[45]Castanheda and Goes state that Nicolau Coelho was sent to take the soundings. It is, however, much more probable that this duty was intrusted to Pero d’Alenquer, who had already doubled the Cape with Bartholomew Dias, and had touched at several points in its vicinity.—Kopke.I cannot see how his having been with Dias can have conferred any very special qualification for taking soundings in a bay which Pero d’Alenquer had never seen before. On subsequent occasions Coelho seems to have been employed repeatedly upon this duty.
[45]Castanheda and Goes state that Nicolau Coelho was sent to take the soundings. It is, however, much more probable that this duty was intrusted to Pero d’Alenquer, who had already doubled the Cape with Bartholomew Dias, and had touched at several points in its vicinity.—Kopke.
I cannot see how his having been with Dias can have conferred any very special qualification for taking soundings in a bay which Pero d’Alenquer had never seen before. On subsequent occasions Coelho seems to have been employed repeatedly upon this duty.
[46]Baço, a vague term, meaning also brown or blackish.
[46]Baço, a vague term, meaning also brown or blackish.
[47]Castanheda, in his first edition (1551), adopted this statement, but subsequently suppressed it. D. Jeronymo Osorio, Bishop of Silves, inDe rebus Emanuelsis, has “pudenta ligneis vaginis includunt.—Kopke.The use of such a sheath is universal among the Bantu tribes of Southern Africa, but seems now to be more honoured in the breach than the observance among the Hottentots, here spoken of. John of Empoli, who went to India with Afonso de Albuquerque (Ramusio, i), observed such a sheath made of leather with the hair on, among the Hottentots of the Bay of S. Blas. Leguat (Hakluyt Society’s edition, 1891, p. 288) found it still in use in 1698.
[47]Castanheda, in his first edition (1551), adopted this statement, but subsequently suppressed it. D. Jeronymo Osorio, Bishop of Silves, inDe rebus Emanuelsis, has “pudenta ligneis vaginis includunt.—Kopke.
The use of such a sheath is universal among the Bantu tribes of Southern Africa, but seems now to be more honoured in the breach than the observance among the Hottentots, here spoken of. John of Empoli, who went to India with Afonso de Albuquerque (Ramusio, i), observed such a sheath made of leather with the hair on, among the Hottentots of the Bay of S. Blas. Leguat (Hakluyt Society’s edition, 1891, p. 288) found it still in use in 1698.
[48]The shafts of their assegais are made of assegai- or lance-wood (Curtisea faginda) and not of olive-wood, and even in John of Empoli’s time had iron blades. Their spears for spearing fish, on the other hand, are tipped with the straight horn of the gemsbuck.
[48]The shafts of their assegais are made of assegai- or lance-wood (Curtisea faginda) and not of olive-wood, and even in John of Empoli’s time had iron blades. Their spears for spearing fish, on the other hand, are tipped with the straight horn of the gemsbuck.
[49]We learn from Barros that Vasco da Gama landed for the purpose of observing the latitude. The captive was handed over to two ship’s boys, one of whom was a negro, with orders to treat him well.
[49]We learn from Barros that Vasco da Gama landed for the purpose of observing the latitude. The captive was handed over to two ship’s boys, one of whom was a negro, with orders to treat him well.
[50]Çeitil, a copper coin, worth about one-third of a farthing.
[50]Çeitil, a copper coin, worth about one-third of a farthing.
[51]We gather from Barros and Goes that Fernão Velloso was granted the desired permission at the intercession of Paulo da Gama. When Vasco da Gama returned to his vessel, Coelho and some of the crew were left behind, collecting wood and lobsters. Paulo amused himself by harpooning a whale, which nearly cost him dearly, for the whale dived, and would have capsized the boat had not the water been shallow. In the afternoon, when Coelho and his people were returning to the vessels, Velloso was observed to run down a hill. Vasco da Gama, ever observant, saw this from his ship, and at once ordered Coelho back, entering himself a boat to join him. Some delay or misunderstanding occurred, the “negroes” threw stones and discharged arrows, and several men were wounded, including the captain-major and Gonçalo Alvarez. For further particulars see Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 46.
[51]We gather from Barros and Goes that Fernão Velloso was granted the desired permission at the intercession of Paulo da Gama. When Vasco da Gama returned to his vessel, Coelho and some of the crew were left behind, collecting wood and lobsters. Paulo amused himself by harpooning a whale, which nearly cost him dearly, for the whale dived, and would have capsized the boat had not the water been shallow. In the afternoon, when Coelho and his people were returning to the vessels, Velloso was observed to run down a hill. Vasco da Gama, ever observant, saw this from his ship, and at once ordered Coelho back, entering himself a boat to join him. Some delay or misunderstanding occurred, the “negroes” threw stones and discharged arrows, and several men were wounded, including the captain-major and Gonçalo Alvarez. For further particulars see Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 46.
[52]The distance is 33 leagues.
[52]The distance is 33 leagues.
[53]Castanheda says that the Cape was doubled on “Wednesday, November 20”, but Wednesday was the 22nd. Barros says “Tuesday, 20th”, but Tuesday was the 21st. Compare Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 48.
[53]Castanheda says that the Cape was doubled on “Wednesday, November 20”, but Wednesday was the 22nd. Barros says “Tuesday, 20th”, but Tuesday was the 21st. Compare Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 48.
[54]The actual dimensions of False Bay are about 5 by 5 leagues. The bay is called “Golfo dento. delle Serre” on the map of Henricus Martellus Germanus, 1489, which illustrates the voyage of B. Dias (Add. MS. 15760, Brit. Mus.).
[54]The actual dimensions of False Bay are about 5 by 5 leagues. The bay is called “Golfo dento. delle Serre” on the map of Henricus Martellus Germanus, 1489, which illustrates the voyage of B. Dias (Add. MS. 15760, Brit. Mus.).
[55]This is without the shadow of a doubt Mossel Bay (see plan on map II). It is also most probably the Bahia de los Vaqueiros of B. Dias, who certainly was here [see below]. Barros refers to it as beingnowcalled S. Braz. Its original name had thus been abandoned in favour of that bestowed by Vasco da Gama.
[55]This is without the shadow of a doubt Mossel Bay (see plan on map II). It is also most probably the Bahia de los Vaqueiros of B. Dias, who certainly was here [see below]. Barros refers to it as beingnowcalled S. Braz. Its original name had thus been abandoned in favour of that bestowed by Vasco da Gama.
