Chapter 50

[921]Carnicero, Historia de la Revolucion, III, 169-76.[922]Miraflores, Apuntes para escribir la Historia de España, pp. 11-13 (Londres, 1834).[923]Miraflores, Documentos á los que se hace referencia en los Apuntes, I, 9-23.[924]Marliani, I, 195-200.—Toreno, III, 317, 395.—Coleccion de Decretos, I, 43; V, 87.[925]Conservatives concur with Liberals in denouncing the memory of Fernando. See Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 495 and V. de la Fuente, III, 472.[926]Toreno, III, 355-9.—Miraflores, Documentos, I, 30.—Constitucion, art. 3, 144-9, 173, 181, 187 (Coleccion de los Decretos, V, 148, 153, 182, 185).[927]Representacion y Manifiesto que algunos Diputados á las Córtes ordinarias firmaron en los mayores Apuros de su Opresion en Madrid, pp. 12, 17, 59, 60 (Madrid, 1814).[928]Toreno, III, 359, 361-4.—Koska Vayo, Historia de la Vida y Reinado de Fernando VII, II, 26, 32-5, 377 (Madrid, 1842).—Marliani, I, 206.[929]Coleccion de las Reales Cédulas etc. de Fernando VII, p. 1 (Valencia, 1814).—Toreno, III, 400.—It would be difficult to find a more slovenly piece of writing than this celebrated and fateful manifesto. Its authorship was attributed to Juan Pérez Villamil, the head of the Regency dismissed by the Córtes in March, 1813.—Toreno, III, 364.[930]Marliani, I, 208-17.—Koska Vayo, II, 48-52.—Toreno, III, 405.[931]Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 545.[932]Hervaz, Ruiz de Padron y su tiempo, pp. 101-5 (Madrid, 1898).—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Libro 890.—His speech was issued in Coruña in 1813, under the title of “Dictamen del Dr. Antonio José Ruiz de Padron sobre la Inquisicion.” Other clerical deputies who suffered reclusion in convents were Oliveros, in la Cabrera; Gallego, in the Cartuja de Jerez; Ramos, in that of Valencia; Arispe, in that of Seville; Lopez Cepero, in the Capuchins of Novelda; Antonio Larrazabal, wherever the Archbishop of Guatemala might designate, and Bernabeu, in one not ascertained. Besides these La Canal and Jaime Villanueva were recluded for editing a periodical.—V. de la Fuente, III, 471.[933]Amador de los Rios, III, 555.—When the royal decree of July 21 was received, August 16th, the cathedral was illuminated and the bells were rung, followed, August 23d and 24th, by great solemnities.—Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, pp. 46-8.[934]Rodrigo, III, 480.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion VI, 1ª Escribanía del Cabildo, Tomo 49, n. 14.[935]Coleccion de Cédulas de Fernando VII, p. 85.[936]Rodrigo, III, 485.—Carnicero, La Inquisicion justamente restablecida, II, 51.[937]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559; 890.[938]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.[939]Ibidem, Lib. 890.[940]Coleccion de los Decretos, III, 220.[941]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.—See Appendix.[942]Ibidem, Lib. 559.[943]Ibidem.[944]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 17, n. 4, fol. 9, 21, 36, 57, 85, 88, 93.[945]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.[946]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559; Lib. 4352.[947]Relacion de la Judería de Sevilla, pp. 49-51.[948]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.[949]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.[950]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.[951]Ibidem, Sala 39, Leg. 1473, fol. 29.[952]Ibidem, Lib. 890.[953]Ibidem.[954]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.—Rodrigo, III, 489.[955]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.[956]Archivo de Simancas, Registro de Genealogías, n. 916, fol 4, 12.—Inq., Lib. 4352; Lib. 559; Leg. 1473.[957]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1473.[958]Ibidem.[959]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.[960]L’Espagne et ses Revolutions, p 148—quoted by Marliani, I, 235. See also Miraflores (Apuntes, pp. 23, 26) who, as an aristocrat, had no affiliation with the Liberals.[961]Many documents were gathered in the streets and sent to the United States, which have mostly perished through neglect, but some which were secured by Mr. Andrew Thorndike, then a resident of Barcelona, were presented, in 1840, to the American Philosophical Society, through whose courtesy I have been enabled to use them.Some cases, from a similar source were translated and printed in Boston, in 1828, under the title of “Records of the Spanish Inquisition, translated from the original Manuscripts.”In Majorca the populace was more aggressive and destroyed the palace of the Inquisition.[962]Koska Vayo, II, 133-54, 170.—Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 26-37; Documentos, I, 73-81.—Memorias de Francisco Espoz y Mina, II, 255-72.—Martínez de la Rosa, Examen crítico de las Revoluciones de España, I, 14-22.[963]Urquinaona, La España bajo el Poder arbitrario de la Congregacion Apostólica, p. 14 (Madrid, 1835).—Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 40-5; Documentos, I, 87-91.—Cappa, La Inquisicion española, p. 239.—Rodrigo, III, 495.[964]See Appendix.[965]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion VII, 1820-3, TomoXVII, n. 2.—Rodrigo, III, 495.—Coleccion de los Decretos, VI, 33.[966]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 4353.[967]España venturosa por la vida de la Constitucion y la muerte de la Inquisicion. Madrid, 1820.Of course pamphleteers did not allow the opportunity to escape, but I have met with only two of their productions—“Memorial de la Santa Inquisicion á los Señores Ministros de Francia” and “Oracion funebre en las Exequias que se hicieron á la difunta Inquisicion en el Templo de Fanatismo de la Villa de Ignorancia, por un Ministro de la misma.” Their only interest lies in their expression of the feelings of the period.