[388]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iv, 2.[389]Ibidem,VIII, i, 9.[390]Novis. Recop. Lib.XII, Tit. iv, ley 2.[391]Tratados de Legislacion Muhamedana, pp. 143, 251 (Mem. hist. español, Tom. V).—Bleda, Corónica, p. 1025.[392]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XX, 190.—Eymerici Director, p. 202 (Ed. Venet. 1607).[393]Pulgar, Cronica, P.II, cap. iv.[394]Nueva Recop., Lib.VIII, Tit. iii, ley 7.[395]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 3, fol. 156, 158, 170, 186; Lib. 927, fol. 446.The parties in this case were doubtless García de Gorualan and Martin de Sória relaxed in person, and Miguel Sánchez de Romeral in effigy, ashérejes sortilegos, June 16, 1511, at Saragossa.—Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 576, 581, 582). Prior to this several women had been burnt as witches, as we shall see hereafter.[396]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. i, § 34; cap. 2.[397]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 918, fol. 382.[398]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, pp. 575, 582).[399]Llorente, Hist. crít. cap.XV, Art. 1, n. 21.[400]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. i, n. 14.This book is the Spanish classic on the subject. Maestro Pedro Ciruelo served as inquisitor in Saragossa for thirty years and was professor at Alcalá. His work appeared in Salamanca, in 1539, where it was reprinted in 1540 and 1556 and again in Barcelona in 1628, with notes by the learned Doctor Pedro Antonio Jofreu, at the instance of Miguel Santos, Bishop of Solsona.[401]Raynald. Annal., ann. 1258, n. 23.—Potthast, Regesta, n. 17,745, 18,396.—Lib. V in Sexto, Tit. ii, c. 8 § 4.[402]D’Argentré, Collect. judic. de novis Erroribus, I,II, 154.[403]Bernardi Basin Tract. de Artibus magicis, Concl. I-X.[404]Repertor. Inquisit. s. v.Sapere hæresimpost v.Hæresiarcha—Pegnæ Comment. LXVII in Eymerici Director. P.II.[405]Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic., III, 301.—Cf. Alph. de Castro de justa Hæreticor. Punitione, Lib.I, cap. 13.[406]Simancæ de Cath. Institt., Tit.XXX, n. 20, 21; Tit.LXIII, n. 12.—Cf. Alphons. de Castro,loc. cit., cap. 14, 15.[407]Bibl. pública de Toledo, Sala 5, Estante 11, Tab. 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.[408]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 726.[409]Bibl. nacional, MSS., PV, 3, n. 20.[410]MSS. of Library of Univ of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Catálogo de las causas seguidas ante el tribunal de Toledo, pp. 84, 326 (Madrid, 1903).Mendo tells us (Epitome Opinionum Moralium, Append. de Matrimonio, n. 4) of similar cases in which the unfortunates were burnt.[411]Torreblanca, Epitome Delictorum sive de Magia, Lib.II, cap. ix.The first edition of this work appeared in Seville, in 1618. My copy is of Lyons, 1678.[412]Th. Sanchez in Præcepta Decalogi Lib.II, cap. xl, n. 13.[413]Pegnæ Append. in Eymerici Director., p. 142.[414]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 118, 124, 137; Lib. V,passim.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629.The clause reads—“necnon de hæresi seu apostasia de fide suspectos, sortilegia manifestam hæresim sapientia, divinationes et incantationes aliaque diabolica maleficia et prestigia committentes, aut magicas et necromanticas artes exercentes, illorumque credentes, sequaces, defensores, fautores et receptatores.... per te vel alium seu alios prout juris fuerit inquirendi, procedendi et exequi seu inquiri, procedi et exequi faciendi.”[415]Torreblanca, Lib.III, cap. ix, Append.; Defensa, cap. ii, p. 536.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 299, fol. 80.The bull, however, was not received in Valencia until 1616.—Ibidem, Leg. 6, n. 2, fol. 56.[416]Torreblanca, cap.IX, n. 25-26.[417]Nueva Recop., Lib.VIII, Tit. iii, ley 8.—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit.V, ley 2.[418]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.[419]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 37.[420]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 48.[421]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 14-15.[422]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.II, Cap. iii.[423]De Cath. Institt. Tit.XXI, n. 9; Tit.LXIII, n. 7.[424]Reusch, Die Indices, pp. 217, 225, 227, 236, 239.—The two prohibited books areArcandam de nativitatibus seu fatalis diesandJohannes Schonerus de nativitatibus.[425]Córtes de Cordova del año de setenta, Peticion 71 (Alcalá, 1575).[426]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1157, fol. 17-20.[427]Index of Quiroga, Rule IX (Madriti, 1583, fol. 4).[428]Zanctornato, Relatione della Corte di Spagna, pp. 6, 7 (Cosmopoli, 1678).[429]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xiv, § 1.[430]Ibidem, D, 118, p. 148.[431]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.[432]Ibidem, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.—Cf. Bedæ Opera, Ed. Migne, I, 963-66.[433]Praxis procedendi, cap. xviii, n. 3 (Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., S, 294, fol. 116.[434]Proceso contra Isabel de Montoya (MS.penes me).[435]Praxis procedendi, cap.VIII, n. 5 (Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia).[436]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 382.[437]Matute y Luquin, pp. 84-105.[438]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.[439]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. ii; P.II, cap. i; P.III, cap. v.[440]Epitome Delictorum, Lib.III, cap. i, n. 1-6.[441]Miguel Calvo (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).—Elucidationes Sancti Officii, §§ 40, 43 (Ibidem).[442]Archivo hist. nacional., Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 7, fol. 4, 7;n. 10, fol. 10-13.[443]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 11, 13.[444]Ibidem, fol. 26, 28, 29.[445]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 2.[446]MSS. of Bibl. nacional de Lima.[447]MSS. of David Fergusson Esq.[448]Regimento do Santo Officio da Inquisição pelo Cardeal da Cunha, pp. 118-20, 123-7.[449]Llorente, Anales, II, 270.[450]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.[451]Proceso contra Rosa Conejos (MS.penes me).[452]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.[453]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq., de Valencia, Leg. 100.[454]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890; Lib. 559.[455]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.[456]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.—Matute y Luquin, pp. 278-92.[457]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.[458]Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, XVIII, 338-40). See also Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 237.[459]P. Ricardo Cappa, La Inquisicion española, p. 242 (Madrid, 1888).Father Cappa only enunciates the belief still taught by the Church. See S. Alph. Liguori,Theol. Moralis, Lib.III, Dub.V, and Marc,Institutiones Morales Alphonsianæ, I, 396-7 (Romæ, 1893).