoin which this is expressed much less offensively—“Las obras de Charidad que se hasen tibia y floxamente no tienen merito ni valen nada.”

[42]Salazar de Mendoza, Vida de Carranza, cap. xxxiii.

The first of these undoubtedly is found in the Comentarios (P. III, Obra iii, cap. 3), but it was perfectly admissible doctrine at the period. Aspilcueta, who was no mystic, tells us, in 1577, that prayer is worthless unless uttered in lively faith and ardent charity; innumerable priests are consigned to purgatory or to hell on account of their prayers, each one of which is at least a venial sin.—De Oratione, cap. viii.

It illustrates the progress of the movement against mysticism that the Index of Zapata, in 1632 (p. 980) orders a passage in Don Quixote to beborradoin which this is expressed much less offensively—“Las obras de Charidad que se hasen tibia y floxamente no tienen merito ni valen nada.”

[43]Reusch, Die Indices, pp. 237, 438.

[44]V. de la Fuente, Escritos de S. Teresa, I, 3-4, 557; II, 439-40, 557, 568, 571.—Index of Sotomayor, 1640, p. 529.—Indice Ultimo, p. 118.

[45]José de Jesus María, Vida de San Juan de la Cruz (Escritos de S. Teresa, II, 511-14).

[46]Index of Sandoval, 1612, p. 379 (Ed. Genevæ, 1620).

[47]Reusch, Die Indices, p. 224.

[48]Caballero, Vida de Melchor Cano, p. 597.—Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 346-7.—Giovanni da Capugnano, Vida del P. Luigi Granata.—Theiner, Annal. Eccles., III, 361.—Palafox y Mendoza, Obras, VII, 65.

[49]Alfonso Rodríguez, Ejercicio de la Perfeccion, P. I, Trat. v, cap. 7, 12.

[50]Ribadeneira, Vit. S. Ig. Loyolæ, Lib. v, cap. 10.

[51]Alegambe, Bibl. Scriptt. Soc. Jesu, p. 136.—Nieremberg, Honor del Gran Patriarca San Ignacio, p. 513.—L. de la Puente, Guia Spirituale, P.II, Trat. 1, cap. 15, n. 3; cap. 18, n. 2 (Roma, 1628).—De Backer, III, 639-53.

[52]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 343.

[53]Caballero,op. cit., p. 526.—Cf p. 359.

[54]Fray Alonso’s Memorial, from which the subsequent details are drawn, has been printed by Don Miguel Mir in theRevista de Archivasfor Aug.-Sept., 1903; Jan., 1904; Aug.-Sept., 1904; June, 1905; July, 1905; and Aug.-Sept., 1905.

[55]Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, II, 332-47.

[56]Biblioteca nacional, MSS., S. 151, fol. 54-67.—Barrantes,op. cit., II, 329, 347-57.—Miscelanea de Zapata (Memorial hist. español, XI, 75).—Cipriano de Valera, Dos Tratados (Reformistas antig. españoles, p. 272).—Dorado, Compendio histórico de Salamanca, p. 423.In 1576 Alonso González Carmena was tried at Toledo for saying that the only object of the Inquisition was to get money, and instancing a wealthy damsel of Llerena recently arrested as an Alumbrado. He probably considered his assertions verified by having to pay a fine of 4000 maravedís, in addition to six months’ exile.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

In 1576 Alonso González Carmena was tried at Toledo for saying that the only object of the Inquisition was to get money, and instancing a wealthy damsel of Llerena recently arrested as an Alumbrado. He probably considered his assertions verified by having to pay a fine of 4000 maravedís, in addition to six months’ exile.—MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[57]Páramo, p. 302.

[58]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 108; Lib 979, fol. 30.—The details of the Edict are derived from a copy published in Mexico, July 17, 1579, which I owe to the kindness of the late General Don Riva Palacio. In the Edict published at the opening of the Mexican Inquisition, Nov. 3, 1571, there is no allusion to the subject. See Appendix to Vol. II, p. 587.

[59]Páramo, pp. 302, 681-2, 688-9, 854.