[968]Coleccion de Decretos, VI, 64, 141, 155, 258; VII, 57, 60, 245, 251; IX, 384; X, 16, 17, 31.[969]H. Brück, Die geheimen Gessellschaften in Spanien, pp. 233-9, 250-60.—V. de la Fuente, III, 477-9.[970]Coleccion de los Decretos, VI, 43.[971]Modesto Lafuente, XXVII, 83.[972]Coleccion de los Decretos, VII, 36.[973]Koska Vayo, III, 42. In the reaction of 1823, Villanueva escaped to England where, as Menéndez y Pelayo tells us (Heterodoxos, III, 527), under the pressure of misery, he nearly or quite embraced Protestantism. Puigblanch, who was also a refugee, amused himself with writing violent diatribes against his fellows in misfortune and especially against Villanueva, who retorted in kind. He died in Dublin, reconciled to the Church, March 25, 1836, at the age of 80.[974]Canto, El Coloso constitucional derrocado (Orihuela, 1823).[975]Koska Vayo, III, 181.[976]Coleccion de los Decretos, VI, 145; VII, 4, 92, 105.[977]Miraflores, Apuntes, p. 65.[978]Koska Vayo, II, 317; III, 121.[979]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 76, 79.—Koska Vayo, III, 8.[980]Miraflores, Documentos, I, 214-25; II, 15.[981]Mina, Memorias, III, 16, 111-13, 159, 169.[982]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 32-99.[983]Ibidem, II, 114-72.—Koska Vayo, II, 317; III, 8.—Mina, Memorias, III, 88-9.—Châteaubriand, El Congreso de Verona, Traducela Cayetano Cortés, II, 379-80, 384.[984]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 172-4, 177-80.[985]Ibidem, pp. 174-6.[986]Miraflores, Apuntes, p. 163.[987]Ibidem, pp. 172-5.[988]Coleccion de los Decretos, X, 162.[989]Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 185, 215; Documentos, II, 284-94—Koska Vayo, III, 72, 101-12.[990]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 240, 244; Apuntes, pp. 189, 191, 194.—Koska Vayo, III, 74.[991]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 242.[992]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 247-70.[993]Koska Vayo, III, 97-8.—Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 219-21.[994]Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 221-4; Documentos, II, 294-6.—Koska Vayo, III, 442.[995]Koska Vayo, III, 128.[996]Ibidem, III, 126-154.—Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 234-44; Documentos II, 316-38.[997]Koska Vayo, III, 159-64.[998]Koska Vayo, III, 175, 184.[999]El Congreso de Verona, II, 234, 265, 268, 302, 307, 311, 317, 319, 322, 324, 339, 342.—Martínez de la Rosa, I, 372, 392, 394, 408.—Koska Vayo, III, 319.[1000]Koska Vayo, III, 185.—Miraflores, Apuntes, p. 224; Documentos, II, 296.—Urquinaona, p. 195.[1001]Javier de Burgos, Añales del Reinado de Dª Isabel II, I, 46 (Madrid, 1850).A characteristic freak of Fernando was the establishment in Seville of a school of bull-fighting, with Don Pedro Ramiro at its head, on a salary of 12,000 reales. When Burgos became minister of Fomento, under Isabel II, he had the satisfaction of suppressing this.[1002]Rodrigo, III, 497.—Miraflores, Documentos, II, 299.—Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, III, 43.[1003]El Congreso de Verona, II, 283, 302.[1004]Koska Vayo, III, 206.[1005]Rodrigo, III, 498.[1006]Martínez de la Rosa, I, 422.—Koska Vayo, III, 241.[1007]Koska Vayo, III, 222.[1008]Modesto Lafuente, XXVIII, 453-63; XXIX, 393-5.—Urquinaona, pp. 141-2.[1009]Modesto Lafuente, XXVIII, 465-71; XXIX, 7-13.—Koska Vayo, III, 305, 311.[1010]Urquinaona, p. 143.—Modesto Lafuente, XXVIII, 475.[1011]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.[1012]Archivo hist. nacional, Leg. 463, HaciendaXVI.[1013]Archivo hist. nacional, Leg. 6462.[1014]Koska Vayo, III, 207.[1015]Modesto Lafuente, XXIV, 346.—Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 524.—Vicente de la Fuente, III, 482.[1016]Modesto Lafuente,loc. cit.—V. de la Fuente,loc. cit.[1017]Pii PP. VIII Const.Cogitationes nostras, 5 Oct. 1829 (Bullar. Roman. Contin., IX, 76).[1018]Partidas, P.II, Tit. xv, ley 2.[1019]Autos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. vii, Auto 5.[1020]Andrés Muriel, Hist. de Carlos IV (Mem. hist. español, XXIX, 14-29).[1021]Juan Pérez de Guzman (Revista de Archivos, April, 1904, p. 267).—Modesto Lafuente, XXIX, 51.[1022]Koska Vayo, III, 342, 352, 358-68.—Modesto Lafuente, XXIX. 191.[1023]Koska Vayo, III, 369-75, 387.—Modesto Lafuente, XXIX, 152.[1024]Koska Vayo, III, 380.That the Carlists should regard the opportune resurrection of this long-buried pragmática as a fraud was not unnatural, but the records produced in its favor bear every evidence of genuineness. From them it appears that on May 31, 1789, Carlos IV summoned the Córtes to assemble on September 23d to take the oath of allegiance to his son Fernando and to transact other business. The oath was duly taken on that day; on the 30th a petition in the customary form was addressed to the king for the abrogation of the pragmática of Philip V and the restoration of the ancient law of succession. The session continued with various acts of legislation; on October 7th Carlos obtained an approval of the measure from fourteen archbishops and bishops who had joined in the oath of allegiance; on October 30th he confirmed the pragmática, but ordered absolute secrecy to be maintained with respect to it and to this all concerned took a solemn oath. Still it did not remain wholly unknown and, in December 1809, Doña Carlota, Princess of Brazil, applied to the supreme Junta Central, then ruling the kingdom, to have her possible rights to the succession under it acknowledged. The Junta was sitting in Seville; the archives were in Madrid, then in possession of the French, and inquiries were made of such survivors of the Córtes of 1789 as could be reached, who confirmed the fact of the adoption of the pragmática and of the secrecy enjoined, whereupon the Consejo de España é Indias reported in favor of the Portuguese princess’s application. That these records, with their wealth of names and dates and elaborate details could be manufactured is simply incredible.