[460]The earliest appearance of the Sabbat in inquisitorial records would seem to be in some trials, between 1330 and 1340 in Carcassonne and Toulouse, where it connects itself curiously with remnants of the Dualism of the Cathari.—Hansen, Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, p. 315 (München, 1900).[461]Raynald. Annal., ann. 1437, n. 27; ann. 1457, n. 90; ann. 1459, n. 30.—Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic. III, 193.—Bullar. Roman. I, 429.—Septimi Decretal, Lib.V, Tit. xii, cap. 1, 3, 6.—Bart. Spinæi de Strigibus, p. 14(Romæ, 1576).[462]Frag. Capitular. cap. 13 (Baluze, II, 365).—Reginon. de Eccles. Discip.II, 364.—Burchard. Decret.XI, i;XIX, 5.—Ivon. Decret.,XI, 30.—Gratian. Decret. II,XXVI,V, 12.[463]S. Antonini Confessionale.—Angeli de Clavasio Summa Angelica, s. v.Interrogationes.—Bart. de Chaimis Interrogatorium, fol. 22 (Venetiis, 1480).[464]Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen, zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter, pp. 105-9 (Bonn, 1901).[465]Fortalicium Fidei, Lib.V, Consid. X.—Hansen,op. cit., pp. 113-17.[466]Martini de Arles, Tractatus de Superstitionibus, pp. 362-5, 413-15 (Francofurti ad Moenam, 1581).Hansen (op. cit., p. 308) says that Martin of Aries is known only through this tract, of which the first edition is of 1517. Martin cites no authority later than John Nider, who died in 1438, and makes no allusion to the Inquisition, which he could scarce have failed to do had it been in existence when he wrote. His work may probably be assigned to the third quarter of the fifteenth century.[467]Bernardi Basin, Tract. de Magicis Artibus, Prop. IX.[468]Repert, Inquisitor, s. v.Xorguinæ.[469]Alonso de Spina, however (loc. cit.), knows of no gatherings at the Sabbat nearer than Dauphiny and Gascony, and these he learned from paintings of them in the Inquisition at Toulouse, which had burnt many of those concerned.[470]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 573-6, 581-3).[471]Llorente, Añales, I, 340; Hist. crít., cap.XXXVII, art. ii, n. 41.[472]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 120; P.II, fol. 50.[473]Arn. Albertini de agnoscendis Assertionibus, Q.XXIV, n. 13 (Romæ, 1572, fol. 114).[474]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 73, fol. 215.[475]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.[476]For the inhuman methods employed to secure confession and conviction, on the flimsiest evidence, see the very instructive essay “The Fate of Dietrich Flade” by Professor George Burr (New York, 1891), reprinted from the Transactions of the American Historical Association.[477]Mallei Malificar, P.I, Q. xiv; P.II, Q. i, C. 3, 16.—Prieriat. de Strigimagarum Lib.III, cap. 3.The rule that the heretic or apostate who confessed and recanted was to be admitted to reconciliation was at the bottom of the anxiety of the secular magistrates to maintain their jurisdiction over witchcraft, and the relations between them and the Inquisition were the subject of much debate. Arn. Albertino argues that the Inquisition can make no distinction between witches who have and who have not committed murder; they must all be reconciled, but can again be accused of homicide before a competent judge; yet the inquisitor, to escape irregularity, must not transmit to the secular court the confessions and evidence, nor must he, in the sentences, mention these crimes, as that would be setting the judge on the track.—De agnosc. Assertionibus, Q.XXIV, n. 28, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 75.[478]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 78, fol. 216.[479]Bibl. national, MSS., II, 88.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.This document may safely be assumed as the source from which Prudencio de Sandoval, himself Bishop of Pampeluna and historiographer of Charles V, drew his account of the persecution of 1527 (Hist. del Emp. Carlos V, Lib.XVI, § 15) copied by Llorente (Hist. crít., cap.XV, art. 1, n. 6-9).[480]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 51, 53.There seems to have been a somewhat earlier persecution of the witches of Biscay by Fray Juan de Zumarraga, a native of Durango. At the suggestion of Charles V, who greatly admired him, he was sent there for that purpose as commissioner of the Inquisition, being specially qualified by his knowledge of the language. After discharging this duty with much ability, Charles, in 1528, sent him to Mexico as its first bishop. He took with him Fray Andrés de Olmos, who had been his assistant in Biscay. In 1548, at the age of 80 he died in the odor of sanctity and his death was miraculously known the same day over all Mexico.—Mendieta, Hist. ecles. Indiana, pp. 629, 636, 644 (Mexico, 1870)[481]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 108.[482]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 369.[483]Ibidem, fol. 388.[484]Arn. Albertini de agnosc. Assertionibus, Q.XXIV.—Alph. de Castro de justa hæreticor. Punitione, Lib.I, cap. xvi.[485]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 78, fol. 144.[486]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 191-5.[487]Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 215-17, 226, 258.[488]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. ii, n. 6; P.II, cap. i, n. 5-7.[489]De Cath. Institt., Tit.XXXVII, n. 6-12.On the other hand Azpilcueta adheres to the theory of illusion and asserts it to be a mortal sin to believe that witches are transported to the Sabbat.—Manuale Confessariorum, cap. XI, n. 38.Cardinal Toletus asserts the bodily transport of witches and all the horrors of the Sabbat, but adds that sometimes it is imaginary. Demons have power to introduce witches into houses through closed doors, where they slay infants.—Summæ Casuum Conscientiæ, Lib.IV, cap.XV.[490]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—This case is not unexampled. In 1686, Sor Teresa Gabriel de Vargas, a Bernardine Recollect, charged herself with the same crime before the Madrid tribunal, but, as she added the denial of the power of God, she was reconciled for the heresy.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1024, fol. 31.Even more significant is the case of Sor Rosa de San Joseph Barrios, a Clare of the convent of San Diego, Garachico, Canaries, a woman of 25 who, in July 1773, in sacramental confession to Fray Nicolás Peraza, related how, through desire to gratify her lust, she had given herself to Satan, in a writing which disappeared from her hand, and at his command had renounced God and the Virgin and had treated the consecrated host and a crucifix with the foulest indignities. In reward for this during four years he had served her as an incubus, coming at her call about twice a month. Fray Peraza applied to the tribunal for a commission to absolve her which was granted and, on August 15th, he reported having done so, with fuller details as to her apostasy. The tribunal then decided that he had exceeded his powers; it evidently did not regard the case as hallucination for it required her to be formally reconciled and prescribed a course of life-long spiritual penance, which she gratefully accepted. An incident not readily explicable is that the bishop deprived Fray Peraza of the faculty of hearing confessions.