[56]The thirteen days are counted from November 25 to December 7, both these days being counted. According to Castanheda (I, p. 12), the store-ship was burnt.
[56]The thirteen days are counted from November 25 to December 7, both these days being counted. According to Castanheda (I, p. 12), the store-ship was burnt.
[57]See note 4, p. 9.
[57]See note 4, p. 9.
[58]The distance by sea is over 90 leagues, that by land 64. “By sea” is probably a slip of the pen.
[58]The distance by sea is over 90 leagues, that by land 64. “By sea” is probably a slip of the pen.
[59]The “gora” is the great musical instrument of the Hottentots. It is not a flute or reed-pipe.
[59]The “gora” is the great musical instrument of the Hottentots. It is not a flute or reed-pipe.
[60]This island is still known as “Seal” Island, although its former visitors no longer make their appearance. The islet lies about half a mile from the land, is only 250 ft. in length and 15 ft. high.
[60]This island is still known as “Seal” Island, although its former visitors no longer make their appearance. The islet lies about half a mile from the land, is only 250 ft. in length and 15 ft. high.
[61]Usually calledSotilicairesby Portuguese writers. They are clearly Cape Penguins.—Kopke(abridged).
[61]Usually calledSotilicairesby Portuguese writers. They are clearly Cape Penguins.—Kopke(abridged).
[62]The word used by the author is “padrão”, that is, a stone pillar bearing the arms of Portugal and an inscription, such as King John first ordered to be set up by his explorers. None of the “pillars” set up by Vasco da Gama has been recovered, for the “pillar” near Malindi is clearly of later date (see p.90).
[62]The word used by the author is “padrão”, that is, a stone pillar bearing the arms of Portugal and an inscription, such as King John first ordered to be set up by his explorers. None of the “pillars” set up by Vasco da Gama has been recovered, for the “pillar” near Malindi is clearly of later date (see p.90).
[63]This paragraph is of the greatest importance with reference to the voyage of B. Dias, for Pero d’Alenquer, one of his companions, is the real authority for these statements. The usual statement that this pillar was erected on the Ilha da Cruz must henceforth be rejected, as had already been done in 1575, when M. de Mesquita Perestrello made a survey of this coast (see his Report in Pimental’sRoteiro da Navegação da India Oriental).The distances given by the author are remarkably correct. From the Cape of Good Hope to Mossel Bay (São Braz) is 60 leagues, as stated by him. Thence to Santa Cruz is 56 leagues; from Santa Cruz to the Rio de Infante is 21 leagues.Santa Cruzis the largest of a group of islands in the western part of Algoa Bay. It is 4 cables in length, rises to a height of 195 ft., and is nearly all bare rock.There are no springs.TheIlhéos chãosare readily identified with a cluster of low rocky islets about 7 leagues to the east. The Cape Padrone of the charts marks the site of the last pillar erected by Dias, and 5 leagues beyond it rises “Ship Rock,” in the locality where Perestrello claims to have discovered thePenedo das Fontesof Barros and other writers. Perestrello had, no doubt, in his possession original documents (now lost) which enabled him to identify the localities named by the early explorers. His substantial agreement with the author of thisRoteirois most satisfactory.
[63]This paragraph is of the greatest importance with reference to the voyage of B. Dias, for Pero d’Alenquer, one of his companions, is the real authority for these statements. The usual statement that this pillar was erected on the Ilha da Cruz must henceforth be rejected, as had already been done in 1575, when M. de Mesquita Perestrello made a survey of this coast (see his Report in Pimental’sRoteiro da Navegação da India Oriental).
The distances given by the author are remarkably correct. From the Cape of Good Hope to Mossel Bay (São Braz) is 60 leagues, as stated by him. Thence to Santa Cruz is 56 leagues; from Santa Cruz to the Rio de Infante is 21 leagues.
Santa Cruzis the largest of a group of islands in the western part of Algoa Bay. It is 4 cables in length, rises to a height of 195 ft., and is nearly all bare rock.There are no springs.TheIlhéos chãosare readily identified with a cluster of low rocky islets about 7 leagues to the east. The Cape Padrone of the charts marks the site of the last pillar erected by Dias, and 5 leagues beyond it rises “Ship Rock,” in the locality where Perestrello claims to have discovered thePenedo das Fontesof Barros and other writers. Perestrello had, no doubt, in his possession original documents (now lost) which enabled him to identify the localities named by the early explorers. His substantial agreement with the author of thisRoteirois most satisfactory.
[64]That is the Rio do Infante, now known as the Great Fish river.
[64]That is the Rio do Infante, now known as the Great Fish river.
[65]The Agulhas current hereabouts runs at the rate of 1 to 4 knots an hour to the westward.
[65]The Agulhas current hereabouts runs at the rate of 1 to 4 knots an hour to the westward.
[66]On Canerio’s map there is a Ponta da Pescaria, to the north of Port Natal.
[66]On Canerio’s map there is a Ponta da Pescaria, to the north of Port Natal.
[67]Equivalent to three-fourths of a pint.
[67]Equivalent to three-fourths of a pint.
[68]The MS. says January 10th, but Thursday was the 11th.
[68]The MS. says January 10th, but Thursday was the 11th.
[69]Hence called “Terra dos Fumos”, or, more correctly, “Mfumos” the “land of petty chiefs”. Dr. Hamy’s chart of 1502 has the name; Canerio has a “terra thrimias”, an exceptionally unrecognisable corruption of it; whilst on Ribero’s map (1529) we find the name, although in a slightly corrupted form (humos). The appellation has nothing to do with either “smoke” (fumo), or “moisture” (humor).
[69]Hence called “Terra dos Fumos”, or, more correctly, “Mfumos” the “land of petty chiefs”. Dr. Hamy’s chart of 1502 has the name; Canerio has a “terra thrimias”, an exceptionally unrecognisable corruption of it; whilst on Ribero’s map (1529) we find the name, although in a slightly corrupted form (humos). The appellation has nothing to do with either “smoke” (fumo), or “moisture” (humor).