—Testimonio de las Actas de Córtes de 1789 sobre la Sucesion en la Corona de España, y de los Dictámenes dados sobre esta materia; publicado por real decreto de S. M. la Reina NraSra. Año de 1833, Madrid, en la Imprenta Real.[1025]Koska Vayo, III, 393-425.[1026]Ibidem, p. 437.[1027]Quoted by Hervaz, Ruiz de Padron, p. 160.[1028]Archivo de Alcalá, Ministerio de Estado, Leg. 897, n. 30; Leg. 906, n. 87, 88.—(See Appendix.)It will be remembered that the Duke of Medinaceli was alguazil mayor of the Madrid tribunal, and as such was drawing a yearly stipend of a thousand reales.[1029]See Appendix. The allusion to the concurrence of the Holy See is a pure assumption, seeing that, for political reasons, Isabel and the Regency were not recognised by the papacy for many years.[1030]Castillo y Ayensa, Negociaciones con Roma, I, Append, p. 156 (Madrid, 1859).[1031]Antequera, Historia de la Legislacion española, p. 419 (Madrid, 1884).[1032]Soler, Un Milagro y una Mentira, p. 5 (Valencia, 1858).[1033]Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 682-3, 686.—Hermann Dalton, Die evangelische Bewegung in Spanien, pp. 40-5 (Wiesbaden, 1872).[1034]A. Luque y Vicens, La Inquisicion, su Pro y su Contra, Segunda Edicion, Madrid, 1859.[1035]Parades, Curso de Derecho político, p. 720 (Madrid, 1883).[1036]Novísimo Código penal, arts. 236-41 (Valencia, 1872, pp. 126-7).[1037]Paredes,op cit., p. 666.[1038]See the very interesting collection of papers published by theAteneo Cientifico y Literarioof Madrid under the titleOligarquia y Caciquismo como la forma actual de Gobierno en España; urgencia y modo de cambiarla(Madrid, 1903).This Caciquism is described as “a despotism a hundred times worse than that of the absolute kings” (p. 33).[1039]Reconstitucion y Europeizacion de España, pp. 113, 123, 289 (Madrid, 1900).—Ricardo Macías Picavea, El Problema nacional, p. 304 (Madrid, 1899).Another eloquent exposition of the deplorable condition of public affairs in Spain is Doctor Madrazo’sEl Pueblo español ha muerto?(Santander, 1903).[1040]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 463.[1041]Clemencin, Elogio de la Reina Isabel, p. 302 (Madrid, 1821).[1042]Cabrera, Relaciones,passim; Append. pp. 582-3.—Relazioni di Ambasciadori Lucchesi, pp. 29, 31 (Lucca, 1903).[1043]Cespedes y Meneses, Don Felipe Quarto, Lib.II, cap. i, x.[1044]A. Rodriguez Villa, La Corte y Monarquía de España, p. 110 (Madrid, 1886).[1045]Zanctornato, Relazione della Corte de España, pp. 76-82 (Cosmopoli, 1672).[1046]Relasioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 396.[1047]The Córtes of 1570 complained of the sale ofhidalguias, which were bought by the richer taxpayers, whose burden was thus thrown on the poor and miserable. To this Philip II replied that his necessities compelled him to it, but that more consideration would be shown in future.—Córtes de Cordova del año de setenta, fol. 5 (Alcalá, 1575).By the censuses of 1768 and 1787 the exempt classes were—1768.1787.Hidalgos722,794480,589Clergy183,965151,973906,759632,562Floridablanca felicitated himself on the reduction thus shown in the exemptions, resulting from greater strictness in admitting claims, while the population had increased from 9,309,804 to 10,409,879.—Censo español en el año de 1787.[1048]Dávila, Vida de Felipe III, p. 216.[1049]Libro de las Cincas Excelencias del Español que despueblan á España, fol. 163, 170 (Pamplona, 1629).[1050]Representacion al Rey D. Felipe V dirigida al mas seguro aumento del Real Erario. Hecha por D. Miguel de Zavala y Auñon, pp. 7-35, 74-97 (Madrid, 1732).It should be observed that in none of the descriptions of the burdens imposed on the peasantry is any allusion made to what perhaps was the most grievous of all, both in amount and method of collection—the tithe by which the enormous church establishment was supported. This was wholly beyond control by the secular power and was therefore left out of consideration.In 1820, Dr. Sebastian de Miñano, in hisCartas del Pobrecito Holgazan, gives a graphic picture of the ecclesiastical burdens of the peasant—the first fruits, the tithes and the obligatory “almsgiving” to all the neighboring convents.—Ochoa, Epistolario español, II, 616.[1051]Jovellanos, Informe en el Expediente de Ley Agraria (Obras, VII, 165-8).The trouble still exists. In 1898 the Chamber of Agriculture of Upper Aragon states that notwithstanding large subventions to railroads and highways the greater part of the population is as isolated as ever, and it urges the expenditure of 400 or 500 millions of pesetas to convert 250,000 kilométres of mule-track into cheap wagon roads.—Reconstitucion de España, pp. 24, 89.[1052]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 344.—Jovellanos, Informe, pp. 48-80.The exorbitant privileges of the Mesta were largely curtailed by the Córtes of Cádiz, but were promptly restored by Fernando VII, in a decree of October 2, 1514 (Coleccion de Cédulas etc., p. 170).[1053]Zavala y Auñon, pp. 104-30.—Jovellanos, p. 44.[1054]Relazioni Lucchese, p. 29.—For the multifarious laws respecting the coinage seeAutos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. xxi.[1055]Discorsos apolóxicos (Coll. de Doc. inéd., LXXI, 220).[1056]I owe this passage to Professor James Harvey Robinson’s “Readings in European History,” II, 25.

