FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, pp. 450, 576.--Millot, Hist. Littéraire des Troubadours, III. 244-50.[2]Teulet, Layettes, II. 185, 226-8. In 1239 we find Raymond asking for six months’ delay in the payment of one of the instalments (Ib. p. 406).[3]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238 c. 11 (Mart. Ampl. Coll. VII. 134).--Ripoll I. 120, 145, 165.--Potthast No. 9452, 11092, 11094, 11515.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 365.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 262.--Arch. des Frères Prêcheurs de Toulouse (Doat, XXXI. 19)--C. 1 Sexto v. 2.--Raynald. ann. 1243, No. 30.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 69).--Bern. Guidon, de Trib. Grad. Prædicat. (Bouquet, XXI, 739).--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224). When Cardinal Wolsey sought to reform the English Church he found the same difficulty in obtaining bishops to degrade clerical criminals, and he obtained from Clement VII. the same remedy (Rymer, XIV. 239).[4]Coll. Doat, XXI. 149, 153, 156, 158.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.[5]Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224).--Guill. Pelisso Chron. (Ed. Molinier. Anicii, 1880, pp. 6, 15).--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Monument. Hist. German.).--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 573). One of the complaints made by Gregory IX. against Raymond, in 1236, was that he had neglected to pay the salaries of the professors, and that the school of Toulouse was dissolved (Teulet, Layettes, II. 315). In 1239, however, a receipt in full for them was exhibited to the papal legate (Ib. p. 397), and in 1242, when Raymond was under peril of death in the Agenois, his chief physician was Loup of Spain, the professor of medicine in the University (Ib. p. 466).[6]Pelisso Chron. pp. 7-8.[7]Ibid. pp. 9-10.[8]Pelisso Chron. pp. 10-11.--Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik, p. 17.[9]Pelisso Chron. p. 13. Cf. Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 573).[10]Pelisso pp. 10-17.[11]Ibid. pp. 17-20.[12]Pelisso Chron. pp. 20-1.[13]Ibid. p. 22.[14]Pelisso Chron. pp. 23-5.[15]Millot, Troubadours, II. 65-77.--Mary-Lafon, Histoire du Midi de la France, III. 396-99.[16]Vaissette, III. 403.--Martene Thesaur. I. 985.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 13-14, 52-9. Chabanaud (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 330) thinks it probable that this Arnaud Catala is the troubadour of the same name, developing, like Folquet of Marseilles and others, from a poet to a persecutor.[17]Vaissette, III. 402-3, 406; Pr. 370-1, 379-81.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 33.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 321, 334.[18]“Car del pejors homes que sonSe defen et de tot le mont;Que Franses ni clergiaNi las autras gens ne l’affront;Mas als bos s’humiliaEt l’mal confond.”(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 394).(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 394).[19]Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S. R I. III. 573)--Archives Nat. de France J. 430, No. 17, 18.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 42.--Peyrat, Hist. des Albigeois, I. 287.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 203-8.--D’Achery Spicileg. III. 606.--Potthast No. 9771.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 577 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Matt. Paris ann. 1334, p. 280.--Vaissette, III. 399-400, 406.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 485, 799-802.[20]Pelisso Chron. pp. 25-8.[21]Pelisso Chron. pp. 30-40.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent. Præidicat. (Martene Thesaur. VI. 460-1).--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.[22]Martene Thesaur. I. 992.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.)--Teulet, Layettes, II. 314. The subordination of the bishop to the inquisitors is further shown in the excommunication of the viguier and consuls of Toulouse, July 24, 1237, in which Bishop Raymond and other prelates are mentioned as assessors to the inquisitors (Doat, XXI. 148).[23]Potthast No. 10152.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII T. I. No. 700 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. P.II. p. 912.--Vaissette, III. 408.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 40-1.[24]Pelisso Chron. p. 41-2.[25]Coll. Doat, XXI. 163.[26]Pelisso Chron. pp. 43-51.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 149.--It is probable that among these victims perished Vigoros de Bocona, a Catharan bishop. Alberic de Trois Fontaines places his burning in Toulouse in 1233 (Chron. ann. 1233), but there is evidence of his being still alive and active in 1235 or 1236 (Doat, XXII. 222). He was ordained a “filius major” in Montségur about 1229, by the Catharan bishop, Guillabert de Castres (Doat, XXII. 226), and his name as that of a revered teacher continues for many years to occur in the confessions of penitents.[27]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Arch, de l’Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Bern. Guidon. Libell. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 422).--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 32.[28]Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 706 (Mon. Germ. Hist).--Potthast No. 10357, 10361.--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 33, 37.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 339, No. 2514.--Vaissette, III. 410.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 146. A deposition of Raymond Jean of Albi, April 30, 1238 (Doat, XXIII. 273), probably marks the term of the activity of the Inquisition before its suspension.[29]Teulet, Layettes, II. 377, 386.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 731 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Raynald. ann. 1239, No. 71-3.--Arch. du Vatican T. XIX. (Berger, Actes d’Innocent IV. p. xix.).[30]Arch. Nat. de France J. 430. No. 19, 20.--Guill. Pod. Laurent, c. 43.--Vaissette, III. 411.[31]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Guill. Nangiac. Gest. S. Ludov. ann. 1239.--Vaissette, III. 420.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 574).--Teulet, Layettes, II. 457. It was not until 1247 that Trencavel released the consuls of Béziers from their allegiance to him.--Mascaro, Libre de Memorias, ann. 1247.[32]A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 448-61).--Douais, Les Albigeois, Paris, 1879; Pieces justif. No. 4.[33]D’Achery Spicileg. III. 621.--Vaissette, III. 424; Pr. 400.[34]Guillem de Tudela V. 8980, 9183.--Trésor des Chartes du Roi à Carcassonne (Doat, XXII. 34-49).--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 975.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 252, No. 2241.--Vaissette, III. 383, 422-3; Pr. 385, 397-99.--Ripoll VII. 9.--Potthast No. 9024.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 28-9.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 163-164, 166; XXIV. 81.[35]The document is in the Collection Doat, XXI. 185 sqq.--Although it does not specify that the cases are of voluntary penitents within the time of grace, there is no risk in assuming this. The penances are all of the kind provided for such penitents; and in one case (fol. 220) it is mentioned that the party had not come in within the time, which would infer that the rest had done so. Besides, the extraordinary speed with which the business was transacted is wholly incompatible with prosecutions of accused persons striving to maintain their innocence.[36]Coll. Doat, XXI. 210, 215, 216, 227, 229, 230, 238, 265, 283, 285, 293, 299, 300, 301, 305, 307, 308, 310.[37]Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 19.[38]Pelisso Chron. pp. 49-50.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 216-17, 224, 228.--Schmidt, Cathares I. 315, 324.[39]Coll. Doat, XXI. 153, 155, 158.[40]Vaissette, III. 431; Pr. 438-42.--Doat, XXIV. 160.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 304.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, p. 491.--Ripoll I. 117.--Analecta Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1887, II. 65. The Catholic tradition at Avignonet was that some of the inquisitors’ followers escaped to the church, where they were massacred with a number of Catholic inhabitants who had sought refuge there. In consequence of this pollution the church remained unused for forty years, and the anniversary of its reconciliation, on the first Tuesday in June, was still, in the last century, celebrated with illuminations and rejoicing as a local feast (Bremondap.Ripoll l.c.)[41]Vaissette, III. 456.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Molinierap.Pelisso Chron. p. 19.--Molinier, L’Ensevelissement de Raimond VI. p. 21.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1258.[42]Teulet, Layettes, II. 466.--Maj. Chron. Lemovicens. ann. 1242 (Bouquet, XXI. 765).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 410.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Schmidt. Cathares, I. 320.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Cœlestin. PP. IV. (Muratori S.R.I. III. 589).[43]Vaissette, III. 434-7, 439.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 470, 481-2, 484, 487, 488, 489, 493, 495, etc.[44]Vaissette, III. Pr. 425.--Ripoll I. 118. Innocent’s bull is dated July 10, 1243, within a fortnight after his election. The deputation had evidently been sent to Celestin IV., and the bull had been prepared in advance, awaiting the election of a successor.[45]Archives de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXI. 47).--Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 63, 65, 97).--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 31, 102.[46]Vaissette, III. 443; Pr. 411, 433-4.--Potthast No. 10943, 11187, 11218, 11390, 11638.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 523, 524, 528, 534.--D’Achery, III. 621.--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 21, 267, 360, 364, 594, 697, 1283.--Douais. Les sources de l’histoire de l’Inquisition (loc. cit. p. 415).[47]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 46.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 204, 210; XXIV. 76, 80, 168-72, 181.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 325.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 363 sqq.[48]Collection Doat, XXII. 202, 214, 237; XXIV. 68, 160, 182, 198.[49]Millot, Troubadours, II. 77.--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 37.[50]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Consil. ad Inquis. c. 1.--Ripoll, I. 179.[51]Doat, XXII. 217.--Molinier, L’Inquisition dans le midi de la France, pp. 186-90.--See also Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inq. III. 467-73.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 446-8.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 566. M. l’Abbé Douais (loc. cit. p. 419) tells us that the examinations in the inquest of Bernard de Caux number five thousand eight hundred and four.[52]Vaissette, III. 457, 459; Pr. 467.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 210.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 105, 149).--Ripoll, I. 184.[53]Vaissette, III. 455-6; Pr. 468, 469.--Arcli. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 77, 79, 80).--Martene Thesaur. I. 1040.[54]Martene Thesaur. I. 1044.--Vaissette, III. 465.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1255, 1292, 1333, 1583.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48--Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de la France, III. 33, 49--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 250).[55]Rainer. Summa (Mart. Thesnur. V. 1768).--Molinier, L’Inquis. dans le midi de la France, pp. 254-55.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 13, 14.--See also the curious account of Ivo of Narbonne in Matt. Paris, ann. 1243, p. 412-13 (Ed. 1644). The Abbé Douais, in his analysis of the fragments of the “Registre de l’Inquisition de Toulouse” of 1254 and 1256, tells us that it contains the names of six hundred and thirteen accused belonging to the departments of Aude, Ariège, Gers, Aveyron, and Tarne-et-Garonne, the greater part of whom were Perfects. That this is evidently an error is shown by the statistics of Rainerio Saccone, quoted in the text. At this time, in fact, the whole Catharan Church, from Constantinople to Aragon, contained only four thousand Perfects. Still the number of accused shows the continued existence of heresy as a formidable social factor and the successful activity of the Inquisition in tracking it. In this register eight witnesses contribute one hundred and seven names to the list of accused (Sources de l’hist. de l’Inquisition, loc. cit. pp. 432-33).[56]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, Nouv. Acquis. 139.--Molinier, op. cit. p. 404.--Ripoll I. 273-4.--Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 34.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 239, 250, 252).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 528, 536.--Arch. di Napoli, Regestro 6, Lettere D, fol. 180.[57]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1255.--Vaissette, III. 482-3; IV. 17.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 843).--Peyrat, op. cit. III. 54.[58]Miguel del Verms, Chronique Bearnaise.--P. Sarnaii Hist. Albigens. c. 6.--Guill. Pod. Laur., c. 8.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 299.--Vaissette, III. 426, 503; Pr. 383-5, 392-3.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 490.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Cœlestin. PP. IV. (Muratori, S. R. I. III. 589).--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 3530.[59]Vaissette, III. Pr. 551-3.[60]Vaissette, III. Pr. 575-77; IV. Pr. 109.[61]Coll Doat, XXV. XXVI.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1809.[62]Vaissette, IV. 3-5, 9-11, 16, 24-5.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886, p. 125.[63]Raynald ann. 1303, No. 41.--Vaissette, IV. Note xi.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1303, 1309, 1310.--Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1306.