—Birch, Catalogue of MSS. of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, I, p. 21; II, pp. 922-30.[491]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 927, fol. 462.[492]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 79, fol. 226; Inq. de Logroño, Procesos de fe, Leg. 1, n. 8; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 221.[493]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Leg. único, fol. 86, 87; Inq., Lib. 83, fol. 7.[494]Ibidem, Lib. 83, fol. 1.[495]MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 111, fol. 127.—See Appendix.[496]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 5.[497]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.[498]Ibidem, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8; Lib. 19, fol. 85.[499]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 19, fol. 85.[500]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 564, fol. 341, 343.[501]A narrative, not an official report, of this auto was printed in Logroño in 1611, a copy of which is in the Bibl. nacional, D, 118, p. 271. It was reprinted in Cádiz in 1812 and again in Madrid, in 1820, with notes by Moratin el hijo under the pseudonym of the Bachiller Gines de Posadilla (Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 281). There is another abstract of the auto, compiled from various relations by Pedro of Valencia, in the MSS. of the Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 10.Pierre de Lancre of Bordeaux, in his contemporary book on witchcraft, assumes that the outbreak in Navarre was caused by the flight of witches from the Pays de Labour, which he and his colleague had purified with merciless severity. He comments on the difference shown, in the auto of Logroño, between inquisitorial practice in Spain, where the offence was treated as spiritual and those who confessed and professed repentance were admitted to reconciliation, and that of France where it was a crime and those who confessed were burnt by the secular authorities.—Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l’Inconstance des mauvais Angels et Demons, pp. 391, 561-2 (Paris, 1613).[502]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.[503]This discourse was not printed but was circulated in MS. Nicholas Antonio had two copies (Bib. nova, II, 244). There is one in the Simancas archives, Lib. 939, fol. 608, and another in the Bodleian Library. Arch Seld. A, Subt. 10.[504]The most prolific source of evidence against individuals was that obtained by requiring those who confessed to enumerate the persons whom they had seen in the aquelarres. This explains the enormous numbers of the accused during epidemics of the witchcraft craze. The value of such evidence was a disputed question, as it was argued that the demon frequently caused deception by making spectres appear in the guise of absent persons.[505]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.In the Royal Library of Copenhagen (MS. 218b, p. 379) there is a printed four-page set of instructions to commissioners on receiving confession and testimony as to witchcraft. It is in conformity with the above, but goes into much detail as to the interrogatories to be put, after carefully writing down the confession or deposition—a kind of cross-examination evidently suggestive of complete incredulity. It is without date, but the typography seems to be that of the seventeenth century.[506]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 30, fol. 1.[507]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol 1.[508]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 26, 28.[509]Epitome Delictorum, Lib.II, cap. xxviii, xxxix, xl; Lib.III, cap. xiii.[510]Ibidem, Defensa, p. 517; cap. ii, n. 4, 7.[511]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, pp. 251-63 (Ed. 1628).[512]Manuale Qualificatorum, cap. xviii, Sect 3, § 9.[513]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xiii, §§ 1, 2.[514]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.[515]Elucidationes S. Officii, § 42 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).[516]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552.
[388]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iv, 2.
[388]Ordenanzas Reales,VIII, iv, 2.
[389]Ibidem,VIII, i, 9.
[389]Ibidem,VIII, i, 9.
[390]Novis. Recop. Lib.XII, Tit. iv, ley 2.
[390]Novis. Recop. Lib.XII, Tit. iv, ley 2.
[391]Tratados de Legislacion Muhamedana, pp. 143, 251 (Mem. hist. español, Tom. V).—Bleda, Corónica, p. 1025.
[391]Tratados de Legislacion Muhamedana, pp. 143, 251 (Mem. hist. español, Tom. V).—Bleda, Corónica, p. 1025.
[392]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XX, 190.—Eymerici Director, p. 202 (Ed. Venet. 1607).
[392]Villanueva, Viage Literario, XX, 190.—Eymerici Director, p. 202 (Ed. Venet. 1607).
[393]Pulgar, Cronica, P.II, cap. iv.
[393]Pulgar, Cronica, P.II, cap. iv.
[394]Nueva Recop., Lib.VIII, Tit. iii, ley 7.
[394]Nueva Recop., Lib.VIII, Tit. iii, ley 7.
[395]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 3, fol. 156, 158, 170, 186; Lib. 927, fol. 446.The parties in this case were doubtless García de Gorualan and Martin de Sória relaxed in person, and Miguel Sánchez de Romeral in effigy, ashérejes sortilegos, June 16, 1511, at Saragossa.—Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 576, 581, 582). Prior to this several women had been burnt as witches, as we shall see hereafter.
[395]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 3, fol. 156, 158, 170, 186; Lib. 927, fol. 446.
The parties in this case were doubtless García de Gorualan and Martin de Sória relaxed in person, and Miguel Sánchez de Romeral in effigy, ashérejes sortilegos, June 16, 1511, at Saragossa.—Libro Verde (Revista de España, CVI, 576, 581, 582). Prior to this several women had been burnt as witches, as we shall see hereafter.
[396]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. i, § 34; cap. 2.
[396]Pragmáticas y altres Drets de Cathalunya, Lib.I, Tit. viii, cap. i, § 34; cap. 2.
[397]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 918, fol. 382.
[397]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 918, fol. 382.
[398]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, pp. 575, 582).
[398]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, pp. 575, 582).
[399]Llorente, Hist. crít. cap.XV, Art. 1, n. 21.
[399]Llorente, Hist. crít. cap.XV, Art. 1, n. 21.
[400]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. i, n. 14.This book is the Spanish classic on the subject. Maestro Pedro Ciruelo served as inquisitor in Saragossa for thirty years and was professor at Alcalá. His work appeared in Salamanca, in 1539, where it was reprinted in 1540 and 1556 and again in Barcelona in 1628, with notes by the learned Doctor Pedro Antonio Jofreu, at the instance of Miguel Santos, Bishop of Solsona.