[921]Carnicero, Historia de la Revolucion, III, 169-76.

[922]Miraflores, Apuntes para escribir la Historia de España, pp. 11-13 (Londres, 1834).

[923]Miraflores, Documentos á los que se hace referencia en los Apuntes, I, 9-23.

[924]Marliani, I, 195-200.—Toreno, III, 317, 395.—Coleccion de Decretos, I, 43; V, 87.

[925]Conservatives concur with Liberals in denouncing the memory of Fernando. See Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 495 and V. de la Fuente, III, 472.

[926]Toreno, III, 355-9.—Miraflores, Documentos, I, 30.—Constitucion, art. 3, 144-9, 173, 181, 187 (Coleccion de los Decretos, V, 148, 153, 182, 185).

[927]Representacion y Manifiesto que algunos Diputados á las Córtes ordinarias firmaron en los mayores Apuros de su Opresion en Madrid, pp. 12, 17, 59, 60 (Madrid, 1814).

[928]Toreno, III, 359, 361-4.—Koska Vayo, Historia de la Vida y Reinado de Fernando VII, II, 26, 32-5, 377 (Madrid, 1842).—Marliani, I, 206.

[929]Coleccion de las Reales Cédulas etc. de Fernando VII, p. 1 (Valencia, 1814).—Toreno, III, 400.—It would be difficult to find a more slovenly piece of writing than this celebrated and fateful manifesto. Its authorship was attributed to Juan Pérez Villamil, the head of the Regency dismissed by the Córtes in March, 1813.—Toreno, III, 364.

[930]Marliani, I, 208-17.—Koska Vayo, II, 48-52.—Toreno, III, 405.

[931]Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 545.

[932]Hervaz, Ruiz de Padron y su tiempo, pp. 101-5 (Madrid, 1898).—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Libro 890.—His speech was issued in Coruña in 1813, under the title of “Dictamen del Dr. Antonio José Ruiz de Padron sobre la Inquisicion.” Other clerical deputies who suffered reclusion in convents were Oliveros, in la Cabrera; Gallego, in the Cartuja de Jerez; Ramos, in that of Valencia; Arispe, in that of Seville; Lopez Cepero, in the Capuchins of Novelda; Antonio Larrazabal, wherever the Archbishop of Guatemala might designate, and Bernabeu, in one not ascertained. Besides these La Canal and Jaime Villanueva were recluded for editing a periodical.—V. de la Fuente, III, 471.

[933]Amador de los Rios, III, 555.—When the royal decree of July 21 was received, August 16th, the cathedral was illuminated and the bells were rung, followed, August 23d and 24th, by great solemnities.—Relacion histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, pp. 46-8.

[934]Rodrigo, III, 480.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion VI, 1ª Escribanía del Cabildo, Tomo 49, n. 14.

[935]Coleccion de Cédulas de Fernando VII, p. 85.

[936]Rodrigo, III, 485.—Carnicero, La Inquisicion justamente restablecida, II, 51.

[937]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559; 890.

[938]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.