--La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 284. The irresistible encroachment of the royal jurisdiction, in spite of perpetual opposition, is most effectively illustrated in the series of royal letters recently printed by M. Ad. Baudouin (Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886).[64]Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93, 97).--Molinier op. cit. p. 35.--Doat, XXVI. 197, 245, 265, 266.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 282. Sanche Morlana, the archdeacon of Carcassonne, who is represented as bearing a leading part in the conspiracy, belonged to one of the noblest families of the city. His brother Arnaud, who at one time was Seneschal of Foix, was likewise implicated, and died a few years later in the bosom of the Church. In 1328 Jean Duprat, then inquisitor, obtained evidence that Arnaud had been hereticated during a sickness, and again subsequently on his death-bed (Doat. XXVIII. 128). This would seem to lend color to the charge of heresy against the conspirators, but the evidence was considered too flimsy to warrant condemnation.[65]Doat, XXVI. 254.--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 132).[66]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin. No. 11847.--Doat, XXVI. 197.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 54, 109, 111, 130, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144, 146, 147.[67]There has been great confusion as to the date of Philippe’s action. The Ordonnance as printed by Laurière and Isambert is of 1287. As given by Vaissette (IV. Pr. 97-8) it is of 1291. A copy in Doat, XXXI. 266 (from the Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carcass.), is dated 1297. Schmidt (Cathares I. 342) accepts 1287; A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 157)confirms the date of 1291. The latter accords best with the series of events. 1287 would seem manifestly impossible, as Philippe was crowned January 6, 1286, at the age of seventeen, and would scarcely, in fifteen months, venture on such a step so defiant of all that was held sacred; nor would Nicholas IV. in 1290 have praised his zeal in furthering the Inquisition (Ripoll II. 29), while 1297 seems incompatible with his subsequent action on the subject. In 1292 Philippe prohibited the capitouls of Toulouse from employing torture on clerks subject to the jurisdiction of the bishop, a prohibition which had to be repeated in 1307.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, pp. 16, 73.[68]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 251).--Chron. Bardin ann. 1293 (Vaissette IV. Pr. 9).[69]In 1278 the inquisitors of France applied to Nicholas III. for instructions, stating that some time previous, during a popular persecution of the Jews, many of them through fear, though not absolutely coerced, had received baptism and allowed their children to be baptized. With the passing of the storm they had returned to their Jewish blindness, whereupon the inquisitors had cast them in prison. They were duly excommunicated, but neither this nor the “squalor carceris” had been of avail, and they had thus remained for more than a year. The nonplussed inquisitors thereupon submitted to the Holy See the question as to further proceedings, and Nicholas ordered them to treat such Jews as heretics--that is to say, to burn them for continued obstinacy.--Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXVII. 191).[70]Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 151, 155, 159.--Archivio di Napoli, Registro 20, Lett. B, fol. 91.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 227-8.--Wadding, ann. 1290, No. 5, 6.--C. 13, SextoV. 2--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 127; XXXVII. 193, 206, 209, 242, 255, 258.--Wadding, ann. 1359, No. 1-3.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 230. In 1288 Philippe had already ordered the Seneschal of Carcassonne to protect the Jews from the citations and other vexations inflicted on them by the ecclesiastical courts (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. Pr. 232). Yet in 1306 he had all the Jews of the kingdom seized and exiled, and forbidden to return under pain of death (Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306).[71]Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 254, 267, 268, 269).--Vaisette, IV. Pr. 99.[72]Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, etc. Pr. 14, 15, 23, 24.--D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Error. I.I. 125.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 99.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 264).--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 2140.[73]Du Puy, op. cit. Pr. 39, 41, 42, 44.--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1822-3, No. 1829, No. 1830-1, No. 1930.--C. 18 Sexto v. 2.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. II. 718.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 347.--Archives de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXII. 275).[74]C. Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 92.--A. Molinier(Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 307). The character and power of the bishops of Albi are illustrated in a successor of Bernard de Castanet, Bishop Géraud, who in 1312, to settle a quarrel with the Seigneur de Puygozon, raised an army of five thousand men with which he attacked the royal Château Vieux d’Albi, and committed much devastation.--Vaissette, IV. 160.[75]Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Coll. Ampl. VI. 477-8).--Ejusd. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 94).[76]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 18, 119-23, 129, 135-6, 292.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 283).--Vaissette, IV. 91; Pr. 100-2.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 282-5.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 21.[77]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1299, c. 3 (Vaissette, IV. 96).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 264, 270.--Archives de l’Evêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXV. 69).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolos. p. 266.[78]Du Puy, Hist. du Differend, Pr. 633 sqq. 653-4.--Martene Thesaur. I. 1320-36.[79]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 125-8, 139.[80]In a series of confessions extracted from Master Arnaud Matha, a clerk of Carcassonne, in 1285, there are two, of October 4 and 10, in which he describes all the details of the heretication of Castel Fabri on his death-bed, in 1278 (Doat, XXVI. 258-60). While these cannot be positively said to be interpolations, they have the appearance of being so, and it may safely be assumed as impossible that such a matter would have been allowed to lie dormant for fifteen years with so rich a prize within reach. The case is doubtless one of the forged records which, as we have seen, were popularly believed to be customary in the Inquisition.[81]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 14-16, 29-30, 35, 120, 148.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 178; XXXIV. 123, 189. As late as 1338 the confiscated house of Castel Fabri at Carcassonne was the subject of a reclamation by Pierre de Manse who claimed that Philippe le Bel had given it to his queen, through whom it had come to him. The royal officials asserted that the gift had only been for life, and had seized it again, but Philippe de Valois abandoned it to the claimant.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat. X. Pr. 831-3.[82]Historia Tribulationum (Archiv für Litteratur. u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 148).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 231.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 268.[83]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 9, 19, 22, 24, 26, 32, 40, 63, 70, 73, 81, 82, 84, 119, 128, 149, 155, 163.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Albiens. (D. Bouquet, XXI. 748).--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26.[84]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 163.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1303.--Grandes Chroniques, T. V. pp. 156-7.--Girard de Fracheto Chron. contin. ann. 1203 (D. Bouq. XXI. 23).--Vaissette, IV. 112.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 514). When, long years afterwards, in 1319, Bernard Délicieux was carried from Avignon to Toulouse for the trial which led to his death, one of the convoy, a notary named Arnaud de Nogaret, chanced to allude to a report that Pequigny had been bribed with one thousand livres to oppose the Inquisition. Then the old man’s temper flashed forth in defence of his departed friend--“Thou liest in the throat: the Vidame was an honest man!”--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 263.[85]Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVII. 7).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270. fol. 6, 7, 11, 42, 45, 48, 71, 161, 270.--Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat. XXXIV. 169).--Vaissette, IV. 143.[86]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 149.[87]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 121, 125, 132, 150, 159, 165.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-20.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510).--Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).[88]Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-21.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No, 4270, fol. 69.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. II. 747, 789.[89]Arch, de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 70, 134, 151.--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 207-72; XXXIV. 189.[90]Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 409.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 165.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conr. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).[91]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 8, 17, 19, 20, 32, 44, 49, 58, 156, 162, 229.--Pequigny is also said to have arrested some of the friars connected with the Inquisition (La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 34), but I think this impossible.[92]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 27, 272.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 114).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 128.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26. The Dominican party declared that the statements purporting to come from the prisoners were fraudulent, and Bernard Gui relates with savage satisfaction that a monk named Raymond Baudier, who was concerned in getting them up, hanged himself like Judas (l. c. p. 514).[93]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 63, 153-55, 272-3.--Hauréau, Bern. Délicieux pp. 187, 190.[94]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 10; XXXII. 114).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 88, 109, 122.[95]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIV. 14).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 23, 25, 31, 86, 132, 137, 140-1, 152, 153.[96]Grandjean, Registres de Benoit XI. No. 1253-60, 1276.--MSS, Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 21, 73, 74, 158, 162, 278.--Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France pp. 126-7.--Geoffroi d’Ablis had sufficient influence with the king to persuade him to found the Dominican convent of Poissy.[97]Vaissette, IV. Pr. 130-1.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 139.[98]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 26, 74-8, 88-9, 98, 103-8, 198, 200-3, 226, 233, 265, 279.--Mascaro, Memorias de Bezes, ann. 1336, 1389. For the tenure of Montpellier by the Kings of Majorca, see Vaissette, IV. 38, 42, 77-8, 151, 235-6. It was not until 1349 that Philippe de Valois bought out the rights of Jayme II., and in 1352 his son Jean was obliged to extinguish the claims still asserted by Pedro IV. of Aragon (Ib. 247, 268, Pr. 219). Bernard’s attention was probably drawn to the House of Majorca by its strong adhesion to the Franciscan Order. Ferrand’s older brother died in 1304, in the Franciscan habit, under the name of Fray Jayme. Another brother, Felipe, became a “Spiritual Franciscan,” as we shall see hereafter.[99]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 78-80, 90-1, 196, 247, 252-3, 257-9.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 479-80).--Vaissette, IV. 129-30.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 461.--Bernard Gui’s allusion refers to the insults offered to the Dominicans during the troubles of Carcassonne, when those who ventured into the streets were followed with cries of “Coac, Coac!” “ad modum corvi”--MS. No. 4270, fol. 281.[100]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 42).--Arch, de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXII. 81).[101]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 10-11, 84, 128, 160-7.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 83). Geoffroi’s stay at Lyons was prolonged. November 29, we find him issuing commissions to those appointed by his deputies (Doat, XXXII. 85). Jean de Faugoux had been connected with the Inquisition for at least twenty years (Doat, XXXII. 125).[102]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 254.--Arch, de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIII. 48).[103]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIV. 89, 112).--Bern. Guidon Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 95-6.)--Ripoll II. 112. I designed printing in the Appendix the Gravamina of Bernard Gui and the report of the Cardinals. M. Charles Molinier, however, I understand, is engaged on an edition of these documents, to be accompanied with a complete apparatus, which will render any other publication superfluous.[104]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 74; XXXIV. 89).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 228, 266-7, 282-5.--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 309, 316.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 526.