[70]Barros (Dec. I, l. 4, c. 4) tells us that Vasco da Gama entered the Rio dos Reis, by others called Rio do Cobre, on Twelfth Night (January 6). Goes, on the other hand, confirms the author of theRoteiro, and there cannot be a doubt that Barros is mistaken. The Rio dos Reis is, indeed, one of the rivers which enters the bay subsequently called after Lourenço Marques, but discovered, either in 1501 by Sancho de Toar, one of the captains of Cabral’s fleet, or in the following year by Antonio de Campo.Dr. Hamy’s Chart has “R. do reys”, Canerio’s “G. de lom raios” (evidently a corrupt rendering of “Golfo dos or delos Reis”, which thus seems to have been the earliest name bestowed upon what is now known as Delagoa Bay). The “agoada de bon passa” of Dr. Hamy’s Chart, and the “Rio d’aguada” of Canerio, between this bay and Cabo das Correntes, is clearly the locality referred to by the author. Ribero (1529) has a “Rio de la laguna,” a “rio de los reyes”, and further east, an “aguada de buena paz”. M. de Mesquita Perestrello (1575) places the “Aguada da boa Paz” 15 leagues to the east of “Rio do Ouro” (the Limpopo), and 43 leagues to the west of Cabo das Correntes. This position corresponds to that of the Zavora River of Admiralty Chart No. 648, in 34° 25´ E. It was here that Vasco da Gama cast anchor. The reference to the “swell of the sea” quite precludes the notion that he entered the well-sheltered Delagoa Bay.M. Kopke (in a note,Roteiro, p. 147) would place the “Aguada da Boa Gente” between the Lagoa River and the Limpopo (Inhambane), in 32° 23´ E., and says that this locality is still generally known as “Aguada da Boa Paz”, but I can find no confirmation of this. Moreover, if this be the “Aguada”, where, on this barren coast, are we to look for the “Rio do Cobre”? (Compare Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 66). See Map III.
[70]Barros (Dec. I, l. 4, c. 4) tells us that Vasco da Gama entered the Rio dos Reis, by others called Rio do Cobre, on Twelfth Night (January 6). Goes, on the other hand, confirms the author of theRoteiro, and there cannot be a doubt that Barros is mistaken. The Rio dos Reis is, indeed, one of the rivers which enters the bay subsequently called after Lourenço Marques, but discovered, either in 1501 by Sancho de Toar, one of the captains of Cabral’s fleet, or in the following year by Antonio de Campo.
Dr. Hamy’s Chart has “R. do reys”, Canerio’s “G. de lom raios” (evidently a corrupt rendering of “Golfo dos or delos Reis”, which thus seems to have been the earliest name bestowed upon what is now known as Delagoa Bay). The “agoada de bon passa” of Dr. Hamy’s Chart, and the “Rio d’aguada” of Canerio, between this bay and Cabo das Correntes, is clearly the locality referred to by the author. Ribero (1529) has a “Rio de la laguna,” a “rio de los reyes”, and further east, an “aguada de buena paz”. M. de Mesquita Perestrello (1575) places the “Aguada da boa Paz” 15 leagues to the east of “Rio do Ouro” (the Limpopo), and 43 leagues to the west of Cabo das Correntes. This position corresponds to that of the Zavora River of Admiralty Chart No. 648, in 34° 25´ E. It was here that Vasco da Gama cast anchor. The reference to the “swell of the sea” quite precludes the notion that he entered the well-sheltered Delagoa Bay.
M. Kopke (in a note,Roteiro, p. 147) would place the “Aguada da Boa Gente” between the Lagoa River and the Limpopo (Inhambane), in 32° 23´ E., and says that this locality is still generally known as “Aguada da Boa Paz”, but I can find no confirmation of this. Moreover, if this be the “Aguada”, where, on this barren coast, are we to look for the “Rio do Cobre”? (Compare Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 66). See Map III.
[71]João dos Santos (Ethiopia Oriental, I. 2, c. 20) already identified this river with the Kiliman River. Dr. Hamy’s Chart calls it “Rio de bon Signals”, an evident corruption. Barros and Goes both call it ”Rio dos Bons Signals”, whilst Correa refers to it as Rio da Misericordia, the river of Mercy (see Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 11). Comp. Map III.
[71]João dos Santos (Ethiopia Oriental, I. 2, c. 20) already identified this river with the Kiliman River. Dr. Hamy’s Chart calls it “Rio de bon Signals”, an evident corruption. Barros and Goes both call it ”Rio dos Bons Signals”, whilst Correa refers to it as Rio da Misericordia, the river of Mercy (see Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 11). Comp. Map III.
[72]A very involved sentence! Gama arrived off the bar of the Kiliman on January 24, cast anchor, and sent the smallest of his vessels, theBerrio, within, to take soundings. On the day after, the 25th, he crossed the bar with the two other vessels.
[72]A very involved sentence! Gama arrived off the bar of the Kiliman on January 24, cast anchor, and sent the smallest of his vessels, theBerrio, within, to take soundings. On the day after, the 25th, he crossed the bar with the two other vessels.
[73]Almadia, a “dug-out”, properly El Maziyah, ferry-boat (Burton’sCamoens, iv, p. 577.)
[73]Almadia, a “dug-out”, properly El Maziyah, ferry-boat (Burton’sCamoens, iv, p. 577.)
[74]Burton (Commentary, p. 408), points out that the “touca” is not a turban, but a kind of cap. Its shape, however, was not that of the “toque” of our milliners.
[74]Burton (Commentary, p. 408), points out that the “touca” is not a turban, but a kind of cap. Its shape, however, was not that of the “toque” of our milliners.
[75]From January 24 to February 24, both days included, is thirty-two days.
[75]From January 24 to February 24, both days included, is thirty-two days.
[76]Barros says they were beached for that purpose.
[76]Barros says they were beached for that purpose.
[77]This disease was evidently scurvy, so fatal to our early navigators. Castanheda (I. c. 4) tells us that in this time of trouble Paulo da Gama visited the sick night and day, condoled with them, and freely distributed the medicines which he had brought for his own use.
[77]This disease was evidently scurvy, so fatal to our early navigators. Castanheda (I. c. 4) tells us that in this time of trouble Paulo da Gama visited the sick night and day, condoled with them, and freely distributed the medicines which he had brought for his own use.
[78]The Padrão de São Raphael is distinctly marked and named on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. No trace of it has ever been discovered.
[78]The Padrão de São Raphael is distinctly marked and named on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. No trace of it has ever been discovered.
[79]These are the “Insule primeras” (i.e., Ilhas primeiras) of Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. They are five in number, and form a chain less than 5 leagues in length. The three southern islands (Silva, do Fogo, and Crown) form a separate group, and are bare, whilst the two northern islands (Casuarina and Epidendron) have trees. Gama, apparently, missed the two southernmost islands.