[400]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. i, n. 14.
This book is the Spanish classic on the subject. Maestro Pedro Ciruelo served as inquisitor in Saragossa for thirty years and was professor at Alcalá. His work appeared in Salamanca, in 1539, where it was reprinted in 1540 and 1556 and again in Barcelona in 1628, with notes by the learned Doctor Pedro Antonio Jofreu, at the instance of Miguel Santos, Bishop of Solsona.
[401]Raynald. Annal., ann. 1258, n. 23.—Potthast, Regesta, n. 17,745, 18,396.—Lib. V in Sexto, Tit. ii, c. 8 § 4.
[401]Raynald. Annal., ann. 1258, n. 23.—Potthast, Regesta, n. 17,745, 18,396.—Lib. V in Sexto, Tit. ii, c. 8 § 4.
[402]D’Argentré, Collect. judic. de novis Erroribus, I,II, 154.
[402]D’Argentré, Collect. judic. de novis Erroribus, I,II, 154.
[403]Bernardi Basin Tract. de Artibus magicis, Concl. I-X.
[403]Bernardi Basin Tract. de Artibus magicis, Concl. I-X.
[404]Repertor. Inquisit. s. v.Sapere hæresimpost v.Hæresiarcha—Pegnæ Comment. LXVII in Eymerici Director. P.II.
[404]Repertor. Inquisit. s. v.Sapere hæresimpost v.Hæresiarcha—Pegnæ Comment. LXVII in Eymerici Director. P.II.
[405]Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic., III, 301.—Cf. Alph. de Castro de justa Hæreticor. Punitione, Lib.I, cap. 13.
[405]Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic., III, 301.—Cf. Alph. de Castro de justa Hæreticor. Punitione, Lib.I, cap. 13.
[406]Simancæ de Cath. Institt., Tit.XXX, n. 20, 21; Tit.LXIII, n. 12.—Cf. Alphons. de Castro,loc. cit., cap. 14, 15.
[406]Simancæ de Cath. Institt., Tit.XXX, n. 20, 21; Tit.LXIII, n. 12.—Cf. Alphons. de Castro,loc. cit., cap. 14, 15.
[407]Bibl. pública de Toledo, Sala 5, Estante 11, Tab. 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.
[407]Bibl. pública de Toledo, Sala 5, Estante 11, Tab. 3.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 20.
[408]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 726.
[408]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 726.
[409]Bibl. nacional, MSS., PV, 3, n. 20.
[409]Bibl. nacional, MSS., PV, 3, n. 20.
[410]MSS. of Library of Univ of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Catálogo de las causas seguidas ante el tribunal de Toledo, pp. 84, 326 (Madrid, 1903).Mendo tells us (Epitome Opinionum Moralium, Append. de Matrimonio, n. 4) of similar cases in which the unfortunates were burnt.
[410]MSS. of Library of Univ of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Catálogo de las causas seguidas ante el tribunal de Toledo, pp. 84, 326 (Madrid, 1903).
Mendo tells us (Epitome Opinionum Moralium, Append. de Matrimonio, n. 4) of similar cases in which the unfortunates were burnt.
[411]Torreblanca, Epitome Delictorum sive de Magia, Lib.II, cap. ix.The first edition of this work appeared in Seville, in 1618. My copy is of Lyons, 1678.
[411]Torreblanca, Epitome Delictorum sive de Magia, Lib.II, cap. ix.
The first edition of this work appeared in Seville, in 1618. My copy is of Lyons, 1678.
[412]Th. Sanchez in Præcepta Decalogi Lib.II, cap. xl, n. 13.
[412]Th. Sanchez in Præcepta Decalogi Lib.II, cap. xl, n. 13.
[413]Pegnæ Append. in Eymerici Director., p. 142.
[413]Pegnæ Append. in Eymerici Director., p. 142.
[414]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 118, 124, 137; Lib. V,passim.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629.The clause reads—“necnon de hæresi seu apostasia de fide suspectos, sortilegia manifestam hæresim sapientia, divinationes et incantationes aliaque diabolica maleficia et prestigia committentes, aut magicas et necromanticas artes exercentes, illorumque credentes, sequaces, defensores, fautores et receptatores.... per te vel alium seu alios prout juris fuerit inquirendi, procedendi et exequi seu inquiri, procedi et exequi faciendi.”
[414]Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. IV, fol. 118, 124, 137; Lib. V,passim.—Archivo de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Leg. 629.
The clause reads—“necnon de hæresi seu apostasia de fide suspectos, sortilegia manifestam hæresim sapientia, divinationes et incantationes aliaque diabolica maleficia et prestigia committentes, aut magicas et necromanticas artes exercentes, illorumque credentes, sequaces, defensores, fautores et receptatores.... per te vel alium seu alios prout juris fuerit inquirendi, procedendi et exequi seu inquiri, procedi et exequi faciendi.”
[415]Torreblanca, Lib.III, cap. ix, Append.; Defensa, cap. ii, p. 536.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 299, fol. 80.The bull, however, was not received in Valencia until 1616.—Ibidem, Leg. 6, n. 2, fol. 56.
[415]Torreblanca, Lib.III, cap. ix, Append.; Defensa, cap. ii, p. 536.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 299, fol. 80.
The bull, however, was not received in Valencia until 1616.—Ibidem, Leg. 6, n. 2, fol. 56.
[416]Torreblanca, cap.IX, n. 25-26.
[416]Torreblanca, cap.IX, n. 25-26.
[417]Nueva Recop., Lib.VIII, Tit. iii, ley 8.—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit.V, ley 2.
[417]Nueva Recop., Lib.VIII, Tit. iii, ley 8.—Novís. Recop., Lib.XII, Tit.V, ley 2.
[418]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[418]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.
[419]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 37.
[419]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 37.
[420]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 48.
[420]Ibidem, Lib. 52, fol. 48.
[421]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 14-15.
[421]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 1, n. 3, fol. 14-15.
[422]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.II, Cap. iii.
[422]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.II, Cap. iii.
[423]De Cath. Institt. Tit.XXI, n. 9; Tit.LXIII, n. 7.
[423]De Cath. Institt. Tit.XXI, n. 9; Tit.LXIII, n. 7.
[424]Reusch, Die Indices, pp. 217, 225, 227, 236, 239.—The two prohibited books areArcandam de nativitatibus seu fatalis diesandJohannes Schonerus de nativitatibus.