[1]Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, pp. 450, 576.--Millot, Hist. Littéraire des Troubadours, III. 244-50.

[1]Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, pp. 450, 576.--Millot, Hist. Littéraire des Troubadours, III. 244-50.

[2]Teulet, Layettes, II. 185, 226-8. In 1239 we find Raymond asking for six months’ delay in the payment of one of the instalments (Ib. p. 406).

[2]Teulet, Layettes, II. 185, 226-8. In 1239 we find Raymond asking for six months’ delay in the payment of one of the instalments (Ib. p. 406).

[3]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238 c. 11 (Mart. Ampl. Coll. VII. 134).--Ripoll I. 120, 145, 165.--Potthast No. 9452, 11092, 11094, 11515.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 365.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 262.--Arch. des Frères Prêcheurs de Toulouse (Doat, XXXI. 19)--C. 1 Sexto v. 2.--Raynald. ann. 1243, No. 30.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 69).--Bern. Guidon, de Trib. Grad. Prædicat. (Bouquet, XXI, 739).--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224). When Cardinal Wolsey sought to reform the English Church he found the same difficulty in obtaining bishops to degrade clerical criminals, and he obtained from Clement VII. the same remedy (Rymer, XIV. 239).

[3]Concil. Tarraconens. ann. 1238 c. 11 (Mart. Ampl. Coll. VII. 134).--Ripoll I. 120, 145, 165.--Potthast No. 9452, 11092, 11094, 11515.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 365.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 262.--Arch. des Frères Prêcheurs de Toulouse (Doat, XXXI. 19)--C. 1 Sexto v. 2.--Raynald. ann. 1243, No. 30.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 69).--Bern. Guidon, de Trib. Grad. Prædicat. (Bouquet, XXI, 739).--Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224). When Cardinal Wolsey sought to reform the English Church he found the same difficulty in obtaining bishops to degrade clerical criminals, and he obtained from Clement VII. the same remedy (Rymer, XIV. 239).

[4]Coll. Doat, XXI. 149, 153, 156, 158.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.

[4]Coll. Doat, XXI. 149, 153, 156, 158.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 9992.

[5]Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224).--Guill. Pelisso Chron. (Ed. Molinier. Anicii, 1880, pp. 6, 15).--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Monument. Hist. German.).--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 573). One of the complaints made by Gregory IX. against Raymond, in 1236, was that he had neglected to pay the salaries of the professors, and that the school of Toulouse was dissolved (Teulet, Layettes, II. 315). In 1239, however, a receipt in full for them was exhibited to the papal legate (Ib. p. 397), and in 1242, when Raymond was under peril of death in the Agenois, his chief physician was Loup of Spain, the professor of medicine in the University (Ib. p. 466).

[5]Practica super Inquisit. (MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 224).--Guill. Pelisso Chron. (Ed. Molinier. Anicii, 1880, pp. 6, 15).--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Monument. Hist. German.).--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 573). One of the complaints made by Gregory IX. against Raymond, in 1236, was that he had neglected to pay the salaries of the professors, and that the school of Toulouse was dissolved (Teulet, Layettes, II. 315). In 1239, however, a receipt in full for them was exhibited to the papal legate (Ib. p. 397), and in 1242, when Raymond was under peril of death in the Agenois, his chief physician was Loup of Spain, the professor of medicine in the University (Ib. p. 466).

[6]Pelisso Chron. pp. 7-8.

[6]Pelisso Chron. pp. 7-8.

[7]Ibid. pp. 9-10.

[7]Ibid. pp. 9-10.

[8]Pelisso Chron. pp. 10-11.--Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik, p. 17.

[8]Pelisso Chron. pp. 10-11.--Preger, Vorarbeiten zu einer Geschichte der deutschen Mystik, p. 17.

[9]Pelisso Chron. p. 13. Cf. Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 573).

[9]Pelisso Chron. p. 13. Cf. Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 573).

[10]Pelisso pp. 10-17.

[10]Pelisso pp. 10-17.

[11]Ibid. pp. 17-20.