[79]These are the “Insule primeras” (i.e., Ilhas primeiras) of Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s Charts. They are five in number, and form a chain less than 5 leagues in length. The three southern islands (Silva, do Fogo, and Crown) form a separate group, and are bare, whilst the two northern islands (Casuarina and Epidendron) have trees. Gama, apparently, missed the two southernmost islands.
[80]These six days are reckoned from February 24 to March 1.Correa (Stanley’sVasco da Gama, pp. 76-84) says that on the voyage from the river of Mercy to Moçambique, Davane, a Moor, was taken out of a zambuk. Barros and Goes know nothing of this incident. Later on (p. 128) we are told that this Davane agreed to accompany the Portuguese as broker, and that he was finally discharged at Cananor with good testimonials (p. 235). He was nicknamed “tayyib”, which in Arabic means “good” (p. 132). See Appendix E.
[80]These six days are reckoned from February 24 to March 1.
Correa (Stanley’sVasco da Gama, pp. 76-84) says that on the voyage from the river of Mercy to Moçambique, Davane, a Moor, was taken out of a zambuk. Barros and Goes know nothing of this incident. Later on (p. 128) we are told that this Davane agreed to accompany the Portuguese as broker, and that he was finally discharged at Cananor with good testimonials (p. 235). He was nicknamed “tayyib”, which in Arabic means “good” (p. 132). See Appendix E.
[81]See plan on Map III. See also Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 80.
[81]See plan on Map III. See also Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 80.
[82]Arabic, el Nafir, a sort of straight Moorish trumpet or tuba.
[82]Arabic, el Nafir, a sort of straight Moorish trumpet or tuba.
[83]They took their visitors for “Turks”, or at all events for Mohammedans. All this changed after their true character had been discovered.
[83]They took their visitors for “Turks”, or at all events for Mohammedans. All this changed after their true character had been discovered.
[84]It appears from this that Vasco da Gama entered the port immediately on his arrival, and took up a position close to the town.
[84]It appears from this that Vasco da Gama entered the port immediately on his arrival, and took up a position close to the town.
[85]“Ruivo”, red, in the original. Castanheda, who made use of this Journal, substitutes baço, tawny, which is equally inapplicable.
[85]“Ruivo”, red, in the original. Castanheda, who made use of this Journal, substitutes baço, tawny, which is equally inapplicable.
[86]That is, Arabic. The “Moors” of the author are, in fact, either pure Arabs (white Moors) or Swahilis speaking Arabic.
[86]That is, Arabic. The “Moors” of the author are, in fact, either pure Arabs (white Moors) or Swahilis speaking Arabic.
[87]“Aljofar”, cf. Arabic jauhar, johar, a jewel or precious stone (Burton). Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls
[87]“Aljofar”, cf. Arabic jauhar, johar, a jewel or precious stone (Burton). Aljofar, in Portuguese, means seed-pearls
[88]Barros says that Fernão Martins was their interpreter.
[88]Barros says that Fernão Martins was their interpreter.
[89]The notions about the Christianity of India prevailing at that time in Portugal (and among the earlier navigators) will be referred to elsewhere. We may add that Vasco da Gama was instructed to find out a mighty sovereign, known as Prester John, said to be a Christian, but the situation of whose states was very uncertain.—Kopke.
[89]The notions about the Christianity of India prevailing at that time in Portugal (and among the earlier navigators) will be referred to elsewhere. We may add that Vasco da Gama was instructed to find out a mighty sovereign, known as Prester John, said to be a Christian, but the situation of whose states was very uncertain.—Kopke.
[90]On Prester John, see Zarncke (Abhd. K. Sächs. G. der Wiss., 1876 and 1879), and G. Uzielli (Boll. della Soc. Africana d’Italia, 1892, viii). Vasco da Gama had no doubt received special instructions to inquire for that Christian potentate. At one time he was looked for inland from Benin, but the information received from Pero de Covilhão, whom King John had despatched overland to India, in 1487, no less than that furnished by Lucas Marcos, an Abyssinian priest, who came to Lisbon soon after Covilhão’s departure, confirmed the Portuguese in the belief that the “Prester John” they were in quest of was the Emperor of Ethiopia, whose capital at that time was in Shoa. (See Covilhão’s narrative, as given byAlvarez, Hakluyt Soc., 1881.)
[90]On Prester John, see Zarncke (Abhd. K. Sächs. G. der Wiss., 1876 and 1879), and G. Uzielli (Boll. della Soc. Africana d’Italia, 1892, viii). Vasco da Gama had no doubt received special instructions to inquire for that Christian potentate. At one time he was looked for inland from Benin, but the information received from Pero de Covilhão, whom King John had despatched overland to India, in 1487, no less than that furnished by Lucas Marcos, an Abyssinian priest, who came to Lisbon soon after Covilhão’s departure, confirmed the Portuguese in the belief that the “Prester John” they were in quest of was the Emperor of Ethiopia, whose capital at that time was in Shoa. (See Covilhão’s narrative, as given byAlvarez, Hakluyt Soc., 1881.)
[91]Barros calls them Abyssinians from the country of Prester John, and says that when they saw the image of the saint which formed the figure-head of the St. Gabriel, they knelt down and worshipped. The Abyssinian Christians, whatever their shortcomings, do not worship images, as is the practice of the Roman Church. These captives, therefore, must have been Indians, as stated by our author.
[91]Barros calls them Abyssinians from the country of Prester John, and says that when they saw the image of the saint which formed the figure-head of the St. Gabriel, they knelt down and worshipped. The Abyssinian Christians, whatever their shortcomings, do not worship images, as is the practice of the Roman Church. These captives, therefore, must have been Indians, as stated by our author.
[92]Barros calls this sheikh Zacoeja (Shah Khwajah?).
[92]Barros calls this sheikh Zacoeja (Shah Khwajah?).
[93]Marlota, a short dress of silk or wool worn in Persia and India. (Moura,Vestig. da lingua Arab., sub “marlota.”)
[93]Marlota, a short dress of silk or wool worn in Persia and India. (Moura,Vestig. da lingua Arab., sub “marlota.”)
