FOOTNOTES:

My spirit hath his fostring in the Bible.

My spirit hath his fostring in the Bible.

He thereupon delivers to the sick man a long and interested sermon, mingled with Latin words, in which the verb "to give" comes in at every line: whatever you do, don't give to others, give to me; give to my convent, don't give to the convent next door:

A! yif that covent half a quarter otes!A! yif that covent four and twenty grotes!A! yif that frere a peny and let him go....Thomas, of me thou shalt nat ben y-flatered;Thou woldest ban our labour al for noght.[537]

A! yif that covent half a quarter otes!A! yif that covent four and twenty grotes!A! yif that frere a peny and let him go....Thomas, of me thou shalt nat ben y-flatered;Thou woldest ban our labour al for noght.[537]

Pay then, give then, give me this, or only that; Thomas gives less still.

Familiar scenes, equally true but of a more pleasing kind, are found in other narratives, for instance in the story of Chauntecleer the cock, so well localised with a few words, in a green, secluded country nook:

A poure widwe, somdel stope in ageWas whylom dwelling in a narwe cotage,Bisyde a grove, standing in a dale.

A poure widwe, somdel stope in ageWas whylom dwelling in a narwe cotage,Bisyde a grove, standing in a dale.

Her stable, her barn-yard are described; we hear the lowing of the cows and the crowing of the cock; the tone rises little by little, and we get to the mock-heroic style. Chauntecleer the cock,

In al the land of crowing nas his peer.His vois was merier than the mery orgonOn messe-days that in the chirche gon;Wel sikerer was his crowing in his loggeThan is a clokke, or an abbey orlogge....His comb was redder than the fyn coral,And batailed, as it were a castel-wal!

In al the land of crowing nas his peer.His vois was merier than the mery orgonOn messe-days that in the chirche gon;Wel sikerer was his crowing in his loggeThan is a clokke, or an abbey orlogge....His comb was redder than the fyn coral,And batailed, as it were a castel-wal!

He had a black beak, white "nayles," and azure legs; he reigned unrivalled over the hens in the barn-yard. One of the hens was his favourite, the others filled subalternate parts. One day—

This storie is al-so trewe, I undertakeAs is the book of Launcelot de Lake,That wommen holde in ful gret reverence,

This storie is al-so trewe, I undertakeAs is the book of Launcelot de Lake,That wommen holde in ful gret reverence,

—he was looking for "a boterflye," and what should he see but a fox! "Cok, cok!" he cries, with a jump, and means to flee.

"Gentil sire, allas! wher wol ye gon?Be ye affrayed of me that am your freend?"

"Gentil sire, allas! wher wol ye gon?Be ye affrayed of me that am your freend?"

says the good fox; I came only to hear you sing; you have the family talent:

My lord your fader (God his soule blesse!),

My lord your fader (God his soule blesse!),

sang so well; but you sing better still. To sing better still, the cock shuts his eye, and the fox bears him off. Most painful adventure! It was a Friday: such things always befall on Fridays.

O Gaufred, dere mayster soverayn,That whan the worthy King Richard was slaynWith shot, compleynedest his deth so sore,Why ne had I now thy sentence and thy lore,The Friday for to chide, as diden ye?[538]

O Gaufred, dere mayster soverayn,That whan the worthy King Richard was slaynWith shot, compleynedest his deth so sore,Why ne had I now thy sentence and thy lore,The Friday for to chide, as diden ye?[538]

Great commotion in the barn-yard; and here we find a picture charming for its liveliness: "Out! harrow! and weyl-away! Ha, ha, the fox!" every one shrieks, yells, runs; the dogs bark,

Ran cow and calf, and eek the verray hogges;

Ran cow and calf, and eek the verray hogges;

the ducks scream,

The gees for fere flowen over the trees,

The gees for fere flowen over the trees,

and the bees come out of their hives. The prisoner is set free; he will be more prudent another time; order reigns once more in the domains of Chauntecleer.

Side by side with such tales of animals, we have elegant stories of the Round Table, borrowed from the lays of "thise olde gentil Britons," and which carry us back to a time when,

In tholde dayes of the King ArthourOf which that Britons speken greet honour,Al was this land fulfild of fayerye;The elf-queen, with hir joly companye,Daunced ful ofte in many a grene mede;

In tholde dayes of the King ArthourOf which that Britons speken greet honour,Al was this land fulfild of fayerye;The elf-queen, with hir joly companye,Daunced ful ofte in many a grene mede;

oriental legends, which the young squire will relate, with enchantments, magic mirrors, a brass horse that transports its rider through the air, here or there according as one touches a peg in its ears, an ancestor doubtless of "Clavilegno," the steed of Don Quixote in the Duchesse's park; biographies of Appius and Virginia, of Cæsar, of Nero, of Holophernes, of Hugolino in the tower of hunger, taken from Roman history, the Bible and Dante; adventures of chivalry, in which figures Theseus, duke of Athens, where blood flows profusely, with all the digressions and all the embellishments which still continued to please great men and great ladies, and that is why the story is told by the knight, and Chaucer retains purposely all the faults of that particular sort of story. In opposition to his usual custom, he contents himself here with lending a little life to illuminations of manuscripts.[539]

Grave personages relate grave stories, like canticles or sermons, coloured as with the light of stained glass, perfumed with incense, accompanied by organ music: story of the pious Constance, of St. Cecilia, of a child killed by the Jews; dissertations of dame Prudence (a tale of wondrous dulness,[540]which Chaucer modestly ascribes to himself); story of the patient Griselda; discourse of the poor parson. A while ago we were at the inn; now we are in church; in the Middle Ages striking colours and decided contrasts were best liked; the faded tints that have since been in fashion, mauve, cream, old-green, did not touch any one; and we know that Chaucer, when he was a page, had a superb costume, of which one leg was red and the other black. Laughter was inextinguishable; it rose and fell and rose again, rebounding indefinitely; despair was immeasurable; the sense ofmeasurewas precisely what was wanting; its vulgarisation was one of the results of the Renaissance. Panegyrics and satires were readily carried to the extreme. The logical spirit, propagated among the learned by a scholastic education, was producing its effect: writers drew apart one single quality or characteristic and descanted upon it, neglecting all the rest. Thus it is that Griselda becomes Patience, and Janicola Poverty, and that by an easy and imperceptible transition the abstract personages of novels and the drama are created: Cowardice, Valiance, Vice. Those typical beings, whose names alone make us shudder, were considered perfectly natural; and, indeed,they bore a striking resemblance to Griselda, Janicola, and many other heroes of the most popular stories.