[11]Ibid. pp. 17-20.

[12]Pelisso Chron. pp. 20-1.

[12]Pelisso Chron. pp. 20-1.

[13]Ibid. p. 22.

[13]Ibid. p. 22.

[14]Pelisso Chron. pp. 23-5.

[14]Pelisso Chron. pp. 23-5.

[15]Millot, Troubadours, II. 65-77.--Mary-Lafon, Histoire du Midi de la France, III. 396-99.

[15]Millot, Troubadours, II. 65-77.--Mary-Lafon, Histoire du Midi de la France, III. 396-99.

[16]Vaissette, III. 403.--Martene Thesaur. I. 985.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 13-14, 52-9. Chabanaud (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 330) thinks it probable that this Arnaud Catala is the troubadour of the same name, developing, like Folquet of Marseilles and others, from a poet to a persecutor.

[16]Vaissette, III. 403.--Martene Thesaur. I. 985.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 13-14, 52-9. Chabanaud (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 330) thinks it probable that this Arnaud Catala is the troubadour of the same name, developing, like Folquet of Marseilles and others, from a poet to a persecutor.

[17]Vaissette, III. 402-3, 406; Pr. 370-1, 379-81.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 33.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 321, 334.

[17]Vaissette, III. 402-3, 406; Pr. 370-1, 379-81.--Coll. Doat, XXXI. 33.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 321, 334.

[18]“Car del pejors homes que sonSe defen et de tot le mont;Que Franses ni clergiaNi las autras gens ne l’affront;Mas als bos s’humiliaEt l’mal confond.”(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 394).(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 394).

[18]

“Car del pejors homes que sonSe defen et de tot le mont;Que Franses ni clergiaNi las autras gens ne l’affront;Mas als bos s’humiliaEt l’mal confond.”(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 394).

“Car del pejors homes que sonSe defen et de tot le mont;Que Franses ni clergiaNi las autras gens ne l’affront;Mas als bos s’humiliaEt l’mal confond.”(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 394).

(Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 394).

[19]Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S. R I. III. 573)--Archives Nat. de France J. 430, No. 17, 18.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 42.--Peyrat, Hist. des Albigeois, I. 287.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 203-8.--D’Achery Spicileg. III. 606.--Potthast No. 9771.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 577 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Matt. Paris ann. 1334, p. 280.--Vaissette, III. 399-400, 406.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 485, 799-802.

[19]Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori, S. R I. III. 573)--Archives Nat. de France J. 430, No. 17, 18.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 42.--Peyrat, Hist. des Albigeois, I. 287.--Harduin. Concil. VII. 203-8.--D’Achery Spicileg. III. 606.--Potthast No. 9771.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 577 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Matt. Paris ann. 1334, p. 280.--Vaissette, III. 399-400, 406.--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. pp. 485, 799-802.

[20]Pelisso Chron. pp. 25-8.

[20]Pelisso Chron. pp. 25-8.

[21]Pelisso Chron. pp. 30-40.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent. Præidicat. (Martene Thesaur. VI. 460-1).--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.

[21]Pelisso Chron. pp. 30-40.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fundat. Convent. Præidicat. (Martene Thesaur. VI. 460-1).--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.

[22]Martene Thesaur. I. 992.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.)--Teulet, Layettes, II. 314. The subordination of the bishop to the inquisitors is further shown in the excommunication of the viguier and consuls of Toulouse, July 24, 1237, in which Bishop Raymond and other prelates are mentioned as assessors to the inquisitors (Doat, XXI. 148).

[22]Martene Thesaur. I. 992.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 688 (Mon. Germ. Hist.)--Teulet, Layettes, II. 314. The subordination of the bishop to the inquisitors is further shown in the excommunication of the viguier and consuls of Toulouse, July 24, 1237, in which Bishop Raymond and other prelates are mentioned as assessors to the inquisitors (Doat, XXI. 148).

[23]Potthast No. 10152.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII T. I. No. 700 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. P.II. p. 912.--Vaissette, III. 408.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 40-1.

[23]Potthast No. 10152.--Epistt. Sæcul. XIII T. I. No. 700 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Hist. Diplom. Frid. II. T. IV. P.II. p. 912.--Vaissette, III. 408.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 40-1.

[24]Pelisso Chron. p. 41-2.

[24]Pelisso Chron. p. 41-2.

[25]Coll. Doat, XXI. 163.

[25]Coll. Doat, XXI. 163.

[26]Pelisso Chron. pp. 43-51.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 149.--It is probable that among these victims perished Vigoros de Bocona, a Catharan bishop. Alberic de Trois Fontaines places his burning in Toulouse in 1233 (Chron. ann. 1233), but there is evidence of his being still alive and active in 1235 or 1236 (Doat, XXII. 222). He was ordained a “filius major” in Montségur about 1229, by the Catharan bishop, Guillabert de Castres (Doat, XXII. 226), and his name as that of a revered teacher continues for many years to occur in the confessions of penitents.

[26]Pelisso Chron. pp. 43-51.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 149.--It is probable that among these victims perished Vigoros de Bocona, a Catharan bishop. Alberic de Trois Fontaines places his burning in Toulouse in 1233 (Chron. ann. 1233), but there is evidence of his being still alive and active in 1235 or 1236 (Doat, XXII. 222). He was ordained a “filius major” in Montségur about 1229, by the Catharan bishop, Guillabert de Castres (Doat, XXII. 226), and his name as that of a revered teacher continues for many years to occur in the confessions of penitents.

[27]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Arch, de l’Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Bern. Guidon. Libell. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 422).--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 32.

[27]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Arch, de l’Évêché de Béziers (Doat, XXXI. 35).--Bern. Guidon. Libell. de Magist. Ord. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 422).--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 32.

[28]Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 706 (Mon. Germ. Hist).--Potthast No. 10357, 10361.--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 33, 37.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 339, No. 2514.--Vaissette, III. 410.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 146. A deposition of Raymond Jean of Albi, April 30, 1238 (Doat, XXIII. 273), probably marks the term of the activity of the Inquisition before its suspension.

[28]Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 706 (Mon. Germ. Hist).--Potthast No. 10357, 10361.--Raynald. ann. 1237, No. 33, 37.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 339, No. 2514.--Vaissette, III. 410.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 146. A deposition of Raymond Jean of Albi, April 30, 1238 (Doat, XXIII. 273), probably marks the term of the activity of the Inquisition before its suspension.

[29]Teulet, Layettes, II. 377, 386.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 731 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Raynald. ann. 1239, No. 71-3.--Arch. du Vatican T. XIX. (Berger, Actes d’Innocent IV. p. xix.).

[29]Teulet, Layettes, II. 377, 386.--Epistt. Sæculi XIII. T. I. No. 731 (Mon. Germ. Hist.).--Raynald. ann. 1239, No. 71-3.--Arch. du Vatican T. XIX. (Berger, Actes d’Innocent IV. p. xix.).

[30]Arch. Nat. de France J. 430. No. 19, 20.--Guill. Pod. Laurent, c. 43.--Vaissette, III. 411.

[30]Arch. Nat. de France J. 430. No. 19, 20.--Guill. Pod. Laurent, c. 43.--Vaissette, III. 411.

[31]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Guill. Nangiac. Gest. S. Ludov. ann. 1239.--Vaissette, III. 420.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 574).--Teulet, Layettes, II. 457. It was not until 1247 that Trencavel released the consuls of Béziers from their allegiance to him.--Mascaro, Libre de Memorias, ann. 1247.

[31]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 43.--Guill. Nangiac. Gest. S. Ludov. ann. 1239.--Vaissette, III. 420.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Gregor. PP. IX. (Muratori S. R. I. III. 574).--Teulet, Layettes, II. 457. It was not until 1247 that Trencavel released the consuls of Béziers from their allegiance to him.--Mascaro, Libre de Memorias, ann. 1247.

[32]A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 448-61).--Douais, Les Albigeois, Paris, 1879; Pieces justif. No. 4.

[32]A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VII. 448-61).--Douais, Les Albigeois, Paris, 1879; Pieces justif. No. 4.

[33]D’Achery Spicileg. III. 621.--Vaissette, III. 424; Pr. 400.

[33]D’Achery Spicileg. III. 621.--Vaissette, III. 424; Pr. 400.

[34]Guillem de Tudela V. 8980, 9183.--Trésor des Chartes du Roi à Carcassonne (Doat, XXII. 34-49).--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 975.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 252, No. 2241.--Vaissette, III. 383, 422-3; Pr. 385, 397-99.--Ripoll VII. 9.--Potthast No. 9024.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 28-9.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 163-164, 166; XXIV. 81.