[94]A Mozambique matikal (miskal) weighs 4.41346 grammes (Antonio Nunes,O livro dos Pesos, 1554, p. 50, published at Lisbon, 1868), and its value in standard gold would consequently be about 12s.; elsewhere (p. 64) he makes this coin the equivalent of 467 reis, or about 11s.4d.(seeIndex, underCruzado).
[94]A Mozambique matikal (miskal) weighs 4.41346 grammes (Antonio Nunes,O livro dos Pesos, 1554, p. 50, published at Lisbon, 1868), and its value in standard gold would consequently be about 12s.; elsewhere (p. 64) he makes this coin the equivalent of 467 reis, or about 11s.4d.(seeIndex, underCruzado).
[95]The island of S. Jorge.
[95]The island of S. Jorge.
[96]Tavolochinha, in the original, is an obsolete word, which from its etymology seems to refer to a defensive armour presenting a broad surface (tavola). Castanheda, in relating this incident, substitutesescudo—shield—whilst Goes and Osorio speak ofadargasorparmae, that is, bucklers.—Kopke.
[96]Tavolochinha, in the original, is an obsolete word, which from its etymology seems to refer to a defensive armour presenting a broad surface (tavola). Castanheda, in relating this incident, substitutesescudo—shield—whilst Goes and Osorio speak ofadargasorparmae, that is, bucklers.—Kopke.
[97]Tamiça, lit. “spatry-cord”, popularly known as coir-rope. These “sewn boats” were already in use when thePeriplus of the Erythrean Seawas written, and the town of Rhapta (from [Greek: rhaptein],to sew) derived its name from them. (See McCrindle,The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythrean Sea, p. 71).
[97]Tamiça, lit. “spatry-cord”, popularly known as coir-rope. These “sewn boats” were already in use when thePeriplus of the Erythrean Seawas written, and the town of Rhapta (from [Greek: rhaptein],to sew) derived its name from them. (See McCrindle,The Commerce and Navigation of the Erythrean Sea, p. 71).
[98]“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew,From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”Camoens, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.
“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew,From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”Camoens, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.
“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew,From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”Camoens, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.
“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew,From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”Camoens, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.
“Mats were the wings wherewith they lightly flew,
From certain palm-fronds wove by cunning hand.”
Camoens, Canto I, st. 46.—Burton’s Translation.
[99]The “Genoese needle” is, of course, the mariner’s compass.—According to the “Mohit” of Admiral Sidi Ali ben Hosein (1554), published by Dr. Bittner and Dr. Tomascheck (Vienna, 1897), the pilots of the Indian Ocean determined relative latitudes by observing the altitudes of certain stars. The result was expressed, not in degrees as was done by the scientific astronomers of the day, but inisbasor “fingers”, each equivalent to 1° 42´ 50´´. The instrument which they used consisted of three staffs. Two of these were moveable on a hinge, and were directed respectively upon the horizon, and the star the altitude of which it was desired to determine. A third staff (or an octant) was fixed at the end of the horizon-staff, and upon it the angle observed could be read off. Vasco da Gama brought one of these instruments with him to Portugal, but the astronomer of Cabral’s expedition, who had been instructed to test its qualities, reported unfavourably (Alguns documentos, 1892, p. 122). Yet the results obtained by means of this instrument by the pilots of the Indian Ocean were very satisfactory, and the charts prepared by these very practical men were far more correct than the abortions produced by “scientific” Arab geographers. Parallels (at intervals of one-eighth of anisba) and meridians were marked upon these charts, and they were superior in this respect to the Portulani of the Mediterranean pilots. The meridians were probably drawn at intervals ofzams, which were equal to one-eighthisba, or three hours’ sail, or nearly thirteen of our sea-miles. It is quite possible, as suggested by Dr. Bittner, that these pilots also invented the cross-staff, forbalhestilho, the name by which this instrument became known in Portugal, is more likely to be derived from the Arabical-balista(altitude), than from the Latinballista. Compare also Barros (Dec. I, liv. 4, c. 6), where an allusion is made to the instrument employed by the pilot who joined Vasco da Gama at Malindi. Barros says that the instrument consisted of threetaboasor plates.
[99]The “Genoese needle” is, of course, the mariner’s compass.—According to the “Mohit” of Admiral Sidi Ali ben Hosein (1554), published by Dr. Bittner and Dr. Tomascheck (Vienna, 1897), the pilots of the Indian Ocean determined relative latitudes by observing the altitudes of certain stars. The result was expressed, not in degrees as was done by the scientific astronomers of the day, but inisbasor “fingers”, each equivalent to 1° 42´ 50´´. The instrument which they used consisted of three staffs. Two of these were moveable on a hinge, and were directed respectively upon the horizon, and the star the altitude of which it was desired to determine. A third staff (or an octant) was fixed at the end of the horizon-staff, and upon it the angle observed could be read off. Vasco da Gama brought one of these instruments with him to Portugal, but the astronomer of Cabral’s expedition, who had been instructed to test its qualities, reported unfavourably (Alguns documentos, 1892, p. 122). Yet the results obtained by means of this instrument by the pilots of the Indian Ocean were very satisfactory, and the charts prepared by these very practical men were far more correct than the abortions produced by “scientific” Arab geographers. Parallels (at intervals of one-eighth of anisba) and meridians were marked upon these charts, and they were superior in this respect to the Portulani of the Mediterranean pilots. The meridians were probably drawn at intervals ofzams, which were equal to one-eighthisba, or three hours’ sail, or nearly thirteen of our sea-miles. It is quite possible, as suggested by Dr. Bittner, that these pilots also invented the cross-staff, forbalhestilho, the name by which this instrument became known in Portugal, is more likely to be derived from the Arabical-balista(altitude), than from the Latinballista. Compare also Barros (Dec. I, liv. 4, c. 6), where an allusion is made to the instrument employed by the pilot who joined Vasco da Gama at Malindi. Barros says that the instrument consisted of threetaboasor plates.
[100]This fruit is the coco-nut.
[100]This fruit is the coco-nut.
[101]The sharifs (“nobles”) are the descendants of the Prophet, and although not “priests”, they enjoy a certain religious rank. Strictly speaking, this title can be claimed only by the head of the family which descends from the Prophet in a direct line. All others can only claim the title ofSaiyid, Lord. The “white” Moors are, of course, true Arabs.
[101]The sharifs (“nobles”) are the descendants of the Prophet, and although not “priests”, they enjoy a certain religious rank. Strictly speaking, this title can be claimed only by the head of the family which descends from the Prophet in a direct line. All others can only claim the title ofSaiyid, Lord. The “white” Moors are, of course, true Arabs.