[424]Reusch, Die Indices, pp. 217, 225, 227, 236, 239.—The two prohibited books areArcandam de nativitatibus seu fatalis diesandJohannes Schonerus de nativitatibus.
[425]Córtes de Cordova del año de setenta, Peticion 71 (Alcalá, 1575).
[425]Córtes de Cordova del año de setenta, Peticion 71 (Alcalá, 1575).
[426]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1157, fol. 17-20.
[426]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1157, fol. 17-20.
[427]Index of Quiroga, Rule IX (Madriti, 1583, fol. 4).
[427]Index of Quiroga, Rule IX (Madriti, 1583, fol. 4).
[428]Zanctornato, Relatione della Corte di Spagna, pp. 6, 7 (Cosmopoli, 1678).
[428]Zanctornato, Relatione della Corte di Spagna, pp. 6, 7 (Cosmopoli, 1678).
[429]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xiv, § 1.
[429]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xiv, § 1.
[430]Ibidem, D, 118, p. 148.
[430]Ibidem, D, 118, p. 148.
[431]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.
[431]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.
[432]Ibidem, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.—Cf. Bedæ Opera, Ed. Migne, I, 963-66.
[432]Ibidem, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.—Cf. Bedæ Opera, Ed. Migne, I, 963-66.
[433]Praxis procedendi, cap. xviii, n. 3 (Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., S, 294, fol. 116.
[433]Praxis procedendi, cap. xviii, n. 3 (Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia).—Bibl. nacional, MSS., S, 294, fol. 116.
[434]Proceso contra Isabel de Montoya (MS.penes me).
[434]Proceso contra Isabel de Montoya (MS.penes me).
[435]Praxis procedendi, cap.VIII, n. 5 (Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia).
[435]Praxis procedendi, cap.VIII, n. 5 (Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia).
[436]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 382.
[436]MSS. of Royal Library of Copenhagen, 218b, p. 382.
[437]Matute y Luquin, pp. 84-105.
[437]Matute y Luquin, pp. 84-105.
[438]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.
[438]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.
[439]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. ii; P.II, cap. i; P.III, cap. v.
[439]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. ii; P.II, cap. i; P.III, cap. v.
[440]Epitome Delictorum, Lib.III, cap. i, n. 1-6.
[440]Epitome Delictorum, Lib.III, cap. i, n. 1-6.
[441]Miguel Calvo (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).—Elucidationes Sancti Officii, §§ 40, 43 (Ibidem).
[441]Miguel Calvo (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).—Elucidationes Sancti Officii, §§ 40, 43 (Ibidem).
[442]Archivo hist. nacional., Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 7, fol. 4, 7;n. 10, fol. 10-13.
[442]Archivo hist. nacional., Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 2, n. 7, fol. 4, 7;n. 10, fol. 10-13.
[443]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 11, 13.
[443]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 11, 13.
[444]Ibidem, fol. 26, 28, 29.
[444]Ibidem, fol. 26, 28, 29.
[445]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 2.
[445]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 2.
[446]MSS. of Bibl. nacional de Lima.
[446]MSS. of Bibl. nacional de Lima.
[447]MSS. of David Fergusson Esq.
[447]MSS. of David Fergusson Esq.
[448]Regimento do Santo Officio da Inquisição pelo Cardeal da Cunha, pp. 118-20, 123-7.
[448]Regimento do Santo Officio da Inquisição pelo Cardeal da Cunha, pp. 118-20, 123-7.
[449]Llorente, Anales, II, 270.
[449]Llorente, Anales, II, 270.
[450]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[450]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[451]Proceso contra Rosa Conejos (MS.penes me).
[451]Proceso contra Rosa Conejos (MS.penes me).
[452]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.
[452]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.
[453]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq., de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[453]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq., de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[454]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890; Lib. 559.
[454]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890; Lib. 559.
[455]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.
[455]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Toledo, Leg. 1.
[456]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.—Matute y Luquin, pp. 278-92.
[456]Royal Library of Berlin, Qt. 9548.—Matute y Luquin, pp. 278-92.
[457]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[457]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.
[458]Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, XVIII, 338-40). See also Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 237.
[458]Amador de los Rios (Revista de España, XVIII, 338-40). See also Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 237.
[459]P. Ricardo Cappa, La Inquisicion española, p. 242 (Madrid, 1888).Father Cappa only enunciates the belief still taught by the Church. See S. Alph. Liguori,Theol. Moralis, Lib.III, Dub.V, and Marc,Institutiones Morales Alphonsianæ, I, 396-7 (Romæ, 1893).
[459]P. Ricardo Cappa, La Inquisicion española, p. 242 (Madrid, 1888).
Father Cappa only enunciates the belief still taught by the Church. See S. Alph. Liguori,Theol. Moralis, Lib.III, Dub.V, and Marc,Institutiones Morales Alphonsianæ, I, 396-7 (Romæ, 1893).
[460]The earliest appearance of the Sabbat in inquisitorial records would seem to be in some trials, between 1330 and 1340 in Carcassonne and Toulouse, where it connects itself curiously with remnants of the Dualism of the Cathari.—Hansen, Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, p. 315 (München, 1900).
[460]The earliest appearance of the Sabbat in inquisitorial records would seem to be in some trials, between 1330 and 1340 in Carcassonne and Toulouse, where it connects itself curiously with remnants of the Dualism of the Cathari.—Hansen, Zauberwahn, Inquisition und Hexenprozess im Mittelalter, p. 315 (München, 1900).
[461]Raynald. Annal., ann. 1437, n. 27; ann. 1457, n. 90; ann. 1459, n. 30.—Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic. III, 193.—Bullar. Roman. I, 429.—Septimi Decretal, Lib.V, Tit. xii, cap. 1, 3, 6.—Bart. Spinæi de Strigibus, p. 14(Romæ, 1576).
[461]Raynald. Annal., ann. 1437, n. 27; ann. 1457, n. 90; ann. 1459, n. 30.—Ripoll, Bullar. Ord. Prædic. III, 193.—Bullar. Roman. I, 429.—Septimi Decretal, Lib.V, Tit. xii, cap. 1, 3, 6.—Bart. Spinæi de Strigibus, p. 14(Romæ, 1576).
[462]Frag. Capitular. cap. 13 (Baluze, II, 365).—Reginon. de Eccles. Discip.II, 364.—Burchard. Decret.XI, i;XIX, 5.—Ivon. Decret.,XI, 30.—Gratian. Decret. II,XXVI,V, 12.