[34]Guillem de Tudela V. 8980, 9183.--Trésor des Chartes du Roi à Carcassonne (Doat, XXII. 34-49).--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 975.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 252, No. 2241.--Vaissette, III. 383, 422-3; Pr. 385, 397-99.--Ripoll VII. 9.--Potthast No. 9024.--Pelisso Chron. pp. 28-9.--Coll. Doat, XXI. 163-164, 166; XXIV. 81.

[35]The document is in the Collection Doat, XXI. 185 sqq.--Although it does not specify that the cases are of voluntary penitents within the time of grace, there is no risk in assuming this. The penances are all of the kind provided for such penitents; and in one case (fol. 220) it is mentioned that the party had not come in within the time, which would infer that the rest had done so. Besides, the extraordinary speed with which the business was transacted is wholly incompatible with prosecutions of accused persons striving to maintain their innocence.

[35]The document is in the Collection Doat, XXI. 185 sqq.--Although it does not specify that the cases are of voluntary penitents within the time of grace, there is no risk in assuming this. The penances are all of the kind provided for such penitents; and in one case (fol. 220) it is mentioned that the party had not come in within the time, which would infer that the rest had done so. Besides, the extraordinary speed with which the business was transacted is wholly incompatible with prosecutions of accused persons striving to maintain their innocence.

[36]Coll. Doat, XXI. 210, 215, 216, 227, 229, 230, 238, 265, 283, 285, 293, 299, 300, 301, 305, 307, 308, 310.

[36]Coll. Doat, XXI. 210, 215, 216, 227, 229, 230, 238, 265, 283, 285, 293, 299, 300, 301, 305, 307, 308, 310.

[37]Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 19.

[37]Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1244 c. 19.

[38]Pelisso Chron. pp. 49-50.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 216-17, 224, 228.--Schmidt, Cathares I. 315, 324.

[38]Pelisso Chron. pp. 49-50.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 216-17, 224, 228.--Schmidt, Cathares I. 315, 324.

[39]Coll. Doat, XXI. 153, 155, 158.

[39]Coll. Doat, XXI. 153, 155, 158.

[40]Vaissette, III. 431; Pr. 438-42.--Doat, XXIV. 160.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 304.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, p. 491.--Ripoll I. 117.--Analecta Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1887, II. 65. The Catholic tradition at Avignonet was that some of the inquisitors’ followers escaped to the church, where they were massacred with a number of Catholic inhabitants who had sought refuge there. In consequence of this pollution the church remained unused for forty years, and the anniversary of its reconciliation, on the first Tuesday in June, was still, in the last century, celebrated with illuminations and rejoicing as a local feast (Bremondap.Ripoll l.c.)

[40]Vaissette, III. 431; Pr. 438-42.--Doat, XXIV. 160.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 304.--Diez, Leben und Werke der Troubadours, p. 491.--Ripoll I. 117.--Analecta Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1887, II. 65. The Catholic tradition at Avignonet was that some of the inquisitors’ followers escaped to the church, where they were massacred with a number of Catholic inhabitants who had sought refuge there. In consequence of this pollution the church remained unused for forty years, and the anniversary of its reconciliation, on the first Tuesday in June, was still, in the last century, celebrated with illuminations and rejoicing as a local feast (Bremondap.Ripoll l.c.)

[41]Vaissette, III. 456.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Molinierap.Pelisso Chron. p. 19.--Molinier, L’Ensevelissement de Raimond VI. p. 21.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1258.

[41]Vaissette, III. 456.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Molinierap.Pelisso Chron. p. 19.--Molinier, L’Ensevelissement de Raimond VI. p. 21.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1258.

[42]Teulet, Layettes, II. 466.--Maj. Chron. Lemovicens. ann. 1242 (Bouquet, XXI. 765).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 410.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Schmidt. Cathares, I. 320.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Cœlestin. PP. IV. (Muratori S.R.I. III. 589).

[42]Teulet, Layettes, II. 466.--Maj. Chron. Lemovicens. ann. 1242 (Bouquet, XXI. 765).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 410.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 45.--Schmidt. Cathares, I. 320.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Cœlestin. PP. IV. (Muratori S.R.I. III. 589).

[43]Vaissette, III. 434-7, 439.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 470, 481-2, 484, 487, 488, 489, 493, 495, etc.

[43]Vaissette, III. 434-7, 439.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 470, 481-2, 484, 487, 488, 489, 493, 495, etc.

[44]Vaissette, III. Pr. 425.--Ripoll I. 118. Innocent’s bull is dated July 10, 1243, within a fortnight after his election. The deputation had evidently been sent to Celestin IV., and the bull had been prepared in advance, awaiting the election of a successor.

[44]Vaissette, III. Pr. 425.--Ripoll I. 118. Innocent’s bull is dated July 10, 1243, within a fortnight after his election. The deputation had evidently been sent to Celestin IV., and the bull had been prepared in advance, awaiting the election of a successor.

[45]Archives de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXI. 47).--Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 63, 65, 97).--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 31, 102.

[45]Archives de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXI. 47).--Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 63, 65, 97).--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 31, 102.

[46]Vaissette, III. 443; Pr. 411, 433-4.--Potthast No. 10943, 11187, 11218, 11390, 11638.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 523, 524, 528, 534.--D’Achery, III. 621.--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 21, 267, 360, 364, 594, 697, 1283.--Douais. Les sources de l’histoire de l’Inquisition (loc. cit. p. 415).

[46]Vaissette, III. 443; Pr. 411, 433-4.--Potthast No. 10943, 11187, 11218, 11390, 11638.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 523, 524, 528, 534.--D’Achery, III. 621.--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 21, 267, 360, 364, 594, 697, 1283.--Douais. Les sources de l’histoire de l’Inquisition (loc. cit. p. 415).

[47]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 46.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 204, 210; XXIV. 76, 80, 168-72, 181.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 325.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 363 sqq.

[47]Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 46.--Coll. Doat, XXII. 204, 210; XXIV. 76, 80, 168-72, 181.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 325.--Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inquisition, II. 363 sqq.

[48]Collection Doat, XXII. 202, 214, 237; XXIV. 68, 160, 182, 198.

[48]Collection Doat, XXII. 202, 214, 237; XXIV. 68, 160, 182, 198.

[49]Millot, Troubadours, II. 77.--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 37.

[49]Millot, Troubadours, II. 77.--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 37.

[50]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Consil. ad Inquis. c. 1.--Ripoll, I. 179.

[50]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, Consil. ad Inquis. c. 1.--Ripoll, I. 179.

[51]Doat, XXII. 217.--Molinier, L’Inquisition dans le midi de la France, pp. 186-90.--See also Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inq. III. 467-73.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 446-8.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 566. M. l’Abbé Douais (loc. cit. p. 419) tells us that the examinations in the inquest of Bernard de Caux number five thousand eight hundred and four.

[51]Doat, XXII. 217.--Molinier, L’Inquisition dans le midi de la France, pp. 186-90.--See also Peyrat, Les Albigeois et l’Inq. III. 467-73.--Vaissette, III. Pr. 446-8.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 566. M. l’Abbé Douais (loc. cit. p. 419) tells us that the examinations in the inquest of Bernard de Caux number five thousand eight hundred and four.

[52]Vaissette, III. 457, 459; Pr. 467.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 210.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 105, 149).--Ripoll, I. 184.

[52]Vaissette, III. 457, 459; Pr. 467.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48.--Baluz. et Mansi I. 210.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXI. 105, 149).--Ripoll, I. 184.

[53]Vaissette, III. 455-6; Pr. 468, 469.--Arcli. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 77, 79, 80).--Martene Thesaur. I. 1040.

[53]Vaissette, III. 455-6; Pr. 468, 469.--Arcli. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 77, 79, 80).--Martene Thesaur. I. 1040.

[54]Martene Thesaur. I. 1044.--Vaissette, III. 465.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1255, 1292, 1333, 1583.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48--Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de la France, III. 33, 49--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 250).

[54]Martene Thesaur. I. 1044.--Vaissette, III. 465.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 1255, 1292, 1333, 1583.--Guill. Pod. Laur. c. 48--Mary-Lafon, Hist. du midi de la France, III. 33, 49--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carcass. (Doat, XXXI. 250).