[60]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.

[61]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. VII.

[62]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 1.

[63]Mística Teología, Lib.II, cap. 1, 4, 5, 6.

[64]Menéndez y Pelayo, II, 547-8.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch S, 130.

[65]Barrantes, Aparato, II, 363.

[66]Barrantes,op. cit., II, 364-70. Thia copy is somewhat imperfect; a better one is in the Bibliothèque nationale, fonds Dupuy, 673, fol. 181.Malvasia (Cathologus omnium Hæresum et Conciliorum, Romæ, 1661, p. 269) gives a list of fifty Illuminist errors from this edict of Pacheco. Cf. Bernino, Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 613 (Venezia, 1717).

[66]Barrantes,op. cit., II, 364-70. Thia copy is somewhat imperfect; a better one is in the Bibliothèque nationale, fonds Dupuy, 673, fol. 181.

Malvasia (Cathologus omnium Hæresum et Conciliorum, Romæ, 1661, p. 269) gives a list of fifty Illuminist errors from this edict of Pacheco. Cf. Bernino, Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 613 (Venezia, 1717).

[67]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 927, fol. 475.This bold protest seems to have called attention to Portocarrero’s ability for, in 1624, we find him appointed Inquisitor of Majorca and writing a book in defence of the Inquisition against the royal jurisdiction.

[67]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 927, fol. 475.

This bold protest seems to have called attention to Portocarrero’s ability for, in 1624, we find him appointed Inquisitor of Majorca and writing a book in defence of the Inquisition against the royal jurisdiction.

[68]Barrantes,op. cit., II, 363, 371-2.

[69]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch S, 130.

[70]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A., Subt. 11; Arch Seld. 130.

[71]Llorente, Hist. crit., cap. xxxviii, n. 5.—Llorente’s statement is confirmed by the account in Bernino’sHistoria di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 613. See also Terzago, Theologia historico-mystica, p. 6 (Venetiis, 1764).

[72]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xxi.

[73]Cartas de Jesuitas (Mem. hist. español, XIII, 122, 150-62, 165, 173, 175, 177-80, 184, 205-7, 214, 222, 245, 267, 324, 435, 528, 543, 547; XIV, 12, 21, 47; XV, 80; XIX, 383).—Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 99, 168).—Index of Vidal Marin, 1707, II, 19.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 6, fol. 591.—Decret. authent. Sacræ Congr. Indulgentt. n. 4, 14.

[74]Vida, pp. 6, 10, 275 (Ed. 1784).

[75]Various biographies of her have been written by Moran de Butron, Pietro del Spirito Santo, P. Gijon y Leon, P. Gius. Boero and Juan del Castillo, of some of which repeated editions have appeared.

[76]Pellicer, Avisos históricos (Semanario erúdito, XXXIII, 171).

[77]Ochoa, Epistolario español, II, 81.

[78]Vita Yen. Mariæ de Agreda, §§ 4, 6, 8, 13, 38.—Præfat. ad Lib. I, Vitæ B. Virginis.

[79]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. Leg. 1465, fol. 101.—Index Libb. prohib. Innoc. PP. XI, p. 167; Append. p. 41.—Reusch, Der Index, II, 253.—Mendham, Literary Policy of the Church of Rome, pp. 272-4 (London, 1830).—Phelippeaux, Relation de l’Origine etc. du Quietisme, I, 178-83 (s. l. 1732).

[80]D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, III, I, 156.

[81]Analecta Franciscana, I, 92.—Reusch, Der Index, II, 256.—Amort de Revelationibus, P. II, p. 226.

[82]Index Clementis PP. XI, p. 292.—Index Bened. PP. XIV, 1744, p. 313. It is significant of the resultant dubious position of the books that Caetano Marcecales, in hisEnchiridium mysticum(Veronæ, 1766), while giving two lists of mystic works, one permitted and the other prohibited, wholly omits the writings of María de Agreda.

[83]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.—Biblioteca Casanatense, MS. X. v, 27, fol. 235.