The success of Griselda is the proof of it. That poor girl, married to the marquis of Saluces, who repudiates her in order to try her patience, and then gives her back her position of wife, enjoyed an immense popularity. Boccaccio had related her misfortunes in the "Decameron"; Petrarch thought the story so beautiful that it appeared to him worthy of that supreme honour, a Latin translation: Chaucer translated it in his turn from Latin into English, and made of it his Clerk of Oxford's tale;[541]it was turned several times into French.[542]Pinturicchio represented the adventures of Griselda in a series of pictures, now preserved in the National Gallery; the story furnished the subject of plays in Italy, in France, and in England.[543]Theseexaggerated descriptions were just what went to the very heart; people wept over them in the fourteenth century as over Clarissa in the eighteenth. Petrarch, writing to Boccaccio about Griselda, uses almost the same terms as Lady Bradshaigh, writing to Richardson about Clarissa:

"Had you seen me, I surely should have moved your pity. When alone, in agonies would I lay down the book, take it up again, walk about the room, let fall a flood of tears, wipe my eyes, read again—perhaps not three lines—throw away the book, crying out: 'Excuse me, good Mr. Richardson, I cannot go on; it is your fault, you have done more than I can bear.'"[544]

I made "one of our mutual friends from Padua," writes Petrarch, "a man of elevated mind and vast learning, read this story. He had hardly got half through, when suddenly he stopped, choking with tears; a moment after, having composed himself, he took up the narrative once more to continue reading, and, behold, a second time sobs stopped his utterance. He declared it was impossible for him to continue, and he made a person of much instruction, who accompanied him, finish the reading." About that time, in all probability, Petrarch, who, as we see in the same letter, liked to renew the experience, gave the English poet and negotiator, who had come to visit him in his retreat, this tale to read, and Chaucer, for that very reason less free than with most of his other stories, scarcely altered anything in Petrarch's text. With him as with his model, Griselda is Patience, nothing more; everything is sacrificed to that virtue; Griselda is neither woman nor mother; she is only the patient spouse, Patience made wife. They take her daughter from her, to bekilled, as they tell her, by order of the marquis. So be it, replies Griselda:

"Goth now," quod she, "and dooth my lordes heste;But o thing wil I preye yow of your grace.That, but my lord forbad yow, atte leste,Burieth this litel body in som place,That bestes ne no briddes it to-race."But he no word wol to that purpos seye,But took the child and wente upon his weye.[545]

"Goth now," quod she, "and dooth my lordes heste;But o thing wil I preye yow of your grace.That, but my lord forbad yow, atte leste,Burieth this litel body in som place,That bestes ne no briddes it to-race."But he no word wol to that purpos seye,But took the child and wente upon his weye.[545]

Whereupon every one goes into ecstasies, and is greatly affected. The idea of entreating her husband, of throwing herself at his feet, of trying to move him, never enters her mind; she would no longer be playing her part, which is not to be a mother, but to be: Patience.

Chaucer left his collection of tales uncompleted; we have less than the half of it; but he wrote enough to show to the best his manifold qualities. There appear in perfect light his masterly gifts of observation, of comprehension, and of sympathy; we well see with what art he can make his characters stand forth, and how skilfully they are chosen to represent all contemporaneous England. The poet shows himself full of heart, and at the same time full of sense; he is not without suspicion that his pious stories, indispensable to render his picture complete, may offend by their monotony and exaggerated good sentiments. In giving them place in his collection, he belongs to his time and helps to make it known; but a few mocking notes, scattered here and there, show that he is superior to his epoch, and that, in spite of his long dissertations and his digressions, he has, what was rare at that period, a certain notion, at least theoretical, of the importance of proportion. He allows his heroes to speak, but he is not their dupe; in fact he is so little their dupe that sometimes he can stand their talk no longer, and interruptsthem or laughs at them to their very face. He laughs in the face of the tiresome Constance, on the night of her wedding; he shows us his companions riding drowsily on their horses to the sound of the monk's solemn stories, and hardly preserved from actual slumber by the noise of the horse's bells. He allows the host abruptly to interrupt him when, to satirise the romances of chivalry, he relates, in "rym dogerel," the feats of arms and marvellous adventures of the matchless Sir Thopas.[546]Before we could even murmur the word "improbable," he warns us that the time of Griseldas has passed, and that there exist no more such women in our day. As the pilgrims draw near Canterbury, and it becomes seemly to finish on a graver note, he causes his poor parson to speak, and the priest announces beforehand that his discourse will be a sermon, a real sermon, with a text from Scripture: "Incipit sermo," says one of the manuscripts. He will speak in prose, as in church:

Why sholde I sowen draf out of my fest,Whan I may sowen whete if that me lest?

Why sholde I sowen draf out of my fest,Whan I may sowen whete if that me lest?

All agree, and it is with the assent of his companions, who become more serious as they approach the holy city, that he commences, for the good of their souls, his ample "meditation." The coarse story told by the miller had been justified by excuses no less appropriate to the person and to the circumstances; the person was a clown, and chanced to be drunk; now the person is a saint, and, as it happens, they are just nearing the place of pilgrimage.

The good sense which caused the poet to write his "Canterbury Tales" according to a plan so conformable toreason and to nature, is one of the most eminent of Chaucer's qualities. It reveals itself in the details as in the whole scheme, and inspires him, in the midst of his most fanciful inventions, with reassuring remarks which show that earth and real life are not far away, and that we are not in danger of falling from the clouds. He reminds us at an opportune moment that there is a certain nobility, the highest of all, which cannot be bequeathed in a will; that the corrupt specimens of a social class should not cause the whole class to be condemned:

Of every ordre som shrewe is, parde;[547]

Of every ordre som shrewe is, parde;[547]

that, in the education of children, parents should be careful not to treat them too soon as men; if one takes them to merry-makings before time, they become "to sone rype and bold, ... which is ful perilous." He expresses himself very freely about great captains, each of whom would have been called "an outlawe or a theef" had they done less harm.[548]This last idea is put forth in a few lines of a humour so truly English that it is impossible not to think of Swift and Fielding; and, indeed, Fielding can the more appropriately be named here as he has devoted all his novel of "Jonathan Wild the Great" to the expounding of exactly the same thesis.