[102]There are Government tanks now on the island, which are filled by the prisoners of Fort St. Sebastian.
[102]There are Government tanks now on the island, which are filled by the prisoners of Fort St. Sebastian.
[103]Agonia, ArabicEl Jumbiyah, a crooked poniard, worn in the waist-belt.
[103]Agonia, ArabicEl Jumbiyah, a crooked poniard, worn in the waist-belt.
[104]Barros calls these captives “Moors”, and the author himself does the same at a later stage of his Journal (see note, p. 37).
[104]Barros calls these captives “Moors”, and the author himself does the same at a later stage of his Journal (see note, p. 37).
[105]That is S. Jorge, and the small islet of S. Thiago, 1¾ miles to the south.
[105]That is S. Jorge, and the small islet of S. Thiago, 1¾ miles to the south.
[106]The text has 30th, but Saturday was the 31st.
[106]The text has 30th, but Saturday was the 31st.
[107]These were the Kerimba islands, the southernmost of which is Kiziwa, 12° 35´ S. The mainland being generally low, will rarely be seen when coasting outside the reefs (Africa Pilot, PartIII, p. 254).
[107]These were the Kerimba islands, the southernmost of which is Kiziwa, 12° 35´ S. The mainland being generally low, will rarely be seen when coasting outside the reefs (Africa Pilot, PartIII, p. 254).
[108]These were the islands off Cabo Delgado, called Ilhas das Cabecas (Cabras?) on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s maps. None of these, however, is more than nine miles from the mainland.
[108]These were the islands off Cabo Delgado, called Ilhas das Cabecas (Cabras?) on Dr. Hamy’s and Canerio’s maps. None of these, however, is more than nine miles from the mainland.
[109]This island was Quiloa (Kilwa), whose king, at that time, was the most powerful along the coast, Sofala, the Zambezi, Angoshe and Mozambique being subject to him (Duarto Barbosa, p. 10).—Kopke.When Vasco da Gama attempted to put back he had probably reached Ras Tikwiri, 8° 50´ S.
[109]This island was Quiloa (Kilwa), whose king, at that time, was the most powerful along the coast, Sofala, the Zambezi, Angoshe and Mozambique being subject to him (Duarto Barbosa, p. 10).—Kopke.
When Vasco da Gama attempted to put back he had probably reached Ras Tikwiri, 8° 50´ S.
[110]Mafia.—Kopke.
[110]Mafia.—Kopke.
[111]On the homeward voyage, in January 1499, theS. Raphaelwas burnt at these shoals, which are described as lying off the town of Tamugata (Mtangata), and this enables us to fix upon the locality with much certainty. There still is a roadstead or bay called Mtangata, which “the long roll of the Indian Ocean renders a place of trembling to the coast trader” (Burton,Journal Royal Geographical Society, 1858, p. 200). A “town” of this name exists no longer, but Burton describes the ruins of what was once an extensive city near the village of Tongoni.There are no “mountains” close to the coast corresponding to the “Serras de S. Raphael”, but the mountains of Usambara, rising 20 to 25 miles inland to an altitude of 3,500 ft., are visible in clear weather for a distance of 62 miles.Sir John Kirk writes to me: “The baixas de S. Raphael are undoubtedly the coral reefs of Mtangata; and the Usambara mountains, with their valleys, steep precipices, and lofty summits would, especially at that season of the year, be plainly seen from the ships. There can be no doubt as to this point, as these are the only mountains that approach the coast and form so marked an object from the sea when the air is clear. They are then visible from the town of Zanzibar.”
[111]On the homeward voyage, in January 1499, theS. Raphaelwas burnt at these shoals, which are described as lying off the town of Tamugata (Mtangata), and this enables us to fix upon the locality with much certainty. There still is a roadstead or bay called Mtangata, which “the long roll of the Indian Ocean renders a place of trembling to the coast trader” (Burton,Journal Royal Geographical Society, 1858, p. 200). A “town” of this name exists no longer, but Burton describes the ruins of what was once an extensive city near the village of Tongoni.
There are no “mountains” close to the coast corresponding to the “Serras de S. Raphael”, but the mountains of Usambara, rising 20 to 25 miles inland to an altitude of 3,500 ft., are visible in clear weather for a distance of 62 miles.
Sir John Kirk writes to me: “The baixas de S. Raphael are undoubtedly the coral reefs of Mtangata; and the Usambara mountains, with their valleys, steep precipices, and lofty summits would, especially at that season of the year, be plainly seen from the ships. There can be no doubt as to this point, as these are the only mountains that approach the coast and form so marked an object from the sea when the air is clear. They are then visible from the town of Zanzibar.”
[112]This was Pemba, which, owing to its deep bays, appeared to consist of a number of islands. Its distance from the mainland is only 30 miles (9 leagues), its length 37 miles. The trees of that island still supply masts for native vessels (Note by Sir J. Kirk).
[112]This was Pemba, which, owing to its deep bays, appeared to consist of a number of islands. Its distance from the mainland is only 30 miles (9 leagues), its length 37 miles. The trees of that island still supply masts for native vessels (Note by Sir J. Kirk).
[113]Zavra or zabra, a dhow, which is a small open vessel, sharp at the stern, with a square sail of matting.
[113]Zavra or zabra, a dhow, which is a small open vessel, sharp at the stern, with a square sail of matting.
[114]The Swahili “dress” their vessels at the feast that follows the Ramadan month (Sir J. Kirk), but Ramadan, of the year of the Hejra 903,beganon April 23, 1498, and the Bairam therefore lasted from May 22-24. These dates are according to the Old Style.
[114]The Swahili “dress” their vessels at the feast that follows the Ramadan month (Sir J. Kirk), but Ramadan, of the year of the Hejra 903,beganon April 23, 1498, and the Bairam therefore lasted from May 22-24. These dates are according to the Old Style.
[115]Alcaide, from the ArabicAlkadi, the Judge.
[115]Alcaide, from the ArabicAlkadi, the Judge.
[116]Burton (Camoens, iv, p. 241) suggests that this picture of the Holy Ghost may have been a figure of Kapot-eshwar, the Hindu pigeon-god and goddess, an incarnation of Shiva and his wife, the third person of the Hindu Triad.