[939]Ibidem, Lib. 890.

[940]Coleccion de los Decretos, III, 220.

[941]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.—See Appendix.

[942]Ibidem, Lib. 559.

[943]Ibidem.

[944]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 17, n. 4, fol. 9, 21, 36, 57, 85, 88, 93.

[945]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.

[946]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559; Lib. 4352.

[947]Relacion de la Judería de Sevilla, pp. 49-51.

[948]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.

[949]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.

[950]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.

[951]Ibidem, Sala 39, Leg. 1473, fol. 29.

[952]Ibidem, Lib. 890.

[953]Ibidem.

[954]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 559.—Rodrigo, III, 489.

[955]Archivo de Simancas,loc. cit.

[956]Archivo de Simancas, Registro de Genealogías, n. 916, fol 4, 12.—Inq., Lib. 4352; Lib. 559; Leg. 1473.

[957]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Leg. 1473.

[958]Ibidem.

[959]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.

[960]L’Espagne et ses Revolutions, p 148—quoted by Marliani, I, 235. See also Miraflores (Apuntes, pp. 23, 26) who, as an aristocrat, had no affiliation with the Liberals.

[961]Many documents were gathered in the streets and sent to the United States, which have mostly perished through neglect, but some which were secured by Mr. Andrew Thorndike, then a resident of Barcelona, were presented, in 1840, to the American Philosophical Society, through whose courtesy I have been enabled to use them.Some cases, from a similar source were translated and printed in Boston, in 1828, under the title of “Records of the Spanish Inquisition, translated from the original Manuscripts.”In Majorca the populace was more aggressive and destroyed the palace of the Inquisition.

Some cases, from a similar source were translated and printed in Boston, in 1828, under the title of “Records of the Spanish Inquisition, translated from the original Manuscripts.”

In Majorca the populace was more aggressive and destroyed the palace of the Inquisition.

[962]Koska Vayo, II, 133-54, 170.—Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 26-37; Documentos, I, 73-81.—Memorias de Francisco Espoz y Mina, II, 255-72.—Martínez de la Rosa, Examen crítico de las Revoluciones de España, I, 14-22.

[963]Urquinaona, La España bajo el Poder arbitrario de la Congregacion Apostólica, p. 14 (Madrid, 1835).—Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 40-5; Documentos, I, 87-91.—Cappa, La Inquisicion española, p. 239.—Rodrigo, III, 495.

[964]See Appendix.

[965]Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion VII, 1820-3, TomoXVII, n. 2.—Rodrigo, III, 495.—Coleccion de los Decretos, VI, 33.

[966]Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 4353.

[967]España venturosa por la vida de la Constitucion y la muerte de la Inquisicion. Madrid, 1820.Of course pamphleteers did not allow the opportunity to escape, but I have met with only two of their productions—“Memorial de la Santa Inquisicion á los Señores Ministros de Francia” and “Oracion funebre en las Exequias que se hicieron á la difunta Inquisicion en el Templo de Fanatismo de la Villa de Ignorancia, por un Ministro de la misma.” Their only interest lies in their expression of the feelings of the period.

[967]España venturosa por la vida de la Constitucion y la muerte de la Inquisicion. Madrid, 1820.

Of course pamphleteers did not allow the opportunity to escape, but I have met with only two of their productions—“Memorial de la Santa Inquisicion á los Señores Ministros de Francia” and “Oracion funebre en las Exequias que se hicieron á la difunta Inquisicion en el Templo de Fanatismo de la Villa de Ignorancia, por un Ministro de la misma.” Their only interest lies in their expression of the feelings of the period.

[968]Coleccion de Decretos, VI, 64, 141, 155, 258; VII, 57, 60, 245, 251; IX, 384; X, 16, 17, 31.

[969]H. Brück, Die geheimen Gessellschaften in Spanien, pp. 233-9, 250-60.—V. de la Fuente, III, 477-9.

[970]Coleccion de los Decretos, VI, 43.

[971]Modesto Lafuente, XXVII, 83.

[972]Coleccion de los Decretos, VII, 36.

[973]Koska Vayo, III, 42. In the reaction of 1823, Villanueva escaped to England where, as Menéndez y Pelayo tells us (Heterodoxos, III, 527), under the pressure of misery, he nearly or quite embraced Protestantism. Puigblanch, who was also a refugee, amused himself with writing violent diatribes against his fellows in misfortune and especially against Villanueva, who retorted in kind. He died in Dublin, reconciled to the Church, March 25, 1836, at the age of 80.

[974]Canto, El Coloso constitucional derrocado (Orihuela, 1823).

[975]Koska Vayo, III, 181.

[976]Coleccion de los Decretos, VI, 145; VII, 4, 92, 105.

[977]Miraflores, Apuntes, p. 65.

[978]Koska Vayo, II, 317; III, 121.

[979]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 76, 79.—Koska Vayo, III, 8.

[980]Miraflores, Documentos, I, 214-25; II, 15.

[981]Mina, Memorias, III, 16, 111-13, 159, 169.

[982]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 32-99.

[983]Ibidem, II, 114-72.—Koska Vayo, II, 317; III, 8.—Mina, Memorias, III, 88-9.—Châteaubriand, El Congreso de Verona, Traducela Cayetano Cortés, II, 379-80, 384.