[84]Bordoni Sacrum Tribunal Judicum, p. 508 (Romæ, 1648).—Ign. Lupi Bergomens. Nova Lux in Edictum S. Inquisit. (Bergomi, 1648).

[85]Reusch, Der Index, II, 610-11.

[86]Scaglia, Prattica per le cause del Sant’ Officio, cap. 25 (MS.penes me). There are copies in the Bibliothèque nationale, fonds italien, 139; in the Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 598, and in the Municipal Library of Piacenza.

[87]Bernino, Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 712 (Venezia, 1717.)

[88]Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 185, pp. 1-7.—Library of the Seminario della Curia arcivescovile di Firenze, Chiese, Spogli, Vol. I, pp. 407 aqq.—[Modesto Rastrelli] Fatti attinenti all’ Inquisizione, pp. 173-77 (Venezia, 1782).—Cf. Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, III, 336.

[89]Biblioteca del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Miscellanea MS., pp. 577-630.—Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Itat. 185, pp. 13-26.—L’Ambasciata di Romolo a Romani, p. 689 (Colon. 1676).—Collect. Decret. S. Congr. S. Officii, p. 7 (MS.penes me).—Cantù,op. cit., III, 330.

[90]MSS. of Ambrosian Library of Milan, H, S, VI, 29, fol. 140.

[91]Bernino, Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 722-6.—MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H, S, VI, 29, fol. 14. This latter is a considerable body of documents from which are derived the facts that follow.

[92]Ambrosian MSS.ubi sup.fol. 111, 113, 117, 119, 121, 135, 137, 138.

[93]Ibidem, fol. 58, 61, 66, 80, 83, 86.

[94]Ambrosian MSS.ubi sup., fol. 18, 22, 24, 34, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 61, 81, 91.

[95]Ibidem, fol. 44, 54, 66, 81.

[96]Ambrosian MSS.ubi sup., fol. 65, 82, 113, 117, 119.

[97]Guida spirituale, Lib.I, n. 128.—“Non parlando, non pensando, non desiderando, si giunge al perfetto silenzio mistico, nel quale Iddio parla con l’anima e a lei si communica e le insegna nel più intimo fondo la più perfetta e alta sapienza.”Cf. Osuna, Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. xxi, Cap. 3, fol. 203.—Santa Teresa, Libro de las Revelaciones.—San Juan de la Cruz, Subida del Monte Carmelo,II, vii.

Cf. Osuna, Abecedario spiritual, P.III, Trat. xxi, Cap. 3, fol. 203.—Santa Teresa, Libro de las Revelaciones.—San Juan de la Cruz, Subida del Monte Carmelo,II, vii.

[98]Guida, Lib.I, n. 68-70.

[99]Guida, Lib.III, n. 3, 40.

[100]Biblioteca Casanatense, MS. X, v, 27, fol. 231 sqq.

[101]Reusch, Der Index, II, 612-14. Of these controversial works I have been able to examine only Segneri’sLetteraand theClavis Aurea. The chief impression made by these polemics is the elusiveness of these mystic dreams when an attempt is made at rigid definition and differentiation.

[102]Biblioteca Casanatense, MS. X,IV, 39, fol. 19sqq.

[103]Bernino,op. cit., IV, 726.

[104]Biblioteca Casanatense, MSS. X,VII, 46, fol. 289 sqq. This is an account of the affair by one evidently in position to have accurate knowledge of details.

[105]Archivo histórico nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Legajo 1, n. 4, fol. 164.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Legajo 1465, fol. 101.

[106]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Legajo 12, n. 1, fol. 106.