Finally, we owe to this same common sense of Chaucer's a thing more remarkable yet: namely, that with his knowledgeof Latin and of French, and living in a circle where those two languages were in great favour, he wrote solely in English. His prose, like his verse, his "Treatise on the Astrolabe" like his tales, are in English. He belongs to the English nation, and that is why he writes in that language; a reason of that sort is sufficient for him: "Suffyse to thee thise trewe conclusiouns in English, as wel as suffyseth to thise noble clerkes Grekes thise same conclusiouns in Greek, and to Arabians in Arabik, and to Jewes in Ebrew, and to the Latin folk in Latin." Chaucer, then, will make use of plain English, "naked wordes in English"; he will employ the national language, the king's English—"the king that is lord of this langage."[549]And he will use it, as in truth he did, to express exactly his thoughts and not to embellish them; he hates travesty, he worships truth; he wants words and things to be in the closest possible relation:

The wordes mote be cosin to the dede.[550]

The wordes mote be cosin to the dede.[550]

The same wisdom is again the cause why Chaucer does not spend himself in vain efforts to attempt impossible reforms, and to go against the current. It has been made a subject of reproach to him in our day; and some, from love of the Saxon past, have been indignant at the number of French words Chaucer uses; why did he not go back to the origins of the language? But Chaucer was not one of those who, as Milton says, think "to pound up the crows by shutting their park gates;" he employed the national tongue, as it existed in his day; the proportion of French words is not greater with him than with the mass of his contemporaries. The words he made use of were living and fruitful, since they are still alive, they and their families; the proportion of those that have disappeared is wonderfully small, seeing the time that haselapsed. As to the Anglo-Saxons, he retained, as did the nation, but without being aware of it, something of their grave and powerful genius; it is not his fault if he ignored these ancestors; every one in his day ignored them, even such thinkers as Langland, in whom lived again with most force the spirit of the ancient Germanic race. The tradition was broken; in the literary past one went back to the Conquest, and thence without transition to "thise olde gentil Britons." In his enumeration of celebrated bards, Chaucer gives a place to Orpheus, to Orion, and to the "Bret Glascurion"; but no author of any "Beowulf" is named by him. Shakespeare, in the same manner, will derive inspiration from the national past; he will go back to the time of the Roses, to the time of the Plantagenets, to the time of Magna Charta, and, passing over the Anglo-Saxon period, he will take from the Britons the stories of Lear and of Cymbeline.

The brilliancy with which Chaucer used this new tongue, the instant fame of his works, the clear proof afforded by his writings that English could fit the highest and the lowest themes, assured to that idiom its definitive place among the great literary languages. English still had, in Chaucer's day, a tendency to resolve itself into dialects; as, in the time of the Conquest, the kingdom had still a tendency to resolve itself into sub-kingdoms. Chaucer knew this, and was concerned about it; he was anxious about those differences of tongue, of orthography, and of vocabulary; he did all in his power to regularise these discordances; he had set ideas on the subject; and, what was rare in those days, the whims of copyists made him shudder. Nothing shows better the faith he had in the English tongue, as a literary language, than his reiterated injunctions to the readers and scribes who shall read his poems aloud or copy them. He experiences already, concerning his work, the anxieties of the poets of the Renaissance:

And for ther is so greet diversiteeIn English, and in writyng of our tonge,So preye I God, that noon miswryte thee,Ne thee mysmetre for defaute of tonge,And red wher-so thou be, or elles songe,That thou be understonde I God beseche![551]

And for ther is so greet diversiteeIn English, and in writyng of our tonge,So preye I God, that noon miswryte thee,Ne thee mysmetre for defaute of tonge,And red wher-so thou be, or elles songe,That thou be understonde I God beseche![551]

Chaucer himself looked over the transcriptions done from his original manuscripts by his amanuensis Adam; he corrected with minute care every fault; he calls down all manner of woe upon the "scriveyn's" head, if, copying once more "Boece" or "Troilus," he leaves as many errors again.[552]We seem to hear Ronsard himself addressing his supplications to the reader: "I implore of you one thing only, reader, to pronounce well my verses and suit your voice to their passion ... and I implore you again, where you will see this sign: (!) to raise your voice a little, to give grace to what you read."[553]

Chaucer's efforts were not exercised in vain; they assisted the work of concentration. After him, the dialects lost their importance; the one he used, the East Midland dialect, has since become the language of the nation.

His verse, too, is the verse of the new literature, formed by a compromise between the old and the new prosody. Alliteration, which is not yet dead, and which is still used in his time, he does not like; its jingle seems to him ridiculous:

I can nat geste—run, ram, ruf—by lettre.[554]

I can nat geste—run, ram, ruf—by lettre.[554]

Ridiculous, too, in his eyes is the "rym dogerel" of the popular romances of which "Sir Thopas" is the type. His verse is the rhymed verse, with a fixed number of accents or beats, and a variable number of syllables. Nearly all the "Tales" are written in heroic verse, rhyming two by two in couplets and containing five accentuated syllables.

The same cheerful, tranquil common sense which made him adopt the language of his country and the usual versification, which prevented him from reacting with excess against received ideas, also prevented his harbouring out of patriotism, piety, or pride, any illusions about his country, his religion, or his time. He belonged to them, however, as much as any one, and loved and honoured them more than anybody. Still the impartiality of judgment of this former prisoner of the French is wonderful, superior even to Froissart's, who, the native of a border-country, was by birth impartial, but who, as age crept on, showed in the revision of his "Chronicles" decided preferences. Towards the close of the century Froissart, like the Limousin and the Saintonge, ranked among the conquests recovered by France. Chaucer, from the beginning to the end of his career, continues the same, and the fact is all the more remarkable because his turn of mind, his inspiration and his literary ideal, become more and more English as he grows older. He remains impartial, or, rather, outside the great dispute, in which, however, he had actually taken part; his works do not contain a single line directed against France, nor even any praise of his country in which it is extolled as the successful rival of its neighbour.

For this cause Des Champs, a great enemy of the English, who had not only ravaged the kingdom in general but burnt down his own private country house, made an exception in his hatred, and did homage to the wisdom and genius of the "noble Geoffrey Chaucer," the ornament of the "kingdom of Eneas," England.

V.

The composition of the "Canterbury Tales" occupied the last years of Chaucer's life. During the same period he also wrote his "Treatise on the Astrolabe" in prose, for the instruction of his son Lewis,[555]and a few detached poems, melancholy pieces in which he talks of shunning the world and the crowd, asks the prince to help him in his poverty, retreats into his inner self, and becomes graver and more and more resigned:

Fle fro the prees, and dwelle with sothfastnesse,Suffyce unto thy good, though hit be smal....Forth, pilgrim, forth! Forth, beste out of thy stal!...Hold the hye wey, and lat thy gost thee lede:And trouth shal delivere, hit is no drede.[556]

Fle fro the prees, and dwelle with sothfastnesse,Suffyce unto thy good, though hit be smal....Forth, pilgrim, forth! Forth, beste out of thy stal!...Hold the hye wey, and lat thy gost thee lede:And trouth shal delivere, hit is no drede.[556]

In spite of this melancholy, he was at that time the uncontested king of English letters; a life-long friendship bound him to Gower[557]; the young poets, Hoccleve, Scogan, Lydgate, came to him and proclaimed him their master. His face, the features of which are known to us, thanks to the portrait we owe to Hoccleve, had gained an expression of gentle gravity; he liked better to listen than to talk, and, in the "Canterbury Tales," the host rallies him on his pensive air and downcast eyes:

"What man artow?" quod he;"Thou lokest as thou woldest finde an hare,For ever up-on the ground I see thee stare."

"What man artow?" quod he;"Thou lokest as thou woldest finde an hare,For ever up-on the ground I see thee stare."