[55]Rainer. Summa (Mart. Thesnur. V. 1768).--Molinier, L’Inquis. dans le midi de la France, pp. 254-55.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 13, 14.--See also the curious account of Ivo of Narbonne in Matt. Paris, ann. 1243, p. 412-13 (Ed. 1644). The Abbé Douais, in his analysis of the fragments of the “Registre de l’Inquisition de Toulouse” of 1254 and 1256, tells us that it contains the names of six hundred and thirteen accused belonging to the departments of Aude, Ariège, Gers, Aveyron, and Tarne-et-Garonne, the greater part of whom were Perfects. That this is evidently an error is shown by the statistics of Rainerio Saccone, quoted in the text. At this time, in fact, the whole Catharan Church, from Constantinople to Aragon, contained only four thousand Perfects. Still the number of accused shows the continued existence of heresy as a formidable social factor and the successful activity of the Inquisition in tracking it. In this register eight witnesses contribute one hundred and seven names to the list of accused (Sources de l’hist. de l’Inquisition, loc. cit. pp. 432-33).

[55]Rainer. Summa (Mart. Thesnur. V. 1768).--Molinier, L’Inquis. dans le midi de la France, pp. 254-55.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 13, 14.--See also the curious account of Ivo of Narbonne in Matt. Paris, ann. 1243, p. 412-13 (Ed. 1644). The Abbé Douais, in his analysis of the fragments of the “Registre de l’Inquisition de Toulouse” of 1254 and 1256, tells us that it contains the names of six hundred and thirteen accused belonging to the departments of Aude, Ariège, Gers, Aveyron, and Tarne-et-Garonne, the greater part of whom were Perfects. That this is evidently an error is shown by the statistics of Rainerio Saccone, quoted in the text. At this time, in fact, the whole Catharan Church, from Constantinople to Aragon, contained only four thousand Perfects. Still the number of accused shows the continued existence of heresy as a formidable social factor and the successful activity of the Inquisition in tracking it. In this register eight witnesses contribute one hundred and seven names to the list of accused (Sources de l’hist. de l’Inquisition, loc. cit. pp. 432-33).

[56]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, Nouv. Acquis. 139.--Molinier, op. cit. p. 404.--Ripoll I. 273-4.--Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 34.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 239, 250, 252).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 528, 536.--Arch. di Napoli, Regestro 6, Lettere D, fol. 180.

[56]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, Nouv. Acquis. 139.--Molinier, op. cit. p. 404.--Ripoll I. 273-4.--Arch. Nat. de France, J. 431, No. 34.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 239, 250, 252).--Vaissette, III. Pr. 528, 536.--Arch. di Napoli, Regestro 6, Lettere D, fol. 180.

[57]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1255.--Vaissette, III. 482-3; IV. 17.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 843).--Peyrat, op. cit. III. 54.

[57]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1255.--Vaissette, III. 482-3; IV. 17.--A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VI. 843).--Peyrat, op. cit. III. 54.

[58]Miguel del Verms, Chronique Bearnaise.--P. Sarnaii Hist. Albigens. c. 6.--Guill. Pod. Laur., c. 8.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 299.--Vaissette, III. 426, 503; Pr. 383-5, 392-3.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 490.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Cœlestin. PP. IV. (Muratori, S. R. I. III. 589).--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 3530.

[58]Miguel del Verms, Chronique Bearnaise.--P. Sarnaii Hist. Albigens. c. 6.--Guill. Pod. Laur., c. 8.--Schmidt, Cathares, I. 299.--Vaissette, III. 426, 503; Pr. 383-5, 392-3.--Teulet, Layettes, II. 490.--Bern. Guidon. Vit. Cœlestin. PP. IV. (Muratori, S. R. I. III. 589).--Berger, Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 3530.

[59]Vaissette, III. Pr. 551-3.

[59]Vaissette, III. Pr. 551-3.

[60]Vaissette, III. Pr. 575-77; IV. Pr. 109.

[60]Vaissette, III. Pr. 575-77; IV. Pr. 109.

[61]Coll Doat, XXV. XXVI.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1809.

[61]Coll Doat, XXV. XXVI.--Martene Thesaur. V. 1809.

[62]Vaissette, IV. 3-5, 9-11, 16, 24-5.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886, p. 125.

[62]Vaissette, IV. 3-5, 9-11, 16, 24-5.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886, p. 125.

[63]Raynald ann. 1303, No. 41.--Vaissette, IV. Note xi.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1303, 1309, 1310.--Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1306.--La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 284. The irresistible encroachment of the royal jurisdiction, in spite of perpetual opposition, is most effectively illustrated in the series of royal letters recently printed by M. Ad. Baudouin (Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886).

[63]Raynald ann. 1303, No. 41.--Vaissette, IV. Note xi.--Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1303, 1309, 1310.--Nich. Trivetti Chron. ann. 1306.--La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 284. The irresistible encroachment of the royal jurisdiction, in spite of perpetual opposition, is most effectively illustrated in the series of royal letters recently printed by M. Ad. Baudouin (Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1886).

[64]Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93, 97).--Molinier op. cit. p. 35.--Doat, XXVI. 197, 245, 265, 266.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 282. Sanche Morlana, the archdeacon of Carcassonne, who is represented as bearing a leading part in the conspiracy, belonged to one of the noblest families of the city. His brother Arnaud, who at one time was Seneschal of Foix, was likewise implicated, and died a few years later in the bosom of the Church. In 1328 Jean Duprat, then inquisitor, obtained evidence that Arnaud had been hereticated during a sickness, and again subsequently on his death-bed (Doat. XXVIII. 128). This would seem to lend color to the charge of heresy against the conspirators, but the evidence was considered too flimsy to warrant condemnation.

[64]Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93, 97).--Molinier op. cit. p. 35.--Doat, XXVI. 197, 245, 265, 266.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 282. Sanche Morlana, the archdeacon of Carcassonne, who is represented as bearing a leading part in the conspiracy, belonged to one of the noblest families of the city. His brother Arnaud, who at one time was Seneschal of Foix, was likewise implicated, and died a few years later in the bosom of the Church. In 1328 Jean Duprat, then inquisitor, obtained evidence that Arnaud had been hereticated during a sickness, and again subsequently on his death-bed (Doat. XXVIII. 128). This would seem to lend color to the charge of heresy against the conspirators, but the evidence was considered too flimsy to warrant condemnation.

[65]Doat, XXVI. 254.--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 132).

[65]Doat, XXVI. 254.--Bern. Guidon. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 93).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 132).

[66]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin. No. 11847.--Doat, XXVI. 197.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 54, 109, 111, 130, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144, 146, 147.

[66]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin. No. 11847.--Doat, XXVI. 197.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 54, 109, 111, 130, 137, 138, 139, 143, 144, 146, 147.

[67]There has been great confusion as to the date of Philippe’s action. The Ordonnance as printed by Laurière and Isambert is of 1287. As given by Vaissette (IV. Pr. 97-8) it is of 1291. A copy in Doat, XXXI. 266 (from the Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carcass.), is dated 1297. Schmidt (Cathares I. 342) accepts 1287; A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 157)confirms the date of 1291. The latter accords best with the series of events. 1287 would seem manifestly impossible, as Philippe was crowned January 6, 1286, at the age of seventeen, and would scarcely, in fifteen months, venture on such a step so defiant of all that was held sacred; nor would Nicholas IV. in 1290 have praised his zeal in furthering the Inquisition (Ripoll II. 29), while 1297 seems incompatible with his subsequent action on the subject. In 1292 Philippe prohibited the capitouls of Toulouse from employing torture on clerks subject to the jurisdiction of the bishop, a prohibition which had to be repeated in 1307.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, pp. 16, 73.

[67]There has been great confusion as to the date of Philippe’s action. The Ordonnance as printed by Laurière and Isambert is of 1287. As given by Vaissette (IV. Pr. 97-8) it is of 1291. A copy in Doat, XXXI. 266 (from the Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carcass.), is dated 1297. Schmidt (Cathares I. 342) accepts 1287; A. Molinier (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 157)confirms the date of 1291. The latter accords best with the series of events. 1287 would seem manifestly impossible, as Philippe was crowned January 6, 1286, at the age of seventeen, and would scarcely, in fifteen months, venture on such a step so defiant of all that was held sacred; nor would Nicholas IV. in 1290 have praised his zeal in furthering the Inquisition (Ripoll II. 29), while 1297 seems incompatible with his subsequent action on the subject. In 1292 Philippe prohibited the capitouls of Toulouse from employing torture on clerks subject to the jurisdiction of the bishop, a prohibition which had to be repeated in 1307.--Baudouin, Lettres inédites de Philippe le Bel, pp. 16, 73.

[68]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 251).--Chron. Bardin ann. 1293 (Vaissette IV. Pr. 9).

[68]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 251).--Chron. Bardin ann. 1293 (Vaissette IV. Pr. 9).