[107]Trois lettres touchant l’Etat present d’Italie, pp. 90-120 (Cologne, 1688)These nineteen errors are here printed with their confutations, but without indication of date or of the authority under which they were prepared. They are also contained, with a different series of confutations, in the mass of papers concerning the Pelagini, in the Ambrosian Library, H, S., VI, 29, fol. 28.This also contains (fol. 30) a series of instructions for detecting the Quietist heresy, consisting of a list of forty-three errors. Some of these set forth so concisely the leading tenets ascribed, with tolerable accuracy, to the Quietists, that they are worth presenting here.21. They seek to annihilate the memory, the intellect and the will; to remember nothing, to understand nothing, to desire nothing, and they say that when they have thus emptied themselves they are refilled by God.22. They say that God operates in their souls without coöperation; that their spirit is identified with God, so that they are purely passive, surrendering their freewill to God who takes possession of it.23. Thus such souls are preserved from even venial sins of advertence and, if they commit some inadvertently they are not imputed.24. Also some proceed to claim impeccability, because they cannot sin when God operates in them without their participation.25. If these souls commit sinful acts, they say it is through the violence of the demon, with the permission of God, for their torment and purgation.28. Examination of conscience to ascertain if there has been consent to such acts is not expedient, for it distracts introversion and disturbs the quiet of the soul.

[107]Trois lettres touchant l’Etat present d’Italie, pp. 90-120 (Cologne, 1688)

These nineteen errors are here printed with their confutations, but without indication of date or of the authority under which they were prepared. They are also contained, with a different series of confutations, in the mass of papers concerning the Pelagini, in the Ambrosian Library, H, S., VI, 29, fol. 28.

This also contains (fol. 30) a series of instructions for detecting the Quietist heresy, consisting of a list of forty-three errors. Some of these set forth so concisely the leading tenets ascribed, with tolerable accuracy, to the Quietists, that they are worth presenting here.

21. They seek to annihilate the memory, the intellect and the will; to remember nothing, to understand nothing, to desire nothing, and they say that when they have thus emptied themselves they are refilled by God.

22. They say that God operates in their souls without coöperation; that their spirit is identified with God, so that they are purely passive, surrendering their freewill to God who takes possession of it.

23. Thus such souls are preserved from even venial sins of advertence and, if they commit some inadvertently they are not imputed.

24. Also some proceed to claim impeccability, because they cannot sin when God operates in them without their participation.

25. If these souls commit sinful acts, they say it is through the violence of the demon, with the permission of God, for their torment and purgation.

28. Examination of conscience to ascertain if there has been consent to such acts is not expedient, for it distracts introversion and disturbs the quiet of the soul.

[108]Bibl. Casanatense MSS., X,VII, 45, fol. 289.I cannot but regard this as a truthful report. It accords with the briefer abstract in the final sentence, which distinguishes between the articles proved by witnesses and denied by Molinos and those which he admitted. Reusch (Der Index, II, 617-18) states that the sentence has been printed in theAnalecta Juris Pontificii, 6, 1653, and in the Appendix to Francke’s translation of theGuida Spirituale, published in 1687. I have a copy from the Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 185, and there is one in the Bibliothèque nationale, fonds italien, 138, which also contains the 263 articles drawn from his correspondence, with his answers.

[108]Bibl. Casanatense MSS., X,VII, 45, fol. 289.

I cannot but regard this as a truthful report. It accords with the briefer abstract in the final sentence, which distinguishes between the articles proved by witnesses and denied by Molinos and those which he admitted. Reusch (Der Index, II, 617-18) states that the sentence has been printed in theAnalecta Juris Pontificii, 6, 1653, and in the Appendix to Francke’s translation of theGuida Spirituale, published in 1687. I have a copy from the Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 185, and there is one in the Bibliothèque nationale, fonds italien, 138, which also contains the 263 articles drawn from his correspondence, with his answers.

[109]D’Argentré, Collect. judic. de novis Erroribus, III,II, 357-62.

[110]The account of the atto di fede is derived from the MS. Casanatense, X,VII, 45, and a relation printed by Laemmer,Meletematum Romanorum Mantissa, pp. 407 sqq., who also prints (pp. 412-22) the sentence of Pedro Peña.The contemporary printed sources of the whole affair areTrois Lettres touchant l’Etat present d’Italie, Cologne, 1688;Recueil de diverses pièces concernant le Quietisme et les Quietistes, Amsterdam, 1688, and Bernino,Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 711 sqq. The concise account by Reusch (Der Index, II, 611 sqq.) is written with his accustomed thoroughness and careful use of all accessible sources. John Bigelow’s “Molinos the Quietist” (New York, 1882) is a popular narrative which rejects the charges of immorality. See also Heppe,Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik, pp. 110 sqq., 260 sqq. (Berlin, 1875).