Age had bestowed on him a corpulency which made him a match for Harry Bailey himself.[558]

When Henry IV. mounted the throne, within the four days that followed his accession, he doubled the pension of the poet (Oct. 3, 1399), who then hired, for two pounds thirteen shillings and four pence a year, a house in the garden of St. Mary's, Westminster. The lease is still preserved in the archives of the Abbey.[559]He passed away in the following year, in that tranquil retreat, and was interred at Westminster, not far from the sepulchres where slept his patrons, Edward III. and Richard II., in that wing of the transept which has since been called the Poets' Corner, where lately we saw Browning's coffin lowered, and where, but yesterday, Tennyson's was laid.

No English poet enjoyed a fame more constantly equal to itself. In the fifteenth century writers did scarcely anything but lament and copy him: "Maister deere," said Hoccleve,

O maister deere and fadir reverent,Mi maister Chaucer, flour of eloquence,Mirour of fructuous entendement,O universal fadir of science,Allas that thou thyn excellent prudenceIn thi bed mortel mightist noght byquethe![560]

O maister deere and fadir reverent,Mi maister Chaucer, flour of eloquence,Mirour of fructuous entendement,O universal fadir of science,Allas that thou thyn excellent prudenceIn thi bed mortel mightist noght byquethe![560]

At the time of the Renaissance Caxton printed his works twice,[561]and Henry VIII. made an exception in their favour in his prohibition of "printed bokes, printed balades,... and other fantasies."[562]Under Elizabeth, Thynne annotated them,[563]Spenser declared that he "of Tityrus," that is of Chaucer, "his songs did lere,"[564]and Sidney exalted him to the skies.[565]In the seventeenth century Dryden rejuvenates his tales, in the eighteenth century the admiration is universal, and extends to Pope and Walpole.[566]In our time the learned men of all countries have applied themselves to the task of commentating his works and of disentangling his biography, a Society has been founded to publish the best texts of his writings,[567]and but lately his "Legend of Good Women" inspired with an exquisite poem the Laureate who sleeps to-day close to the great ancestor, beneath the stones of the famous Abbey.