[462]Frag. Capitular. cap. 13 (Baluze, II, 365).—Reginon. de Eccles. Discip.II, 364.—Burchard. Decret.XI, i;XIX, 5.—Ivon. Decret.,XI, 30.—Gratian. Decret. II,XXVI,V, 12.
[463]S. Antonini Confessionale.—Angeli de Clavasio Summa Angelica, s. v.Interrogationes.—Bart. de Chaimis Interrogatorium, fol. 22 (Venetiis, 1480).
[463]S. Antonini Confessionale.—Angeli de Clavasio Summa Angelica, s. v.Interrogationes.—Bart. de Chaimis Interrogatorium, fol. 22 (Venetiis, 1480).
[464]Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen, zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter, pp. 105-9 (Bonn, 1901).
[464]Hansen, Quellen und Untersuchungen, zur Geschichte des Hexenwahns und der Hexenverfolgung im Mittelalter, pp. 105-9 (Bonn, 1901).
[465]Fortalicium Fidei, Lib.V, Consid. X.—Hansen,op. cit., pp. 113-17.
[465]Fortalicium Fidei, Lib.V, Consid. X.—Hansen,op. cit., pp. 113-17.
[466]Martini de Arles, Tractatus de Superstitionibus, pp. 362-5, 413-15 (Francofurti ad Moenam, 1581).Hansen (op. cit., p. 308) says that Martin of Aries is known only through this tract, of which the first edition is of 1517. Martin cites no authority later than John Nider, who died in 1438, and makes no allusion to the Inquisition, which he could scarce have failed to do had it been in existence when he wrote. His work may probably be assigned to the third quarter of the fifteenth century.
[466]Martini de Arles, Tractatus de Superstitionibus, pp. 362-5, 413-15 (Francofurti ad Moenam, 1581).
Hansen (op. cit., p. 308) says that Martin of Aries is known only through this tract, of which the first edition is of 1517. Martin cites no authority later than John Nider, who died in 1438, and makes no allusion to the Inquisition, which he could scarce have failed to do had it been in existence when he wrote. His work may probably be assigned to the third quarter of the fifteenth century.
[467]Bernardi Basin, Tract. de Magicis Artibus, Prop. IX.
[467]Bernardi Basin, Tract. de Magicis Artibus, Prop. IX.
[468]Repert, Inquisitor, s. v.Xorguinæ.
[468]Repert, Inquisitor, s. v.Xorguinæ.
[469]Alonso de Spina, however (loc. cit.), knows of no gatherings at the Sabbat nearer than Dauphiny and Gascony, and these he learned from paintings of them in the Inquisition at Toulouse, which had burnt many of those concerned.
[469]Alonso de Spina, however (loc. cit.), knows of no gatherings at the Sabbat nearer than Dauphiny and Gascony, and these he learned from paintings of them in the Inquisition at Toulouse, which had burnt many of those concerned.
[470]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 573-6, 581-3).
[470]Libro Verde de Aragon (Revista de España, CVI, 573-6, 581-3).
[471]Llorente, Añales, I, 340; Hist. crít., cap.XXXVII, art. ii, n. 41.
[471]Llorente, Añales, I, 340; Hist. crít., cap.XXXVII, art. ii, n. 41.
[472]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 120; P.II, fol. 50.
[472]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 72, P.I, fol. 120; P.II, fol. 50.
[473]Arn. Albertini de agnoscendis Assertionibus, Q.XXIV, n. 13 (Romæ, 1572, fol. 114).
[473]Arn. Albertini de agnoscendis Assertionibus, Q.XXIV, n. 13 (Romæ, 1572, fol. 114).
[474]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 73, fol. 215.
[474]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 73, fol. 215.
[475]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.
[475]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.
[476]For the inhuman methods employed to secure confession and conviction, on the flimsiest evidence, see the very instructive essay “The Fate of Dietrich Flade” by Professor George Burr (New York, 1891), reprinted from the Transactions of the American Historical Association.
[476]For the inhuman methods employed to secure confession and conviction, on the flimsiest evidence, see the very instructive essay “The Fate of Dietrich Flade” by Professor George Burr (New York, 1891), reprinted from the Transactions of the American Historical Association.
[477]Mallei Malificar, P.I, Q. xiv; P.II, Q. i, C. 3, 16.—Prieriat. de Strigimagarum Lib.III, cap. 3.The rule that the heretic or apostate who confessed and recanted was to be admitted to reconciliation was at the bottom of the anxiety of the secular magistrates to maintain their jurisdiction over witchcraft, and the relations between them and the Inquisition were the subject of much debate. Arn. Albertino argues that the Inquisition can make no distinction between witches who have and who have not committed murder; they must all be reconciled, but can again be accused of homicide before a competent judge; yet the inquisitor, to escape irregularity, must not transmit to the secular court the confessions and evidence, nor must he, in the sentences, mention these crimes, as that would be setting the judge on the track.—De agnosc. Assertionibus, Q.XXIV, n. 28, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 75.
[477]Mallei Malificar, P.I, Q. xiv; P.II, Q. i, C. 3, 16.—Prieriat. de Strigimagarum Lib.III, cap. 3.
The rule that the heretic or apostate who confessed and recanted was to be admitted to reconciliation was at the bottom of the anxiety of the secular magistrates to maintain their jurisdiction over witchcraft, and the relations between them and the Inquisition were the subject of much debate. Arn. Albertino argues that the Inquisition can make no distinction between witches who have and who have not committed murder; they must all be reconciled, but can again be accused of homicide before a competent judge; yet the inquisitor, to escape irregularity, must not transmit to the secular court the confessions and evidence, nor must he, in the sentences, mention these crimes, as that would be setting the judge on the track.—De agnosc. Assertionibus, Q.XXIV, n. 28, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 75.
[478]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 78, fol. 216.
[478]MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 78, fol. 216.
[479]Bibl. national, MSS., II, 88.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.This document may safely be assumed as the source from which Prudencio de Sandoval, himself Bishop of Pampeluna and historiographer of Charles V, drew his account of the persecution of 1527 (Hist. del Emp. Carlos V, Lib.XVI, § 15) copied by Llorente (Hist. crít., cap.XV, art. 1, n. 6-9).
[479]Bibl. national, MSS., II, 88.—MSS. of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. 130.