[116]Burton (Camoens, iv, p. 241) suggests that this picture of the Holy Ghost may have been a figure of Kapot-eshwar, the Hindu pigeon-god and goddess, an incarnation of Shiva and his wife, the third person of the Hindu Triad.
[117]Trigo tremez, corn that ripens in three months. This, according to a note furnished by Sir John Kirk, would be sorghum (the “matama” of the Swahili), which is sent in shiploads to Arabia and the Persian Gulf.
[117]Trigo tremez, corn that ripens in three months. This, according to a note furnished by Sir John Kirk, would be sorghum (the “matama” of the Swahili), which is sent in shiploads to Arabia and the Persian Gulf.
[118]These two “Moors” were undoubtedly two of the four men whom Paulo da Gama had captured at Moçambique, but whom the author previously described as “Negroes”. Of the two pilots who escaped, one had been given them by the Sultan of Moçambique, the other must have been the old Moor who came on board voluntarily, unless one of the men taken by Paulo was a pilot. (See note 1, p. 31).
[118]These two “Moors” were undoubtedly two of the four men whom Paulo da Gama had captured at Moçambique, but whom the author previously described as “Negroes”. Of the two pilots who escaped, one had been given them by the Sultan of Moçambique, the other must have been the old Moor who came on board voluntarily, unless one of the men taken by Paulo was a pilot. (See note 1, p. 31).
[119]Barros (Dec. I, liv. 8, c. 7) says erroneously that this fort was builtafterVasco da Gama’s visit. When the vessel of Sancho de Toar, of the armada of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, was lost near Mombaça, the Moors succeeded in fishing up seven or eight of her guns. These they placed in this fort, in the vain hope of being thus enabled to resist the attack of D. Francisco d’Almeida in 1505.—Kopke.
[119]Barros (Dec. I, liv. 8, c. 7) says erroneously that this fort was builtafterVasco da Gama’s visit. When the vessel of Sancho de Toar, of the armada of Pedro Alvarez Cabral, was lost near Mombaça, the Moors succeeded in fishing up seven or eight of her guns. These they placed in this fort, in the vain hope of being thus enabled to resist the attack of D. Francisco d’Almeida in 1505.—Kopke.
[120]Castanheda (I, c. 10, p. 35) says they waited two days in the hope of being able to secure a pilot to take them to Calecut. On crossing the bar they were unable to heave up one of the anchors. The Moors subsequently fished it up and placed it near the royal palace, where D. Francisco d’Almeida found it when he took the town in 1505.
[120]Castanheda (I, c. 10, p. 35) says they waited two days in the hope of being able to secure a pilot to take them to Calecut. On crossing the bar they were unable to heave up one of the anchors. The Moors subsequently fished it up and placed it near the royal palace, where D. Francisco d’Almeida found it when he took the town in 1505.
[121]The author spells Milinde, Milynde, Milingue.
[121]The author spells Milinde, Milynde, Milingue.
[122]Sir J. Kirk suggests to me that these places are Mtwapa, Takaungu and Kilifi, distorted into Benapa, Toca-nuguo and Quioniete. “Kioni” is the native name of the village usually called Kilifi.
[122]Sir J. Kirk suggests to me that these places are Mtwapa, Takaungu and Kilifi, distorted into Benapa, Toca-nuguo and Quioniete. “Kioni” is the native name of the village usually called Kilifi.
[123]The ruins of the ancient town of Malindi lie to the south of the modern village of that name, and are of great extent. They include the remains of a town wall. Persian and Arabic inscriptions have been discovered, but, with the exception of Vasco da Gama’s pillar, no traces of occupation by the Portuguese. Malindi Road, or Port Melinda of the Admiralty chart, lies about three miles to the south of the town, but Vasco da Gama anchored off the town, and not in this sheltered road. The anchorage is less than half a mile from the town in four fathoms and a half. Comp. Lord Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 109.
[123]The ruins of the ancient town of Malindi lie to the south of the modern village of that name, and are of great extent. They include the remains of a town wall. Persian and Arabic inscriptions have been discovered, but, with the exception of Vasco da Gama’s pillar, no traces of occupation by the Portuguese. Malindi Road, or Port Melinda of the Admiralty chart, lies about three miles to the south of the town, but Vasco da Gama anchored off the town, and not in this sheltered road. The anchorage is less than half a mile from the town in four fathoms and a half. Comp. Lord Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 109.
[124]Barros speaks of these Christians as Banyans, while Goes and Castanheda say that these vessels belonged to merchants from Cranganor, in Malabar.
[124]Barros speaks of these Christians as Banyans, while Goes and Castanheda say that these vessels belonged to merchants from Cranganor, in Malabar.
[125]Correa (p. 113) says that the Moor sent with this message was the Davane already referred to, and (p. 115) distinguishes him from the Moor who was captured on April 14th.
[125]Correa (p. 113) says that the Moor sent with this message was the Davane already referred to, and (p. 115) distinguishes him from the Moor who was captured on April 14th.
[126]Balandrau, a surtout worn by the Brothers of Mercy in Portugal.
[126]Balandrau, a surtout worn by the Brothers of Mercy in Portugal.
[127]Lambel, a striped cotton stuff which had a large sale at the beginning of the African trade.—Herculano.
[127]Lambel, a striped cotton stuff which had a large sale at the beginning of the African trade.—Herculano.
[128]I am indebted for a photograph of one of these trumpets to Sir John Kirk, who states that the Royal Trumpet, or Siwa, was peculiar to the cities ruled by the descendants of the Persians of Shiraz, who settled on this coast in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They were of ivory, or copper and wood, and consisted of three pieces. The ivory or copper was sometimes most elaborately carved, and bore Arabic texts.
[128]I am indebted for a photograph of one of these trumpets to Sir John Kirk, who states that the Royal Trumpet, or Siwa, was peculiar to the cities ruled by the descendants of the Persians of Shiraz, who settled on this coast in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. They were of ivory, or copper and wood, and consisted of three pieces. The ivory or copper was sometimes most elaborately carved, and bore Arabic texts.