FOOTNOTES:[448]The date 1328 has long but wrongly been believed to be the true one. The principal documents concerning Chaucer are to be found in the Appendix to his biography by Sir H. Nicolas, in "Poetical Works," ed. R. Morris, Aldine Poets, vol. i. p. 93 ff., in the "Trial Forewords," of Dr. Furnivall, 1871, and in the "Life Records of Chaucer," 1875 ff., Chaucer Society. One of the municipal ordinances meant to check the frauds of the vintners is signed by several members of the corporation, and among others by John Chaucer, 1342. See Riley, "Memorials, of London," p. 211.[449]See the view of London, painted in the fifteenth century, obviously from nature, reproduced at the beginning of this vol., from MS. Royal 16 F ii, in the British Museum, showing the Tower, the Bridge, the wharfs, Old St. Paul's, etc.[450]Such is the case with a tower in the churchyard of St. Giles's, Cripplegate.[451]"Et qi pork voedra norir, le norise deinz sa measoun." Four jurymen were to act as public executors: "Quatuor homines electi et jurati ad interficiendos porcos inventos vagantes infra muros civitatis." Riley "Munimenta Gildhallæ," Rolls, 1859, 4 vols. 8vo; "Liber Albus," pp. 270 and 590.[452]April, 1357, an information gathered from a fragment of the accounts of the household of Elizabeth found in the binding of a book.[453]In the controversy between Sir Richard Scrope and Sir Robert Grosvenor, concerning a question of armorial bearings, Chaucer, being called as witness, declares (1386) that he has seen Sir Richard use the disputed emblems "en France, devant la ville de Retters ... et issint il [le] vist armez par tout le dit viage tanque le dit Geffrey estoit pris." "The Scrope and Grosvenor controversy, 1385-90," London, 2 vols. fol., vol. i. p. 178. "Retters" is Réthel in Champagne (not Retiers in Brittany, where the expedition did not go). Chaucer took part in another campaign "in partibus Franciæ," in 1369.[454]On this see Furnivall, "Chaucer as valet and esquire," Chaucer Society, 1876.[455]A passage in Chaucer's "Book of the Duchesse" (1369), lines 30 ff., leaves little doubt as to the reality of the unlucky passion he describes. The poet interrupts the train of his speech to answer a supposed question put to him as to the causes of his depression and "melancolye":I holdë hit be a siknesseThat I have suffred this eight yere,And yet my bote is never the nere;For ther is phisicien but oon,That may me hele.Proem of the "Book." See, in connection with this, the "Compleynte unto Pite." Who was the loved one we do not know; could it be that the poet was playing upon her name in such lines as these:For kindly by your heritage rightYe been annexed ever unto Bountee? (l. 71).There were numerous families of Bonamy, Bonenfaut, Boncœur. A William de Boncuor is named in the "Excerpta e Rotulis Finium," of Roberts, vol. ii. pp. 309, 431, 432.[456]The date of Chaucer's marriage has not been ascertained. We know that his wife was called Philippa, that one Philippa Chaucer belonged to the queen's household in 1366, and that the Philippa Chaucer, wife of the poet, was at a later date in the service of the Duchess of Lancaster, after having been in the service of the queen. It seems most likely that the two women were the same person: same name, same function, same pension of ten marks, referred to in the same words in public documents, for example: 1º 42 Ed. III., 1368, "Philippæ Chaucer cui dominus Rex decem marcas annuatim ad scaccarium percipiendas pro bono servitio per ipsam Philippam Philippe Regine Anglie impenso per literas suas patentes nuper concessit...." 2º 4 Ric. II., 1381, "Philippæ Chaucer nuper uni domicellarum Philippæ nuper Regine Anglie"—she had died in 1369—"cui dominus Rex Edwardus avus Regis hujus X marcas annuatim ad scaccarium suum percipiendas pro bono servitio per ipsam tam eidem domino Regi quam dicte Regine impenso per literas suas patentes nuper concessit ... in denariis sibi liberatis per manus predicti Galfridi mariti sui...." "Poetical Works," ed. Morris, i. p. 108. Who Philippa was by birth is doubtful, but it seems likely that she was Philippa Roet, daughter of Sir Payne Roet, who hailed, like the queen herself, from Hainault—hence her connection with the queen—and sister of Catherine Roet who became the mistress and then the third wife of John of Gaunt—hence the favour in which the poet and his family stood with the Lancastrians. It seems again very probable, though not absolutely certain, that Thomas Chaucer, who used at different times both the Chaucer and the Roet arms, Speaker of the House of Commons under Henry V., a man of great influence, was one of the children of the poet.[457]Book iv. chap. 40.[458]Froissart declares concerning his own poems that he "les commencha à faire sus l'an de grâce Nostre Seigneur, 1362." He wrote them "à l'ayde de Dieu et d'Amours, et à le contemplation et plaisance de pluisours haus et nobles signours et de pluisours nobles et vaillans dames." MS. Fr. 831 in the National Library, Paris.—On Guillaume de Deguileville, who wrote about 1330-5, see Ward, "Catalogue of Romances," 1893, vol. ii. p. 558; Hill, "An Ancient Poem of G. de Guileville," London, 1858, 4to, illustrated, and my "Piers Plowman," chap. vii. Chaucer imitated from him his "A.B.C.," one of his first works.—On Machault, who died in 1377, see Tarbé, "Œuvres Choisies," Reims and Paris, 1849, 8vo, and Thomas, "Romania," x. pp. 325 ff. (papal bulls concerning him, dated 1330, 1332, 1333, 1335).—On Des Champs, see "Œuvres Complètes publiées d'après le Manuscrit de la Bibliothèque Nationale," by the Marquis de Queux de St. Hilaire, Société des Anciens Textes, 1878 ff. (which MS. contains,e.g., 1175 ballads, 171 roundels, and 80 virelais), and A. Sarradin, "Etude sur Eustache des Champs," Versailles, 1878, 8vo.—On Granson, a knight and a poet slain in a judicial duel, in 1397, see Piaget, "Granson et ses poésies," "Romania," vol. xix.; Chaucer imitated in his later years his "Compleynt of Venus," from a poem of "Graunson, flour of hem that make in Fraunce."[459]Chaucer's favourite flower; he constantly praises it; it is for him a woman-flower (see especially the prologue of the "Legend of Good Women"). This flower enjoyed the same favour with the French models of Chaucer. One of the ballads of Froissart has for its burden: "Sus toutes flours j'aime la margherite" ("Le Paradis d'Amour," in "Poésies," ed. Scheler, Brussels, 1870, 3 vols. 8vo), vol. i. p. 49. Des Champs praised the same flower; Machault wrote a "Dit de la Marguerite" ("Œuvres Choisies," ed. Tarbé, p. 123):J'aim une fleur qui s'uevre et qui s'enclineVers le soleil, de jour quand il chemine;Et quand il est couchiez soubz sa courtinePar nuit obscure,Elle se clost ainsois que le jour fine.[460]Guillaume de Lorris wrote the first part of the "Roman" ab. 1237; Jean de Meun wrote the second towards 1277. On the sources of the poem see the important work of Langlois: "Origines et Sources du Roman de la Rose," Paris, 1891, 8vo. M. Langlois has traced the originals for 12,000 out of the 17,500 lines of Jean de Meun; he is preparing (1894) a much-needed critical edition of the text.[461]One of them has a sort of biographical interest as having belonged to Sir Richard Stury, Chaucer's colleague in one of his missions (see below, p. 284); it was afterwards purchased for Thomas, duke of Gloucester, son of Edward III., and is now in the British Museum, MS. Royal 19 B xiii. "Ceste livre est à Thomas fiz au Roy, duc de Glouc', achates dez executeurs Mons' Ric' Stury." It has curious miniatures exemplifying the way in which people pictured to themselves at that time Olympian gods and romance heroes. The "Dieu d'amour" figures as a tall person with a tunic, a cloak, and a crown, a bow in his hand and large red wings on his back. See fol. 16, "coment li diex d'amours navra l'amant de ses saietes."