This document may safely be assumed as the source from which Prudencio de Sandoval, himself Bishop of Pampeluna and historiographer of Charles V, drew his account of the persecution of 1527 (Hist. del Emp. Carlos V, Lib.XVI, § 15) copied by Llorente (Hist. crít., cap.XV, art. 1, n. 6-9).
[480]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 51, 53.There seems to have been a somewhat earlier persecution of the witches of Biscay by Fray Juan de Zumarraga, a native of Durango. At the suggestion of Charles V, who greatly admired him, he was sent there for that purpose as commissioner of the Inquisition, being specially qualified by his knowledge of the language. After discharging this duty with much ability, Charles, in 1528, sent him to Mexico as its first bishop. He took with him Fray Andrés de Olmos, who had been his assistant in Biscay. In 1548, at the age of 80 he died in the odor of sanctity and his death was miraculously known the same day over all Mexico.—Mendieta, Hist. ecles. Indiana, pp. 629, 636, 644 (Mexico, 1870)
[480]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 51, 53.
There seems to have been a somewhat earlier persecution of the witches of Biscay by Fray Juan de Zumarraga, a native of Durango. At the suggestion of Charles V, who greatly admired him, he was sent there for that purpose as commissioner of the Inquisition, being specially qualified by his knowledge of the language. After discharging this duty with much ability, Charles, in 1528, sent him to Mexico as its first bishop. He took with him Fray Andrés de Olmos, who had been his assistant in Biscay. In 1548, at the age of 80 he died in the odor of sanctity and his death was miraculously known the same day over all Mexico.—Mendieta, Hist. ecles. Indiana, pp. 629, 636, 644 (Mexico, 1870)
[481]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 108.
[481]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 939, fol. 108.
[482]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 369.
[482]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 76, fol. 369.
[483]Ibidem, fol. 388.
[483]Ibidem, fol. 388.
[484]Arn. Albertini de agnosc. Assertionibus, Q.XXIV.—Alph. de Castro de justa hæreticor. Punitione, Lib.I, cap. xvi.
[484]Arn. Albertini de agnosc. Assertionibus, Q.XXIV.—Alph. de Castro de justa hæreticor. Punitione, Lib.I, cap. xvi.
[485]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 78, fol. 144.
[485]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 78, fol. 144.
[486]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 191-5.
[486]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 191-5.
[487]Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 215-17, 226, 258.
[487]Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 215-17, 226, 258.
[488]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. ii, n. 6; P.II, cap. i, n. 5-7.
[488]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, P.I, cap. ii, n. 6; P.II, cap. i, n. 5-7.
[489]De Cath. Institt., Tit.XXXVII, n. 6-12.On the other hand Azpilcueta adheres to the theory of illusion and asserts it to be a mortal sin to believe that witches are transported to the Sabbat.—Manuale Confessariorum, cap. XI, n. 38.Cardinal Toletus asserts the bodily transport of witches and all the horrors of the Sabbat, but adds that sometimes it is imaginary. Demons have power to introduce witches into houses through closed doors, where they slay infants.—Summæ Casuum Conscientiæ, Lib.IV, cap.XV.
[489]De Cath. Institt., Tit.XXXVII, n. 6-12.
On the other hand Azpilcueta adheres to the theory of illusion and asserts it to be a mortal sin to believe that witches are transported to the Sabbat.—Manuale Confessariorum, cap. XI, n. 38.
Cardinal Toletus asserts the bodily transport of witches and all the horrors of the Sabbat, but adds that sometimes it is imaginary. Demons have power to introduce witches into houses through closed doors, where they slay infants.—Summæ Casuum Conscientiæ, Lib.IV, cap.XV.
[490]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—This case is not unexampled. In 1686, Sor Teresa Gabriel de Vargas, a Bernardine Recollect, charged herself with the same crime before the Madrid tribunal, but, as she added the denial of the power of God, she was reconciled for the heresy.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1024, fol. 31.Even more significant is the case of Sor Rosa de San Joseph Barrios, a Clare of the convent of San Diego, Garachico, Canaries, a woman of 25 who, in July 1773, in sacramental confession to Fray Nicolás Peraza, related how, through desire to gratify her lust, she had given herself to Satan, in a writing which disappeared from her hand, and at his command had renounced God and the Virgin and had treated the consecrated host and a crucifix with the foulest indignities. In reward for this during four years he had served her as an incubus, coming at her call about twice a month. Fray Peraza applied to the tribunal for a commission to absolve her which was granted and, on August 15th, he reported having done so, with fuller details as to her apostasy. The tribunal then decided that he had exceeded his powers; it evidently did not regard the case as hallucination for it required her to be formally reconciled and prescribed a course of life-long spiritual penance, which she gratefully accepted. An incident not readily explicable is that the bishop deprived Fray Peraza of the faculty of hearing confessions.—Birch, Catalogue of MSS. of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, I, p. 21; II, pp. 922-30.
[490]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—This case is not unexampled. In 1686, Sor Teresa Gabriel de Vargas, a Bernardine Recollect, charged herself with the same crime before the Madrid tribunal, but, as she added the denial of the power of God, she was reconciled for the heresy.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 1024, fol. 31.
Even more significant is the case of Sor Rosa de San Joseph Barrios, a Clare of the convent of San Diego, Garachico, Canaries, a woman of 25 who, in July 1773, in sacramental confession to Fray Nicolás Peraza, related how, through desire to gratify her lust, she had given herself to Satan, in a writing which disappeared from her hand, and at his command had renounced God and the Virgin and had treated the consecrated host and a crucifix with the foulest indignities. In reward for this during four years he had served her as an incubus, coming at her call about twice a month. Fray Peraza applied to the tribunal for a commission to absolve her which was granted and, on August 15th, he reported having done so, with fuller details as to her apostasy. The tribunal then decided that he had exceeded his powers; it evidently did not regard the case as hallucination for it required her to be formally reconciled and prescribed a course of life-long spiritual penance, which she gratefully accepted. An incident not readily explicable is that the bishop deprived Fray Peraza of the faculty of hearing confessions.—Birch, Catalogue of MSS. of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands, I, p. 21; II, pp. 922-30.
[491]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 927, fol. 462.
[491]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 927, fol. 462.
[492]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 79, fol. 226; Inq. de Logroño, Procesos de fe, Leg. 1, n. 8; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 221.