[984]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 172-4, 177-80.

[985]Ibidem, pp. 174-6.

[986]Miraflores, Apuntes, p. 163.

[987]Ibidem, pp. 172-5.

[988]Coleccion de los Decretos, X, 162.

[989]Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 185, 215; Documentos, II, 284-94—Koska Vayo, III, 72, 101-12.

[990]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 240, 244; Apuntes, pp. 189, 191, 194.—Koska Vayo, III, 74.

[991]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 242.

[992]Miraflores, Documentos, II, 247-70.

[993]Koska Vayo, III, 97-8.—Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 219-21.

[994]Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 221-4; Documentos, II, 294-6.—Koska Vayo, III, 442.

[995]Koska Vayo, III, 128.

[996]Ibidem, III, 126-154.—Miraflores, Apuntes, pp. 234-44; Documentos II, 316-38.

[997]Koska Vayo, III, 159-64.

[998]Koska Vayo, III, 175, 184.

[999]El Congreso de Verona, II, 234, 265, 268, 302, 307, 311, 317, 319, 322, 324, 339, 342.—Martínez de la Rosa, I, 372, 392, 394, 408.—Koska Vayo, III, 319.

[1000]Koska Vayo, III, 185.—Miraflores, Apuntes, p. 224; Documentos, II, 296.—Urquinaona, p. 195.

[1001]Javier de Burgos, Añales del Reinado de Dª Isabel II, I, 46 (Madrid, 1850).A characteristic freak of Fernando was the establishment in Seville of a school of bull-fighting, with Don Pedro Ramiro at its head, on a salary of 12,000 reales. When Burgos became minister of Fomento, under Isabel II, he had the satisfaction of suppressing this.

[1001]Javier de Burgos, Añales del Reinado de Dª Isabel II, I, 46 (Madrid, 1850).

A characteristic freak of Fernando was the establishment in Seville of a school of bull-fighting, with Don Pedro Ramiro at its head, on a salary of 12,000 reales. When Burgos became minister of Fomento, under Isabel II, he had the satisfaction of suppressing this.

[1002]Rodrigo, III, 497.—Miraflores, Documentos, II, 299.—Barrantes, Aparato para la Historia de Extremadura, III, 43.

[1003]El Congreso de Verona, II, 283, 302.

[1004]Koska Vayo, III, 206.

[1005]Rodrigo, III, 498.

[1006]Martínez de la Rosa, I, 422.—Koska Vayo, III, 241.

[1007]Koska Vayo, III, 222.

[1008]Modesto Lafuente, XXVIII, 453-63; XXIX, 393-5.—Urquinaona, pp. 141-2.

[1009]Modesto Lafuente, XXVIII, 465-71; XXIX, 7-13.—Koska Vayo, III, 305, 311.

[1010]Urquinaona, p. 143.—Modesto Lafuente, XXVIII, 475.

[1011]Archivo hist. nacional, Inq. de Valencia, Leg. 100.—Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 890.

[1012]Archivo hist. nacional, Leg. 463, HaciendaXVI.

[1013]Archivo hist. nacional, Leg. 6462.

[1014]Koska Vayo, III, 207.

[1015]Modesto Lafuente, XXIV, 346.—Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 524.—Vicente de la Fuente, III, 482.

[1016]Modesto Lafuente,loc. cit.—V. de la Fuente,loc. cit.

[1017]Pii PP. VIII Const.Cogitationes nostras, 5 Oct. 1829 (Bullar. Roman. Contin., IX, 76).

[1018]Partidas, P.II, Tit. xv, ley 2.

[1019]Autos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. vii, Auto 5.

[1020]Andrés Muriel, Hist. de Carlos IV (Mem. hist. español, XXIX, 14-29).

[1021]Juan Pérez de Guzman (Revista de Archivos, April, 1904, p. 267).—Modesto Lafuente, XXIX, 51.

[1022]Koska Vayo, III, 342, 352, 358-68.—Modesto Lafuente, XXIX. 191.

[1023]Koska Vayo, III, 369-75, 387.—Modesto Lafuente, XXIX, 152.

[1024]Koska Vayo, III, 380.That the Carlists should regard the opportune resurrection of this long-buried pragmática as a fraud was not unnatural, but the records produced in its favor bear every evidence of genuineness. From them it appears that on May 31, 1789, Carlos IV summoned the Córtes to assemble on September 23d to take the oath of allegiance to his son Fernando and to transact other business. The oath was duly taken on that day; on the 30th a petition in the customary form was addressed to the king for the abrogation of the pragmática of Philip V and the restoration of the ancient law of succession. The session continued with various acts of legislation; on October 7th Carlos obtained an approval of the measure from fourteen archbishops and bishops who had joined in the oath of allegiance; on October 30th he confirmed the pragmática, but ordered absolute secrecy to be maintained with respect to it and to this all concerned took a solemn oath. Still it did not remain wholly unknown and, in December 1809, Doña Carlota, Princess of Brazil, applied to the supreme Junta Central, then ruling the kingdom, to have her possible rights to the succession under it acknowledged. The Junta was sitting in Seville; the archives were in Madrid, then in possession of the French, and inquiries were made of such survivors of the Córtes of 1789 as could be reached, who confirmed the fact of the adoption of the pragmática and of the secrecy enjoined, whereupon the Consejo de España é Indias reported in favor of the Portuguese princess’s application. That these records, with their wealth of names and dates and elaborate details could be manufactured is simply incredible.—Testimonio de las Actas de Córtes de 1789 sobre la Sucesion en la Corona de España, y de los Dictámenes dados sobre esta materia; publicado por real decreto de S. M. la Reina NraSra. Año de 1833, Madrid, en la Imprenta Real.