[462]"A vous qui belles filles avez et bien les désirez à introduire à vie honneste, bailliez leur, bailliez le Rommant de la Rose, pour aprendre à discerner le bien du mal, que diz-je, mais le mal du bien. Et à quel utilité ne à quoy proufite aux oyans oïr tant de laidures?" Jean de Meun "oncques n'ot acointance ne hantise de femme honorable ne vertueuse, mais par plusieurs femmes dissolues et de male vie hanter, comme font communément les luxurieux cuida ou faingny savoir que toutes telles feussent car d'autres n'avoit congnoissance." "Débat sur le Rommant de la Rose," in MS. Fr. 604 in the National Library, Paris, fol. 114 and 115.[463]An incomplete translation of the "Roman" in English verse has come down to us in a single MS. preserved in the Hunterian collection, Glasgow. It is anonymous; a study of this text, by Lindner and by Kaluza, has shown that it is made up of three fragments of different origin, prosody, and language. The first fragment ends with line 1705, leaving a sentence unfinished; between the second and third fragments there is a gap of more than 5,000 lines. The first fragment alone might, on account of its style and versification, be the work of Chaucer, but this is only a surmise, and we have no direct proof of it. The "Romaunt" is to be found in Skeat's edition of the "Complete Works" of Chaucer, 1894, vol. i. For Fragment I. the French text is given along with the English translation.[464]Mais pran en gré les euvres d'escolierQue par Clifford de moy avoir pourras.For Des Champs, Chaucer is a Socrates, a Seneca, an Ovid, an "aigle très hault," "Œuvres Completes," Paris, 1878 ff., vol. ii. p. 138.[465]"Hous of Fame," line 622; "Legend of Good Women," line 422, "Complete Works," 1894, vol. i. pp. 19 and 96. Such was the reputation of Chaucer that a great many writings were attributed to him—a way to increase their reputation, not his. The more important of them are: "The Court of Love"; the "Book of Cupid," otherwise "Cuckoo and Nightingale"; "Flower and Leaf," the "Romaunt of the Rose," such as we have it; the "Complaint of a Lover's Life"; the "Testament of Love" (in prose, see below, page 522); the "Isle of Ladies," or "Chaucer's Dream"; various ballads. Most of those works (not the "Testament") are to be found in the "Poetical Works" of Chaucer, Aldine Poets, ed. Morris.[466]And every day hir beaute newed.(ll. 906, 963.)[467]"Book of the Duchesse," ll. 339, 406, 391, 1033. John of Gaunt found some consolation in marrying two other wives. Blanche, the first wife, was buried with him in old St. Paul's. See a view of their tomb from Dugdale's "St. Paul's," in my "Piers Plowman," p. 92.[468]Vous Ambasseur et messagier,Qui alez par le monde es coursDes grans princes pour besongnier,Vostre voyage n'est pas cours ...Ne soiez mie si hastis!Il fault que vostre fait soit misAu conseil pour respondre à plain;Attendez encore mes amis ...Il faut parler au chancelierDe vostre fait et à plusours ...Temps passe et tout vint arrebours."Œuvres Complètes," Société des Anciens Textes, vol. vii. p. 117.[469]De laissier aux champs me manace,Trop souvent des genoulx s'assiet,Par ma foy, mes chevaulx se lace.(Ibid., p. 32.)[470]Mal fait mangier à l'appétit d'autruy.(Ibid., p. 81.)[471]O doulz pais, terre très honorable,Où chascuns a ce qu'il veult demanderPour son argent, et à pris raisonnable,Char, pain et vin, poisson d'yaue et de mer,Chambre à par soy, feu, dormir, reposer,Liz, orilliers blans, draps flairans la graine,Et pour chevaulz, foing, litière et avaine,Estre servis, et par bonne ordonnance,Et en seurté de ce qu'on porte et maine;Tel pais n'est qu'en royaume de France.(Ibid., p. 79.)[472]Book i. chap. 692.[473]The order for the payment of the expenses of "nostre cher et féal chivaler Edward de Berklé," and "nostre féal esquier Geffray Chaucer," is directed to William Walworth, then not so famous as he was to be, and to the no less notorious John Philpot, mercer and naval leader. Both envoys are ordered "d'aler en nostre message si bien au duc de Melan Barnabo come à nostre cher et foial Johan Haukwode ès parties de Lumbardie, pur ascunes busoignes touchantes l'exploit de nostre guerre," May 12, 1378. Berkeley receives 200 marcs and Chaucer 100; the sums are to be paid out of the war subsidy voted by Parliament the year before. The French text of the warrant has been published by M. Spont in theAthenæumof Sept. 9, 1893. During this absence Chaucer appointed to be his representatives or attorneys two of his friends, one of whom was the poet Gower. See document dated May 22, 1378, in "Poetical Works," ed. Morris, i. p. 99.[474]ll. 1982, 1990, 1997.[475]Figure of "Peace," by Ambrogio Lorenzetti, 1339. See a drawing of it in Müntz, "Les Précurseurs de la Renaissance," Paris, 1882, 4to, p. 29.[476]Müntz,ibid., p. 30.[477]"F. Petrarcæ Epistolæ," ed. Fracassetti, Florence, 1859, vol. iii. p. 541.[478]Letter of Boccaccio "celeberrimi nominis militi Jacopo Pizzinghe." Corazzini, "Le Lettere edite ed inedite di Giovanni Boccaccio," Florence, 1877, 8vo, p. 195.[479]Chaucer could not be present at the lectures of Boccaccio, who began them on Sunday, October 23, 1373; he had returned to London in the summer. Disease (probably diabetes) soon obliged Boccaccio to interrupt his lectures; he died in his house at Certaldo on December 21, 1375. See Cochin, inRevue des Deux Mondes, July 15, 1888.[480]This meeting, concerning which numerous discussions have taken place, seems to have most probably happened. "I wol," says the clerk of Oxford in the "Canterbury Tales,"I wol yow telle a tale which that ILerned at Padowe of a worthy clerk ...He is now deed and nayled in his cheste ...Fraunceys Petrark, the laureat poet.Such a circumstantial reference is of a most unusual sort; in most cases, following the example of his contemporaries, Chaucer simply says that he imitates "a book," or sometimes he refers to his models by a wrong or fancy name, such being the case with Boccaccio, whom he calls "Lollius," a name which, however, does duty also with him, at another place, for Petrarch. But on this occasion it seems as if the poet meant to preserve the memory of personal intercourse. We know besides that at that date Chaucer was not without notoriety as a poet on the Continent (Des Champs' praise is a proof of it), and that at the time when he came to Italy Petrarch was at Arqua, near Padua, where he was precisely busy with his Latin translation of Boccaccio's story of Griselda.[481]"The Othe of the Comptroler of the Customes," in Thynne's "Animadversions," Chaucer Society, 1875, p. 131.[482]None in the handwriting of Chaucer have been discovered as yet; but some are to be seen drawn, as he was allowed to have them later, by another's hand, under his own responsibility: "per visum et testimonium Galfridi Chaucer."[483]The lease is dated May 10, 1374; Furnivall, "Trial Forewords," p. 1. Such grants of lodgings in the gates were forbidden in 1386 in consequence of a panic (described,e.g., in the "Chronicon Angliæ," Rolls, p. 370) caused by a rumour of the coming of the French. See Riley, "Memorials of London," pp. 388, 489. A study on the too neglected Ralph Strode is being prepared (1894) by M. Gollancz.[484]"Dimissio Portæ de Aldgate facta Galfrido Chaucer.—Concessio de Aldrichgate Radulpho Strode.—Sursum-redditio domorum supra Aldrichesgate per Radulphum Strode." Among the "Fundationes et præsentationes cantariarum ... shoparum ... civitati pertinentium." "Liber Albus," Rolls, pp. 553, 556, 557.[485]Chaucer represents Jupiter's eagle, addressing him thus:And noght only fro fer contreeThat ther no tyding comth to theeBut of thy verray neyghebores,That dwellen almost at thy dores,Thou herest neither that ne this;For whan thy labour doon al is,Thou gost hoom to thy hous anoon,Thou sittest at another boke,Til fully daswed is thy loke,And livest thus as an hermyte."Hous of Fame," book ii. l. 647; "Complete Works," iii. p. 20.