[69]In 1278 the inquisitors of France applied to Nicholas III. for instructions, stating that some time previous, during a popular persecution of the Jews, many of them through fear, though not absolutely coerced, had received baptism and allowed their children to be baptized. With the passing of the storm they had returned to their Jewish blindness, whereupon the inquisitors had cast them in prison. They were duly excommunicated, but neither this nor the “squalor carceris” had been of avail, and they had thus remained for more than a year. The nonplussed inquisitors thereupon submitted to the Holy See the question as to further proceedings, and Nicholas ordered them to treat such Jews as heretics--that is to say, to burn them for continued obstinacy.--Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXVII. 191).

[69]In 1278 the inquisitors of France applied to Nicholas III. for instructions, stating that some time previous, during a popular persecution of the Jews, many of them through fear, though not absolutely coerced, had received baptism and allowed their children to be baptized. With the passing of the storm they had returned to their Jewish blindness, whereupon the inquisitors had cast them in prison. They were duly excommunicated, but neither this nor the “squalor carceris” had been of avail, and they had thus remained for more than a year. The nonplussed inquisitors thereupon submitted to the Holy See the question as to further proceedings, and Nicholas ordered them to treat such Jews as heretics--that is to say, to burn them for continued obstinacy.--Archives de l’Inq. de Carcassonne (Doat, XXXVII. 191).

[70]Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 151, 155, 159.--Archivio di Napoli, Registro 20, Lett. B, fol. 91.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 227-8.--Wadding, ann. 1290, No. 5, 6.--C. 13, SextoV. 2--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 127; XXXVII. 193, 206, 209, 242, 255, 258.--Wadding, ann. 1359, No. 1-3.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 230. In 1288 Philippe had already ordered the Seneschal of Carcassonne to protect the Jews from the citations and other vexations inflicted on them by the ecclesiastical courts (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. Pr. 232). Yet in 1306 he had all the Jews of the kingdom seized and exiled, and forbidden to return under pain of death (Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306).

[70]Mag. Bull. Roman. I. 151, 155, 159.--Archivio di Napoli, Registro 20, Lett. B, fol. 91.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 14930, fol. 227-8.--Wadding, ann. 1290, No. 5, 6.--C. 13, SextoV. 2--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 127; XXXVII. 193, 206, 209, 242, 255, 258.--Wadding, ann. 1359, No. 1-3.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. p. 230. In 1288 Philippe had already ordered the Seneschal of Carcassonne to protect the Jews from the citations and other vexations inflicted on them by the ecclesiastical courts (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. Pr. 232). Yet in 1306 he had all the Jews of the kingdom seized and exiled, and forbidden to return under pain of death (Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1306).

[71]Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 254, 267, 268, 269).--Vaisette, IV. Pr. 99.

[71]Regist. Curiæ Franciæ de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 254, 267, 268, 269).--Vaisette, IV. Pr. 99.

[72]Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, etc. Pr. 14, 15, 23, 24.--D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Error. I.I. 125.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 99.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 264).--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 2140.

[72]Du Puy, Histoire du Differend, etc. Pr. 14, 15, 23, 24.--D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Error. I.I. 125.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 99.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 264).--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 2140.

[73]Du Puy, op. cit. Pr. 39, 41, 42, 44.--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1822-3, No. 1829, No. 1830-1, No. 1930.--C. 18 Sexto v. 2.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. II. 718.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 347.--Archives de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXII. 275).

[73]Du Puy, op. cit. Pr. 39, 41, 42, 44.--Faucon, Registres de Boniface VIII. No. 1822-3, No. 1829, No. 1830-1, No. 1930.--C. 18 Sexto v. 2.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. II. 718.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 347.--Archives de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXII. 275).

[74]C. Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 92.--A. Molinier(Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 307). The character and power of the bishops of Albi are illustrated in a successor of Bernard de Castanet, Bishop Géraud, who in 1312, to settle a quarrel with the Seigneur de Puygozon, raised an army of five thousand men with which he attacked the royal Château Vieux d’Albi, and committed much devastation.--Vaissette, IV. 160.

[74]C. Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France, p. 92.--A. Molinier(Vaissette, Éd. Privat, IX. 307). The character and power of the bishops of Albi are illustrated in a successor of Bernard de Castanet, Bishop Géraud, who in 1312, to settle a quarrel with the Seigneur de Puygozon, raised an army of five thousand men with which he attacked the royal Château Vieux d’Albi, and committed much devastation.--Vaissette, IV. 160.

[75]Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Coll. Ampl. VI. 477-8).--Ejusd. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 94).

[75]Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Coll. Ampl. VI. 477-8).--Ejusd. Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 94).

[76]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 18, 119-23, 129, 135-6, 292.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 283).--Vaissette, IV. 91; Pr. 100-2.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 282-5.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 21.

[76]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 18, 119-23, 129, 135-6, 292.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 283).--Vaissette, IV. 91; Pr. 100-2.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 282-5.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 21.

[77]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1299, c. 3 (Vaissette, IV. 96).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 264, 270.--Archives de l’Evêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXV. 69).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolos. p. 266.

[77]Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1299, c. 3 (Vaissette, IV. 96).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 264, 270.--Archives de l’Evêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXV. 69).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolos. p. 266.

[78]Du Puy, Hist. du Differend, Pr. 633 sqq. 653-4.--Martene Thesaur. I. 1320-36.

[78]Du Puy, Hist. du Differend, Pr. 633 sqq. 653-4.--Martene Thesaur. I. 1320-36.

[79]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 125-8, 139.

[79]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 125-8, 139.

[80]In a series of confessions extracted from Master Arnaud Matha, a clerk of Carcassonne, in 1285, there are two, of October 4 and 10, in which he describes all the details of the heretication of Castel Fabri on his death-bed, in 1278 (Doat, XXVI. 258-60). While these cannot be positively said to be interpolations, they have the appearance of being so, and it may safely be assumed as impossible that such a matter would have been allowed to lie dormant for fifteen years with so rich a prize within reach. The case is doubtless one of the forged records which, as we have seen, were popularly believed to be customary in the Inquisition.

[80]In a series of confessions extracted from Master Arnaud Matha, a clerk of Carcassonne, in 1285, there are two, of October 4 and 10, in which he describes all the details of the heretication of Castel Fabri on his death-bed, in 1278 (Doat, XXVI. 258-60). While these cannot be positively said to be interpolations, they have the appearance of being so, and it may safely be assumed as impossible that such a matter would have been allowed to lie dormant for fifteen years with so rich a prize within reach. The case is doubtless one of the forged records which, as we have seen, were popularly believed to be customary in the Inquisition.

[81]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 14-16, 29-30, 35, 120, 148.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 178; XXXIV. 123, 189. As late as 1338 the confiscated house of Castel Fabri at Carcassonne was the subject of a reclamation by Pierre de Manse who claimed that Philippe le Bel had given it to his queen, through whom it had come to him. The royal officials asserted that the gift had only been for life, and had seized it again, but Philippe de Valois abandoned it to the claimant.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat. X. Pr. 831-3.

[81]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 14-16, 29-30, 35, 120, 148.--Coll. Doat, XXVII. 178; XXXIV. 123, 189. As late as 1338 the confiscated house of Castel Fabri at Carcassonne was the subject of a reclamation by Pierre de Manse who claimed that Philippe le Bel had given it to his queen, through whom it had come to him. The royal officials asserted that the gift had only been for life, and had seized it again, but Philippe de Valois abandoned it to the claimant.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat. X. Pr. 831-3.

[82]Historia Tribulationum (Archiv für Litteratur. u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 148).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 231.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 268.

[82]Historia Tribulationum (Archiv für Litteratur. u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 148).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 231.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. 268.

[83]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 9, 19, 22, 24, 26, 32, 40, 63, 70, 73, 81, 82, 84, 119, 128, 149, 155, 163.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Albiens. (D. Bouquet, XXI. 748).--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26.

[83]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 9, 19, 22, 24, 26, 32, 40, 63, 70, 73, 81, 82, 84, 119, 128, 149, 155, 163.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Albiens. (D. Bouquet, XXI. 748).--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26.

[84]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 163.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1303.--Grandes Chroniques, T. V. pp. 156-7.--Girard de Fracheto Chron. contin. ann. 1203 (D. Bouq. XXI. 23).--Vaissette, IV. 112.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 514). When, long years afterwards, in 1319, Bernard Délicieux was carried from Avignon to Toulouse for the trial which led to his death, one of the convoy, a notary named Arnaud de Nogaret, chanced to allude to a report that Pequigny had been bribed with one thousand livres to oppose the Inquisition. Then the old man’s temper flashed forth in defence of his departed friend--“Thou liest in the throat: the Vidame was an honest man!”--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 263.