[1024]Koska Vayo, III, 380.

That the Carlists should regard the opportune resurrection of this long-buried pragmática as a fraud was not unnatural, but the records produced in its favor bear every evidence of genuineness. From them it appears that on May 31, 1789, Carlos IV summoned the Córtes to assemble on September 23d to take the oath of allegiance to his son Fernando and to transact other business. The oath was duly taken on that day; on the 30th a petition in the customary form was addressed to the king for the abrogation of the pragmática of Philip V and the restoration of the ancient law of succession. The session continued with various acts of legislation; on October 7th Carlos obtained an approval of the measure from fourteen archbishops and bishops who had joined in the oath of allegiance; on October 30th he confirmed the pragmática, but ordered absolute secrecy to be maintained with respect to it and to this all concerned took a solemn oath. Still it did not remain wholly unknown and, in December 1809, Doña Carlota, Princess of Brazil, applied to the supreme Junta Central, then ruling the kingdom, to have her possible rights to the succession under it acknowledged. The Junta was sitting in Seville; the archives were in Madrid, then in possession of the French, and inquiries were made of such survivors of the Córtes of 1789 as could be reached, who confirmed the fact of the adoption of the pragmática and of the secrecy enjoined, whereupon the Consejo de España é Indias reported in favor of the Portuguese princess’s application. That these records, with their wealth of names and dates and elaborate details could be manufactured is simply incredible.—Testimonio de las Actas de Córtes de 1789 sobre la Sucesion en la Corona de España, y de los Dictámenes dados sobre esta materia; publicado por real decreto de S. M. la Reina NraSra. Año de 1833, Madrid, en la Imprenta Real.

[1025]Koska Vayo, III, 393-425.

[1026]Ibidem, p. 437.

[1027]Quoted by Hervaz, Ruiz de Padron, p. 160.

[1028]Archivo de Alcalá, Ministerio de Estado, Leg. 897, n. 30; Leg. 906, n. 87, 88.—(See Appendix.)It will be remembered that the Duke of Medinaceli was alguazil mayor of the Madrid tribunal, and as such was drawing a yearly stipend of a thousand reales.

[1028]Archivo de Alcalá, Ministerio de Estado, Leg. 897, n. 30; Leg. 906, n. 87, 88.—(See Appendix.)

It will be remembered that the Duke of Medinaceli was alguazil mayor of the Madrid tribunal, and as such was drawing a yearly stipend of a thousand reales.

[1029]See Appendix. The allusion to the concurrence of the Holy See is a pure assumption, seeing that, for political reasons, Isabel and the Regency were not recognised by the papacy for many years.

[1030]Castillo y Ayensa, Negociaciones con Roma, I, Append, p. 156 (Madrid, 1859).

[1031]Antequera, Historia de la Legislacion española, p. 419 (Madrid, 1884).

[1032]Soler, Un Milagro y una Mentira, p. 5 (Valencia, 1858).

[1033]Menéndez y Pelayo, III, 682-3, 686.—Hermann Dalton, Die evangelische Bewegung in Spanien, pp. 40-5 (Wiesbaden, 1872).

[1034]A. Luque y Vicens, La Inquisicion, su Pro y su Contra, Segunda Edicion, Madrid, 1859.

[1035]Parades, Curso de Derecho político, p. 720 (Madrid, 1883).

[1036]Novísimo Código penal, arts. 236-41 (Valencia, 1872, pp. 126-7).

[1037]Paredes,op cit., p. 666.

[1038]See the very interesting collection of papers published by theAteneo Cientifico y Literarioof Madrid under the titleOligarquia y Caciquismo como la forma actual de Gobierno en España; urgencia y modo de cambiarla(Madrid, 1903).This Caciquism is described as “a despotism a hundred times worse than that of the absolute kings” (p. 33).

This Caciquism is described as “a despotism a hundred times worse than that of the absolute kings” (p. 33).

[1039]Reconstitucion y Europeizacion de España, pp. 113, 123, 289 (Madrid, 1900).—Ricardo Macías Picavea, El Problema nacional, p. 304 (Madrid, 1899).Another eloquent exposition of the deplorable condition of public affairs in Spain is Doctor Madrazo’sEl Pueblo español ha muerto?(Santander, 1903).

[1039]Reconstitucion y Europeizacion de España, pp. 113, 123, 289 (Madrid, 1900).—Ricardo Macías Picavea, El Problema nacional, p. 304 (Madrid, 1899).

Another eloquent exposition of the deplorable condition of public affairs in Spain is Doctor Madrazo’sEl Pueblo español ha muerto?(Santander, 1903).

[1040]Relazioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 463.

[1041]Clemencin, Elogio de la Reina Isabel, p. 302 (Madrid, 1821).