[486]All these dates are merely approximative. Concerning the chronology of Chaucer's works, see Ten Brink, "Chaucer Studien," Münster, 1870, 8vo; Furnivall, "Trial Forewords," 1871, Chaucer Society; Koch, "Chronology," Chaucer Society, 1890; Pollard, "Chaucer," "Literature Primers," 1893; Skeat, "Complete Works of Chaucer," vol. i., "Life" and the introductions to each poem. "Boece" is in vol. ii. of the "Complete Works" (cf.Morris's ed., 1868, E.E.T.S.). The "Lyf of Seinte Cecile" was transferred by Chaucer to his "Canterbury Tales," where it became the tale of the second nun. The good women of the "Legend" are all of them love's martyrs: Dido, Ariadne, Thisbe, &c.; it was Chaucer's first attempt to write a collection of stories with a Prologue. In the Prologue Venus and Cupid reproach him with having composed poems where women and love do not appear in a favourable light, such as "Troilus" and the translation of the "Roman de la Rose," which "is an heresye ageyns my lawe." He wrote his "Legend" to make amends.[487]"Parlement of Foules," ll. 272, 225, "Complete Works," vol. i.[488]"Hous of Fame," l. 133ibid., vol. iii.[489]"Hous of Fame," l. 518.[490]"Complete Works, "vol. i. p. 365. This beginning is imitated from Boccaccio's "Teseide."[491]"Parlement of Foules," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 336. Chaucer alludes here to a book which "was write with lettres olde," and which contained "Tullius of the dreme of Scipioun."[492]"Legend of Dido," in "Complete Works," vol. iii. p. 117.[493]Book v. st. 256.[494]"Hous of Fame," ll. 469, 473, 492.[495]Thorgh me men goon in-to that blisful place ...Thorgh me men goon unto the welle of Grace, &c.These lines were "over the gate with lettres large y-wroghte," ll. 124, 127.[496]S'amor non è, che dunque è quel ch'i sento?which becomes in Chaucer the "Cantus Troili":If no love is, O God, what fele I so?(Book i. stanza 58.)[497]l. 449.[498]In sogno mi parea veder sospesaUn' aquila nel ciel con penne d'oroCon l'ali aperte, ed a calare intesa....Poi mi parea, che piu rotata un poco,Terribil come folgor discendesse,E me rapisse suso infino al foco.("Purgatorio," canto ix.)In Chaucer:Me thoughte I saw an egle sore ...Hit was of golde and shoon so brightThat never saw men such a sighte ...Me, fleinge, at a swappe he hente,And with his sours agayn up wente,Me caryinge in his clawes starke.(ll. 449, 503, 542.)[499]I wol now singe, if that I canThe armes, and al-so the man, &c. (l. 142.)Hereupon follows a complete but abbreviated account of the events in the Æneid, Dido's story being the only part treated at some length.[500]"Complete Works," vol. iii. The poem was left unfinished; it is written in octosyllabic couplets, with four accents or beats.[501]Compare, for example, the beginning of "Hous of Fame," and No. 487 ofThe Spectator(Sept. 18, 1712):God turne us every dreem to gode!For hit is wonder, by the rode,To my wit what causeth swevenesEither on morwes or on evenes;And why the effect folweth of somme,And of somme hit shal never come;Why this is an avisioun,And this a revelacioun ...Why this a fantom, these oracles.Addison writes: "Tho' there are many authors who have written on Dreams, they have generally considered them only as revelations of what has already happened in distant parts of the world, or as presages of what is to happen in future periods of time," &c.[502]l. 1191.[503]l. 1242.[504]l. 1830.[505]l. 2047.[506]l. 2078.Cf.La Fontaine's "Les Femmes et le Secret."[507]"Parlement of Foules," l. 186.[508]Boccaccio's story is told in stanzas of eight lines, and has for its title "Il Filostrato" (love's victim: such was at least the sense Boccaccio attributed to the word). Text in "Le Opere volgari di Giov. Boccaccio," Florence, 1831, 8vo, vol. xiii.[509]Text in "Complete Works," vol. iii. It is divided into five books and written in stanzas of seven lines, rhyminga b a b b c c. See the different texts of this poem published by the Chaucer Society; also Kitredge, "Chaucer's Language in his Troilus," Chaucer Society, 1891. For a comparison between the English and the Italian texts see Rossetti "Troylus and Cressida, compared with Boccaccio's Filostrato," Chaucer Society, 1875. About one-third of Chaucer's poem is derived from Boccaccio. It is dedicated to Gower and to "philosophical Strode" (see above, p.290), both friends of the poet.[510]Book i. st. 28.[511]And, as the nurse, gets out of breath, so that he cannot speak:... O veray God, so have I ronne!Lo, nece myn, see ye nought how I swete?Book ii. st. 210. Says the Nurse:Jesu, what haste! can you not stay awhile?Do you not see that I am out of breath?[512]Turned later into English verse by Lydgate, to be read as a supplementary Tale of Canterbury: "Here begynneth the sege of Thebes, ful lamentably told by Johnn Lidgate monke of Bury, annexynge it to ye tallys of Canterbury," MS. Royal 18 D ii. in the British Museum. The exquisite miniatures of this MS. represent Thebes besieged with great guns, fol. 158; Creon's coronation by two bishops wearing mitres and gold copes, fol. 160, see below, p. 499.[513]Book ii. st. 46.[514]Book ii. st. 100 ff.[515]Book ii. st. 182.[516]Book iii. st. 163 and 170.[517]Book iii. st 173. Boccaccio's Griselda has nothing to be compared to those degrees in feeling and tenderness. She laughs at the newly wedded ones, and ignores blushes as well as doubts ("Filostrato," iii. st. 29 ff.).[518]Book iii. st. 188.[519]What me is woThat day of us mot make desseveraunce!(Book iii. st. 203, 204.)[520]Book iv. st. 98 ff.[521]Yet preye I yow on yvel ye ne take,That it is short which that I to yow wryte;I dar not, ther I am, wel lettres make,Ne never yet ne coude I wel endyte.Eek greet effect men wryte in place lyte.Thentente is al, and nought the lettres spaceAnd fareth now wel, God have you in his grace.La vostre C.Book v. st. 233. Troilus had written at great length, of course, "the papyr al y-pleynted." St. 229.[522]Book v. st. 263.[523]Pierre de Beauveau's translation of the passage (in Moland and d'Héricault, "Nouvelles françoises en prose, du XIV^e Siècle," 1858, p. 303) does not differ much from the original. Here is the Italian text:Giovane donna è mobile, e vogliosaÈ negli amanti molti, e sua bellezzaEstima piu ch'allo specchio, e pomposaHa vanagloria di sua giovinezza;La qual quanto piaccevole e vezzosaÈ piu, cotanto più seco l'apprezza;Virtù non sente ni conoscimento,Volubil sempre come foglia al vento.("Opere Volgari," Florence, 1831, vol. xiii. p. 253.)[524]"Return of the names of every member [of Parliament]," 1878, fol. a Blue Book, p. 229.[525]"Hous of Fame," l. 1189.[526]"Complete Works," ed. Skeat, Oxford, 1894, 6 vols. 8vo, vol. iv.[527]The "Tabard," a sleeveless overcoat, then in general use, was, like the "Bell," a frequent sign for inns. The Tabard Inn, famous in Chaucer's day, was situated in the Southwark High Street; often repaired and restored, rebaptised the "Talbot," it lasted till our century.[528]Beginning of the "Shipmannes Tale."[529]"Vie de Marianne," Paris, 1731-41.[530]Book i. chap. 81, Luce's edition.[531]The canonisation took place shortly after the death of the archbishop, 1170-73. There is nothing left to-day but an old marble mosaic, greatly restored, to indicate the place in the choir where the shrine used to be.[532]A map of the road from London to Canterbury, drawn in the seventeenth century, but showing the line of the old highway, has been reproduced by Dr. Furnivall in his "Supplementary Canterbury Tales—I. The Tale of Beryn," Chaucer Society, 1876, 8vo.[533]"E forse a queste cose scrivere, quantunque sieno umilissime, si sono elle venute parecchi volte a starsi meco." Prologue of "Giornata Quarta."[534]"Pardoner's Tale," ll. 904, 920, 931.