[129]We learn from this passage that the “king” referred to by the author was in reality the king’s son, who acted as regent. He may be supposed to be the Sheikh Wagerage (Wajeraj), who in 1515 wrote a letter to D. Manuel, in which he begged for permission to send annuallyonevessel to Goa and to Mozambique. He very humbly (or sarcastically?) addresses the king as the “fountain of the commerce of all cities and kingdoms, the most equitable of sovereigns, and the enricher of all people”; when, indeed, the Portuguese had crippled the trade of Malindi, which had received them with open arms. Another letter addressed to King Manuel was written by “Ali, King of Melinde”, in 1520. Was this “king” the son of Wajeraj, or of the “prince who visited Vasco da Gama on board his vessel”? F. João de’ Sousa, who publishes these letters (Documentos Arabicos, Lisbon, 1790, pp. 67, 123), with a few comments, only obscures the point, unless indeed Wajeraj the Sheikh and Ali the Prince be one and the same person.Cabral met a Sheikh Omar, a brother of the King of Malindi, who was present at Malindi when Vasco da Gama touched at that place; as also a Sheikh Foteima, an uncle of the king (Barros,Dec. I, liv. 5, c. 3).On the ungenerous treatment dealt to the King of Malindi, see D. F. d’Almeida’s letter of 1507 (Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 125).
[129]We learn from this passage that the “king” referred to by the author was in reality the king’s son, who acted as regent. He may be supposed to be the Sheikh Wagerage (Wajeraj), who in 1515 wrote a letter to D. Manuel, in which he begged for permission to send annuallyonevessel to Goa and to Mozambique. He very humbly (or sarcastically?) addresses the king as the “fountain of the commerce of all cities and kingdoms, the most equitable of sovereigns, and the enricher of all people”; when, indeed, the Portuguese had crippled the trade of Malindi, which had received them with open arms. Another letter addressed to King Manuel was written by “Ali, King of Melinde”, in 1520. Was this “king” the son of Wajeraj, or of the “prince who visited Vasco da Gama on board his vessel”? F. João de’ Sousa, who publishes these letters (Documentos Arabicos, Lisbon, 1790, pp. 67, 123), with a few comments, only obscures the point, unless indeed Wajeraj the Sheikh and Ali the Prince be one and the same person.
Cabral met a Sheikh Omar, a brother of the King of Malindi, who was present at Malindi when Vasco da Gama touched at that place; as also a Sheikh Foteima, an uncle of the king (Barros,Dec. I, liv. 5, c. 3).
On the ungenerous treatment dealt to the King of Malindi, see D. F. d’Almeida’s letter of 1507 (Stanley’sVasco da Gama, p. 125).
[130]Of course they looked upon these Romish images and pictures as outlandish representations of their own gods or idols.
[130]Of course they looked upon these Romish images and pictures as outlandish representations of their own gods or idols.
[131]Burton (Camoens,IV, p. 420) suggests that they criedKrishna, the name of the eighth Incarnation of Vishnu, the second person of the Hindu Trinity, and the most popular of Indian gods. Sir J. Kirk knows of no word resembling “Krist” likely to have been called out by these Indians.
[131]Burton (Camoens,IV, p. 420) suggests that they criedKrishna, the name of the eighth Incarnation of Vishnu, the second person of the Hindu Trinity, and the most popular of Indian gods. Sir J. Kirk knows of no word resembling “Krist” likely to have been called out by these Indians.
[132]This pilot was a native of Gujarat, whom Goes (c. 38), Barros(Dec. I, liv. 4, c. 6), and Faria y Sousa call Malema Cana, or Canaqua. Malema is a corruption of Mallim, master or teacher, whilst Canaqua (Kanaka), is the name of his caste. It is also used for sailing master.
[132]This pilot was a native of Gujarat, whom Goes (c. 38), Barros(Dec. I, liv. 4, c. 6), and Faria y Sousa call Malema Cana, or Canaqua. Malema is a corruption of Mallim, master or teacher, whilst Canaqua (Kanaka), is the name of his caste. It is also used for sailing master.
[133]The island in question is Kilwa. The information furnished by this Malindi pilot is scarcely more correct than that previously obtained from the Moors (see note 3, p. 32).
[133]The island in question is Kilwa. The information furnished by this Malindi pilot is scarcely more correct than that previously obtained from the Moors (see note 3, p. 32).
[134]Alcochete, a town on the left bank of the estuary of the Tagus, above Lisbon.
[134]Alcochete, a town on the left bank of the estuary of the Tagus, above Lisbon.
[135]From April 15 to 23 is nine days.
[135]From April 15 to 23 is nine days.
[136]The “Bay” is the Arabian Sea, which the “Strait” of Bab el Mandeb joins to the Red Sea. Cambay (Khambhat), in Gujarat, when the Portuguese first came to India, was one of the most flourishing marts of commerce. The silting up of the Gulf accounts, in a large measure, for its commercial decline since then.
[136]The “Bay” is the Arabian Sea, which the “Strait” of Bab el Mandeb joins to the Red Sea. Cambay (Khambhat), in Gujarat, when the Portuguese first came to India, was one of the most flourishing marts of commerce. The silting up of the Gulf accounts, in a large measure, for its commercial decline since then.
[137]The MS. says 17th, but Friday was the 18th.
[137]The MS. says 17th, but Friday was the 18th.
[138]From April 24 to May 18, both days inclusive, is twenty-five days; the African coast was within sight for several days.
[138]From April 24 to May 18, both days inclusive, is twenty-five days; the African coast was within sight for several days.
[139]Mount Eli (Dely) was probably the land first sighted, a conspicuous hill forming a promontory about 16 miles to the north of Cananor, and named thus from the Cardamoms which are largely exported from this part of Malabar, and are called Ela in Sanscrit (Yule’sMarco Polo, ii, p. 321).
[139]Mount Eli (Dely) was probably the land first sighted, a conspicuous hill forming a promontory about 16 miles to the north of Cananor, and named thus from the Cardamoms which are largely exported from this part of Malabar, and are called Ela in Sanscrit (Yule’sMarco Polo, ii, p. 321).
[140]The rains in Malabar begin about April or May, and continue until September or October. They are synchronous with the S.W. monsoon, and are heaviest in June, July, and August. The annual rainfall exceeds 150 inches!
[140]The rains in Malabar begin about April or May, and continue until September or October. They are synchronous with the S.W. monsoon, and are heaviest in June, July, and August. The annual rainfall exceeds 150 inches!
[141]Cotta Point, or Cape Kadalur, the “Monte Formosa”, of the Portuguese, 15 miles N.N.W. of Calecut.
[141]Cotta Point, or Cape Kadalur, the “Monte Formosa”, of the Portuguese, 15 miles N.N.W. of Calecut.