[84]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 163.--Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1303.--Grandes Chroniques, T. V. pp. 156-7.--Girard de Fracheto Chron. contin. ann. 1203 (D. Bouq. XXI. 23).--Vaissette, IV. 112.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. V. 514). When, long years afterwards, in 1319, Bernard Délicieux was carried from Avignon to Toulouse for the trial which led to his death, one of the convoy, a notary named Arnaud de Nogaret, chanced to allude to a report that Pequigny had been bribed with one thousand livres to oppose the Inquisition. Then the old man’s temper flashed forth in defence of his departed friend--“Thou liest in the throat: the Vidame was an honest man!”--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 263.

[85]Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVII. 7).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270. fol. 6, 7, 11, 42, 45, 48, 71, 161, 270.--Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat. XXXIV. 169).--Vaissette, IV. 143.

[85]Bern. Guidon. Hist. Fund. Conv. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXVII. 7).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270. fol. 6, 7, 11, 42, 45, 48, 71, 161, 270.--Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat. XXXIV. 169).--Vaissette, IV. 143.

[86]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 149.

[86]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 149.

[87]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 121, 125, 132, 150, 159, 165.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-20.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510).--Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).

[87]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 121, 125, 132, 150, 159, 165.--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-20.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510).--Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).

[88]Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-21.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No, 4270, fol. 69.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. II. 747, 789.

[88]Vaissette, IV. Pr. 118-21.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No, 4270, fol. 69.--Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. II. 747, 789.

[89]Arch, de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 70, 134, 151.--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 207-72; XXXIV. 189.

[89]Arch, de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 169).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 16, 70, 134, 151.--Coll. Doat, XXXIII. 207-72; XXXIV. 189.

[90]Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 409.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 165.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conr. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).

[90]Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 409.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 165.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conr. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).

[91]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 8, 17, 19, 20, 32, 44, 49, 58, 156, 162, 229.--Pequigny is also said to have arrested some of the friars connected with the Inquisition (La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 34), but I think this impossible.

[91]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 8, 17, 19, 20, 32, 44, 49, 58, 156, 162, 229.--Pequigny is also said to have arrested some of the friars connected with the Inquisition (La Faille, Annales de Toulouse I. 34), but I think this impossible.

[92]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 27, 272.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 114).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 128.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26. The Dominican party declared that the statements purporting to come from the prisoners were fraudulent, and Bernard Gui relates with savage satisfaction that a monk named Raymond Baudier, who was concerned in getting them up, hanged himself like Judas (l. c. p. 514).

[92]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 27, 272.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 114).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 511).--Vaissette, IV. Pr. 128.--Coll. Doat, XXXIV. 26. The Dominican party declared that the statements purporting to come from the prisoners were fraudulent, and Bernard Gui relates with savage satisfaction that a monk named Raymond Baudier, who was concerned in getting them up, hanged himself like Judas (l. c. p. 514).

[93]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 63, 153-55, 272-3.--Hauréau, Bern. Délicieux pp. 187, 190.

[93]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 63, 153-55, 272-3.--Hauréau, Bern. Délicieux pp. 187, 190.

[94]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 10; XXXII. 114).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 88, 109, 122.

[94]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 10; XXXII. 114).--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 510-11).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 88, 109, 122.

[95]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIV. 14).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 23, 25, 31, 86, 132, 137, 140-1, 152, 153.

[95]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIV. 14).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 23, 25, 31, 86, 132, 137, 140-1, 152, 153.

[96]Grandjean, Registres de Benoit XI. No. 1253-60, 1276.--MSS, Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 21, 73, 74, 158, 162, 278.--Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France pp. 126-7.--Geoffroi d’Ablis had sufficient influence with the king to persuade him to found the Dominican convent of Poissy.

[96]Grandjean, Registres de Benoit XI. No. 1253-60, 1276.--MSS, Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 21, 73, 74, 158, 162, 278.--Molinier, L’Inq. dans le midi de la France pp. 126-7.--Geoffroi d’Ablis had sufficient influence with the king to persuade him to found the Dominican convent of Poissy.

[97]Vaissette, IV. Pr. 130-1.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 139.

[97]Vaissette, IV. Pr. 130-1.--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 139.

[98]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 26, 74-8, 88-9, 98, 103-8, 198, 200-3, 226, 233, 265, 279.--Mascaro, Memorias de Bezes, ann. 1336, 1389. For the tenure of Montpellier by the Kings of Majorca, see Vaissette, IV. 38, 42, 77-8, 151, 235-6. It was not until 1349 that Philippe de Valois bought out the rights of Jayme II., and in 1352 his son Jean was obliged to extinguish the claims still asserted by Pedro IV. of Aragon (Ib. 247, 268, Pr. 219). Bernard’s attention was probably drawn to the House of Majorca by its strong adhesion to the Franciscan Order. Ferrand’s older brother died in 1304, in the Franciscan habit, under the name of Fray Jayme. Another brother, Felipe, became a “Spiritual Franciscan,” as we shall see hereafter.

[98]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 26, 74-8, 88-9, 98, 103-8, 198, 200-3, 226, 233, 265, 279.--Mascaro, Memorias de Bezes, ann. 1336, 1389. For the tenure of Montpellier by the Kings of Majorca, see Vaissette, IV. 38, 42, 77-8, 151, 235-6. It was not until 1349 that Philippe de Valois bought out the rights of Jayme II., and in 1352 his son Jean was obliged to extinguish the claims still asserted by Pedro IV. of Aragon (Ib. 247, 268, Pr. 219). Bernard’s attention was probably drawn to the House of Majorca by its strong adhesion to the Franciscan Order. Ferrand’s older brother died in 1304, in the Franciscan habit, under the name of Fray Jayme. Another brother, Felipe, became a “Spiritual Franciscan,” as we shall see hereafter.

[99]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 78-80, 90-1, 196, 247, 252-3, 257-9.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 479-80).--Vaissette, IV. 129-30.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 461.--Bernard Gui’s allusion refers to the insults offered to the Dominicans during the troubles of Carcassonne, when those who ventured into the streets were followed with cries of “Coac, Coac!” “ad modum corvi”--MS. No. 4270, fol. 281.

[99]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 78-80, 90-1, 196, 247, 252-3, 257-9.--Bern. Guidon. Hist. Conv. Prædic. (Martene Ampl. Coll. VI. 479-80).--Vaissette, IV. 129-30.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 461.--Bernard Gui’s allusion refers to the insults offered to the Dominicans during the troubles of Carcassonne, when those who ventured into the streets were followed with cries of “Coac, Coac!” “ad modum corvi”--MS. No. 4270, fol. 281.

[100]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 42).--Arch, de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXII. 81).

[100]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 42).--Arch, de l’Évêché d’Albi (Doat, XXXII. 81).

[101]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 10-11, 84, 128, 160-7.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 83). Geoffroi’s stay at Lyons was prolonged. November 29, we find him issuing commissions to those appointed by his deputies (Doat, XXXII. 85). Jean de Faugoux had been connected with the Inquisition for at least twenty years (Doat, XXXII. 125).

[101]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, 4270, fol. 10-11, 84, 128, 160-7.--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXII. 83). Geoffroi’s stay at Lyons was prolonged. November 29, we find him issuing commissions to those appointed by his deputies (Doat, XXXII. 85). Jean de Faugoux had been connected with the Inquisition for at least twenty years (Doat, XXXII. 125).

[102]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 254.--Arch, de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIII. 48).

[102]MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 254.--Arch, de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIII. 48).

[103]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIV. 89, 112).--Bern. Guidon Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 95-6.)--Ripoll II. 112. I designed printing in the Appendix the Gravamina of Bernard Gui and the report of the Cardinals. M. Charles Molinier, however, I understand, is engaged on an edition of these documents, to be accompanied with a complete apparatus, which will render any other publication superfluous.

[103]Arch. de l’hôtel-de-ville d’Albi (Doat, XXXIV. 45).--Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXIV. 89, 112).--Bern. Guidon Gravam. (Doat, XXX. 95-6.)--Ripoll II. 112. I designed printing in the Appendix the Gravamina of Bernard Gui and the report of the Cardinals. M. Charles Molinier, however, I understand, is engaged on an edition of these documents, to be accompanied with a complete apparatus, which will render any other publication superfluous.

[104]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 74; XXXIV. 89).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 228, 266-7, 282-5.--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 309, 316.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 526.

[104]Arch. de l’Inq. de Carc. (Doat, XXXI. 74; XXXIV. 89).--MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 11847.--Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 228, 266-7, 282-5.--Coll. Doat, XXXII. 309, 316.--Vaissette, Éd. Privat, X. Pr. 526.


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