[492]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 79, fol. 226; Inq. de Logroño, Procesos de fe, Leg. 1, n. 8; Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 221.
[493]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Leg. único, fol. 86, 87; Inq., Lib. 83, fol. 7.
[493]Archivo de Simancas, Patronato Real, Leg. único, fol. 86, 87; Inq., Lib. 83, fol. 7.
[494]Ibidem, Lib. 83, fol. 1.
[494]Ibidem, Lib. 83, fol. 1.
[495]MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 111, fol. 127.—See Appendix.
[495]MSS. of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 20, T. I.—Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 111, fol. 127.—See Appendix.
[496]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 5.
[496]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Visitas de Barcelona, Leg. 15, fol. 5.
[497]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.
[497]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.
[498]Ibidem, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8; Lib. 19, fol. 85.
[498]Ibidem, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8; Lib. 19, fol. 85.
[499]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 19, fol. 85.
[499]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 19, fol. 85.
[500]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 564, fol. 341, 343.
[500]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 564, fol. 341, 343.
[501]A narrative, not an official report, of this auto was printed in Logroño in 1611, a copy of which is in the Bibl. nacional, D, 118, p. 271. It was reprinted in Cádiz in 1812 and again in Madrid, in 1820, with notes by Moratin el hijo under the pseudonym of the Bachiller Gines de Posadilla (Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 281). There is another abstract of the auto, compiled from various relations by Pedro of Valencia, in the MSS. of the Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 10.Pierre de Lancre of Bordeaux, in his contemporary book on witchcraft, assumes that the outbreak in Navarre was caused by the flight of witches from the Pays de Labour, which he and his colleague had purified with merciless severity. He comments on the difference shown, in the auto of Logroño, between inquisitorial practice in Spain, where the offence was treated as spiritual and those who confessed and professed repentance were admitted to reconciliation, and that of France where it was a crime and those who confessed were burnt by the secular authorities.—Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l’Inconstance des mauvais Angels et Demons, pp. 391, 561-2 (Paris, 1613).
[501]A narrative, not an official report, of this auto was printed in Logroño in 1611, a copy of which is in the Bibl. nacional, D, 118, p. 271. It was reprinted in Cádiz in 1812 and again in Madrid, in 1820, with notes by Moratin el hijo under the pseudonym of the Bachiller Gines de Posadilla (Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 281). There is another abstract of the auto, compiled from various relations by Pedro of Valencia, in the MSS. of the Bodleian Library, Arch Seld. A, Subt. 10.
Pierre de Lancre of Bordeaux, in his contemporary book on witchcraft, assumes that the outbreak in Navarre was caused by the flight of witches from the Pays de Labour, which he and his colleague had purified with merciless severity. He comments on the difference shown, in the auto of Logroño, between inquisitorial practice in Spain, where the offence was treated as spiritual and those who confessed and professed repentance were admitted to reconciliation, and that of France where it was a crime and those who confessed were burnt by the secular authorities.—Pierre de Lancre, Tableau de l’Inconstance des mauvais Angels et Demons, pp. 391, 561-2 (Paris, 1613).
[502]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.
[502]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.
[503]This discourse was not printed but was circulated in MS. Nicholas Antonio had two copies (Bib. nova, II, 244). There is one in the Simancas archives, Lib. 939, fol. 608, and another in the Bodleian Library. Arch Seld. A, Subt. 10.
[503]This discourse was not printed but was circulated in MS. Nicholas Antonio had two copies (Bib. nova, II, 244). There is one in the Simancas archives, Lib. 939, fol. 608, and another in the Bodleian Library. Arch Seld. A, Subt. 10.
[504]The most prolific source of evidence against individuals was that obtained by requiring those who confessed to enumerate the persons whom they had seen in the aquelarres. This explains the enormous numbers of the accused during epidemics of the witchcraft craze. The value of such evidence was a disputed question, as it was argued that the demon frequently caused deception by making spectres appear in the guise of absent persons.
[504]The most prolific source of evidence against individuals was that obtained by requiring those who confessed to enumerate the persons whom they had seen in the aquelarres. This explains the enormous numbers of the accused during epidemics of the witchcraft craze. The value of such evidence was a disputed question, as it was argued that the demon frequently caused deception by making spectres appear in the guise of absent persons.
[505]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.In the Royal Library of Copenhagen (MS. 218b, p. 379) there is a printed four-page set of instructions to commissioners on receiving confession and testimony as to witchcraft. It is in conformity with the above, but goes into much detail as to the interrogatories to be put, after carefully writing down the confession or deposition—a kind of cross-examination evidently suggestive of complete incredulity. It is without date, but the typography seems to be that of the seventeenth century.
[505]Archivo de Simancas, Inq. de Logroño, Leg. 1, Procesos de fe, n. 8.
In the Royal Library of Copenhagen (MS. 218b, p. 379) there is a printed four-page set of instructions to commissioners on receiving confession and testimony as to witchcraft. It is in conformity with the above, but goes into much detail as to the interrogatories to be put, after carefully writing down the confession or deposition—a kind of cross-examination evidently suggestive of complete incredulity. It is without date, but the typography seems to be that of the seventeenth century.
[506]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 30, fol. 1.
[506]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 30, fol. 1.
[507]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol 1.
[507]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol 1.
[508]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 26, 28.
[508]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552, fol. 26, 28.
[509]Epitome Delictorum, Lib.II, cap. xxviii, xxxix, xl; Lib.III, cap. xiii.
[509]Epitome Delictorum, Lib.II, cap. xxviii, xxxix, xl; Lib.III, cap. xiii.
[510]Ibidem, Defensa, p. 517; cap. ii, n. 4, 7.
[510]Ibidem, Defensa, p. 517; cap. ii, n. 4, 7.
[511]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, pp. 251-63 (Ed. 1628).
[511]Reprovacion de las Supersticiones, pp. 251-63 (Ed. 1628).
[512]Manuale Qualificatorum, cap. xviii, Sect 3, § 9.
[512]Manuale Qualificatorum, cap. xviii, Sect 3, § 9.
[513]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xiii, §§ 1, 2.
[513]Bibl. nacional, MSS., V, 377, cap. xiii, §§ 1, 2.
[514]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.
[514]MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17.
[515]Elucidationes S. Officii, § 42 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).
[515]Elucidationes S. Officii, § 42 (Archivo de Alcalá, Hacienda, Leg. 5442, Lib. 4).
[516]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552.
[516]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 552.