[1042]Cabrera, Relaciones,passim; Append. pp. 582-3.—Relazioni di Ambasciadori Lucchesi, pp. 29, 31 (Lucca, 1903).

[1043]Cespedes y Meneses, Don Felipe Quarto, Lib.II, cap. i, x.

[1044]A. Rodriguez Villa, La Corte y Monarquía de España, p. 110 (Madrid, 1886).

[1045]Zanctornato, Relazione della Corte de España, pp. 76-82 (Cosmopoli, 1672).

[1046]Relasioni Venete, Serie I, T. V, p. 396.

[1047]The Córtes of 1570 complained of the sale ofhidalguias, which were bought by the richer taxpayers, whose burden was thus thrown on the poor and miserable. To this Philip II replied that his necessities compelled him to it, but that more consideration would be shown in future.—Córtes de Cordova del año de setenta, fol. 5 (Alcalá, 1575).By the censuses of 1768 and 1787 the exempt classes were—1768.1787.Hidalgos722,794480,589Clergy183,965151,973906,759632,562Floridablanca felicitated himself on the reduction thus shown in the exemptions, resulting from greater strictness in admitting claims, while the population had increased from 9,309,804 to 10,409,879.—Censo español en el año de 1787.

By the censuses of 1768 and 1787 the exempt classes were—

Floridablanca felicitated himself on the reduction thus shown in the exemptions, resulting from greater strictness in admitting claims, while the population had increased from 9,309,804 to 10,409,879.—Censo español en el año de 1787.

[1048]Dávila, Vida de Felipe III, p. 216.

[1049]Libro de las Cincas Excelencias del Español que despueblan á España, fol. 163, 170 (Pamplona, 1629).

[1050]Representacion al Rey D. Felipe V dirigida al mas seguro aumento del Real Erario. Hecha por D. Miguel de Zavala y Auñon, pp. 7-35, 74-97 (Madrid, 1732).It should be observed that in none of the descriptions of the burdens imposed on the peasantry is any allusion made to what perhaps was the most grievous of all, both in amount and method of collection—the tithe by which the enormous church establishment was supported. This was wholly beyond control by the secular power and was therefore left out of consideration.In 1820, Dr. Sebastian de Miñano, in hisCartas del Pobrecito Holgazan, gives a graphic picture of the ecclesiastical burdens of the peasant—the first fruits, the tithes and the obligatory “almsgiving” to all the neighboring convents.—Ochoa, Epistolario español, II, 616.

[1050]Representacion al Rey D. Felipe V dirigida al mas seguro aumento del Real Erario. Hecha por D. Miguel de Zavala y Auñon, pp. 7-35, 74-97 (Madrid, 1732).

It should be observed that in none of the descriptions of the burdens imposed on the peasantry is any allusion made to what perhaps was the most grievous of all, both in amount and method of collection—the tithe by which the enormous church establishment was supported. This was wholly beyond control by the secular power and was therefore left out of consideration.

In 1820, Dr. Sebastian de Miñano, in hisCartas del Pobrecito Holgazan, gives a graphic picture of the ecclesiastical burdens of the peasant—the first fruits, the tithes and the obligatory “almsgiving” to all the neighboring convents.—Ochoa, Epistolario español, II, 616.

[1051]Jovellanos, Informe en el Expediente de Ley Agraria (Obras, VII, 165-8).The trouble still exists. In 1898 the Chamber of Agriculture of Upper Aragon states that notwithstanding large subventions to railroads and highways the greater part of the population is as isolated as ever, and it urges the expenditure of 400 or 500 millions of pesetas to convert 250,000 kilométres of mule-track into cheap wagon roads.—Reconstitucion de España, pp. 24, 89.

[1051]Jovellanos, Informe en el Expediente de Ley Agraria (Obras, VII, 165-8).

The trouble still exists. In 1898 the Chamber of Agriculture of Upper Aragon states that notwithstanding large subventions to railroads and highways the greater part of the population is as isolated as ever, and it urges the expenditure of 400 or 500 millions of pesetas to convert 250,000 kilométres of mule-track into cheap wagon roads.—Reconstitucion de España, pp. 24, 89.

[1052]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 344.—Jovellanos, Informe, pp. 48-80.The exorbitant privileges of the Mesta were largely curtailed by the Córtes of Cádiz, but were promptly restored by Fernando VII, in a decree of October 2, 1514 (Coleccion de Cédulas etc., p. 170).

[1052]Córtes de Leon y de Castilla, II, 344.—Jovellanos, Informe, pp. 48-80.

The exorbitant privileges of the Mesta were largely curtailed by the Córtes of Cádiz, but were promptly restored by Fernando VII, in a decree of October 2, 1514 (Coleccion de Cédulas etc., p. 170).

[1053]Zavala y Auñon, pp. 104-30.—Jovellanos, p. 44.

[1054]Relazioni Lucchese, p. 29.—For the multifarious laws respecting the coinage seeAutos Acordados, Lib.V, Tit. xxi.

[1055]Discorsos apolóxicos (Coll. de Doc. inéd., LXXI, 220).

[1056]I owe this passage to Professor James Harvey Robinson’s “Readings in European History,” II, 25.

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