The contemporary printed sources of the whole affair areTrois Lettres touchant l’Etat present d’Italie, Cologne, 1688;Recueil de diverses pièces concernant le Quietisme et les Quietistes, Amsterdam, 1688, and Bernino,Historia di tutte l’Heresie, IV, 711 sqq. The concise account by Reusch (Der Index, II, 611 sqq.) is written with his accustomed thoroughness and careful use of all accessible sources. John Bigelow’s “Molinos the Quietist” (New York, 1882) is a popular narrative which rejects the charges of immorality. See also Heppe,Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik, pp. 110 sqq., 260 sqq. (Berlin, 1875).

[111]Innocentii PP. XI, Bull.Cœlestis Pastor(Bullar. X, 212).

[112]Reusch, Der Index, II, 618.—Index Innoc. XI, Append, pp. 7, 28, 45, 47 (Romæ, 1702).

[113]MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S.VI, 29, fol. 67 sqq.

[114]Bernino,op. cit., IV, 727-8.

[115]Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital. 209, fol. 67 sqq.—Cf. Phelippeaux, Relation du Quietisme, II, 117, 154.

[116]Laemmer,op. cit., p. 427.—Heppe, Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik, p. 445.

[117]Mongitore, L’Atto pubblico di Fede celebrato à 6 Aprile, 1724 (Palermo 1724).

[118]See the extracts from S. François de Sales collected by Fénelon, in his Fifth Letter.—Œuvres, II, 95-98 (Paris, 1838).

[119]Noack, Die christliche Mystic, II, 236 (Königsberg, 1853).

[120]Heppe,op. cit., p. 88.

[121]Abomination des Abominations des fausses Devotions de ce Tems divisées, en Trois, la premiere des Illuminez; la seconde des nouveaux Adamites; la troisieme des Spirituels à la mode, p. 88 (Paris, 1632).

[122]Bossuet, who read her autobiography in MS. tells us of this tympanitic condition and the splitting of her garments (De Quietismo,ap.Laemmer,op. cit., p. 423). In the printed life, this special feature is omitted, but the passage has every appearance of curtailment (II, 33, cf. 234; III, 9).

[123]Bossuet’s side in this controversy is elaborately set forth in Phelippeaux’s posthumous “Relation de l’Origine, du Progrès et de la Condemnation du Quiétisme,” 2 vols., 1732 (s. l.). Also in Bossuet’s “Relation sur le Quiétisme” and subsequent controversial writings, Paris, 1698. Madame Guyon’s statements are contained in “La Vie de Madame J. M. B. de la Mothe Guion, écrite por Elle-même,” 3 vols. Cologne, 1720. She is defended in the “Lettres de M. xxx (Abbé de la Blatterie) à un Ami au sujet de la Relation du Quiétisme,” 1733 (s. l.). Fénelon’s writings on the subject are in hisŒuvres, T. II, Paris, 1838.Comprehensive accounts may be found in Matter, “Le Mysticisme en France au temps de Fénelon,” Paris, 1865 and Heppe, “Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik in der katholischen Kirche,” Berlin, 1865.

Comprehensive accounts may be found in Matter, “Le Mysticisme en France au temps de Fénelon,” Paris, 1865 and Heppe, “Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik in der katholischen Kirche,” Berlin, 1865.

[124]Compendio de la asombrosa Vida del gran Siervo de Dios, Fr. Juan Joseph de la Cruz, pp. 276 sqq. (Madrid, 1790).

[125]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 4, fol. 164.

[126]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. V, fol. 103; Lib. III de copias, fol. 703, 704.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 12, n. 4, fol. 124.

[127]MSS. of Archivo municipal de Sevilla, Seccion especial, Siglo XVIII, Letra A, Tomo IV, n. 48-49.—These are relations of the auto, one of which I have printed in “Chapters from the Religious History of Spain.”

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