[535]The setting of the tales into their proper order is due to Bradshaw and Furnivall; see Furnivall's "Temporary Preface" for the "Six-text edition of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales," Chaucer Society, 1868. The order, subject, and originals of the tales are follows:—1st Day.London to Dartford, 15 miles.—Tale of the Knight, history of Palamon and Arcyte, derived from Boccaccio's "Teseide."—Tale of the Miller: story of Absolon, Nicholas and Alisoun the carpenter's wife, source unknown.—Reeve's tale, imitated from the French fabliau of Gombert and the two clerks (above, p. 155); same tale in Boccaccio, ix. 6, from whom La Fontaine took it: "le Berceau."—Cook's tale, unfinished; the tale of Gamelyn attributed by some MSS. to the Cook seems to be simply an old story which Chaucer intended to remodel; it would suit the Yeoman better than the Cook (in "Complete Works," as an appendix to vol. iv.).2nd Day.Stopping at Rochester, 30 miles.—Tale of the Man of Law: history of the pious Constance, from the French of Trivet, an Englishman who wrote also Latin chronicles, &c., same story in Gower, who wrote it ab. 1393.—Shipman's tale: story of a merchant of St. Denys, his wife, and a wicked monk, from some French fabliau, or from "Decameron," viii. 1.—Tale of the Prioress: a child killed by Jews, from the French of Gautier de Coinci.—Tales by Chaucer: Sir Thopas, a caricature of the romances of chivalry; story of Melibeus, from a French version of the "Liber consolationis et consilii" of Albertano of Brescia, thirteenth century.—Monk's tale: "tragedies" of Lucifer, Adam, Sampson, Hercules, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, Zenobia, Pedro the Cruel, Pierre de Lusignan king of Cyprus, Barnabo Visconti (d. 1385), Hugolino, Nero, Holofernes, Antiochus, Alexander, Cæsar, Crœsus; from Boccaccio, Machault, Dante, the ancients, &c.—Tale of the Nun's Priest: Story of Chauntecleer, same story in "Roman de Renart" and in Marie de France.3rd Day.Rest at Ospringe, 46 miles.—Tale of the Physician: Appius and Virginia, from Titus Livius and the "Roman de la Rose;" same story in Gower.—Pardoner's tale: three young men find a treasure, quarrel over it and kill each other, an old legend, of which, however, we have no earlier version than the one in the "Cento Novelle antiche," nov. 82.—Tale of the Wife of Bath: story of the young knight saved by an old sorceress, whom he marries and who recovers her youth and beauty; the first original of this old legend is not known; same story in Gower (Story of Florent), and in Voltaire: "Ce qui plait aux Dames."—Friar's tale: a summoner taken away by the devil, from one of the old collections ofexempla.—Tale of the Summoner (somnour, sompnour): a friar ill-received by a moribund; a coarse, popular story, a version of which is in "Til Ulespiegel."—Clerk of Oxford's tale: story of Griselda from Petrarch's Latin version of the last tale in the "Decameron."—Merchant's tale: old January beguiled by his wife May and by Damian; there are several versions of this story, one in the "Decameron," vii. 9, which was made use of by La Fontaine, ii. 7.4th Day.Reach Canterbury, 56 miles.—Squire's tale: unfinished story of Cambinscan, king of Tartary; origin unknown, in part from the French romance of "Cleomades."—Franklin's tale: Aurelius tries to obtain Dorigen's love by magic; same story in Boccaccio's "Filocopo," and in the "Decameron," x. 5.—Tale of the second nun: story of St. Cecilia, from the Golden Legend.—Tale of the Canon's Yeoman: frauds of an alchemist (from Chaucer's personal experience?).—Manciple's tale: a crow tells Phœbus of the faithlessness of the woman he loves; from Ovid, to be found also in Gower.—Parson's tale, from the French "Somme des Vices et des Vertus" of Friar Lorens, 1279.[536]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 538. The canon and his man join the pilgrims during the fourth day's journey. Contrary to Chaucer's use, such a keen animosity appears in this satire of alchemists that it seems as if the poet, then rather hard up, had had himself a grudge against such quacks.[537]l. 1963. Compare the mendicant friar in Diderot, who drew him from nature, centuries later; it is the same sort of nature. Friar John "venait dans notre village demander des œufs, de la laine, du chanvre, des fruits à chaque saison." Friar John "ne passait pas dans les rues que les pères, les mères et les enfants n'allassent à lui et ne lui criassent: Bonjour, frère Jean, comment vous portez vous, frère Jean? Il est sûr que quand il entrait dans une maison, la bénédiction du ciel y entrait avec lui." "Jacques le Fataliste et son Maître," ed. Asseline, p. 46.[538]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 285; on Geoffrey de Vinesauf and Richard, see above, p.180.[539]See for example his description of a young lady gathering flowers at dawn in a garden, at the foot of a "dongeoun," Knight's Tale, l. 190, "Complete Works," iv. p. 31.[540]But very popular, derived from the "Liber Consolationis" of Albertano of Brescia, written ab. 1246, ed. Thor Sundby, Chaucer Society, 1873. It was translated into French (several times), Italian, German, Dutch. French text in MS. Reg. 19, C vii. in the British Museum: "Uns jouvenceauls appelé Melibée, puissant et riches ot une femme nommé Prudence, et de celle femme ot une fille. Advint un jour...." "A young man," says Chaucer, whose tale is also in prose, "called Melibeus, mighty and riche, bigat up-on his wyf that called was Prudence, a doghter which that called was Sophie. Upon a day befel...." (iv. 119).[541]Unlike most of the tales, this one is written in stanzas, Chaucer's favourite seven-line stanza, rhyminga b a b b c c.[542]It is to be found in the "Ménagier de Paris," ab. 1393, the author of which declares that he will "traire un exemple qui fut ja pieça translaté par maistre François Petrarc qui à Romme fut couronné poète" ("Ménagier," 1846, vol. i. p. 99). The same story finds place in "Melibeus," MS. Reg. 19 C vii. in the British Museum, fol. 140. Another French translation was printed ab. 1470: "La Patience Griselidis Marquise de Saluces." Under Louis XIV., Perrault wrote a metrical version of the same story: "La Marquise de Saluces ou la patience de Griselidis," Paris, 1691, 12mo. A number of ballads in all countries were dedicated to Griselda; the popularity of an English one is shown by the fact of other ballads being "to the tune of Patient Grissel." One of Miss Edgeworth's novels has for its title and subject: "The Modern Griselda."[543]One in French was performed at Paris in 1395 ("Estoire de Griselidis ... par personnages," MS. Fr. 2203 in the National Library, Paris), and was printed at the Renaissance, by Bonfons, ab. 1550: "Le Mystère de Griselidis"; one in German was written by Hans Sachs in 1550. In Italy it was the subject of an opera by Apostolo Zeno, 1620. In England, Henslowe, on the 15th of December, 1599, lends three pounds to Dekker, Chettle and Haughton for their "Pleasant comodie of Patient Grissil," printed in 1603, reprinted by the Shakespeare Society, 1841. The English authors drew several hints from the French play, but theirs is the best written on the subject (parts of Julia, the witty sister of the Marquis, of Laureo, the poor student, brother of Griselda, as proud as she is humble, &c.).[544]Lady Bradshaigh to Richardson, January 11, 1749. "Correspondence of Samuel Richardson," ed. Barbauld, London, 1804, 6 vols. 12mo, vol. iv. p. 240.[545]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 568.[546]Listeth, lordes, in good entent,And I wol telle verraymentOf mirthe and of solas, &c.The caricature of the popular heroic stories of the day is extremely close (see below, p. 347).[547]Tale of the Canon's Yeoman, l. 995.[548]... For the tyrant is of gretter might,By force of meynee for to sleen doun-right,And brennen hous and hoom, and make al plain,Lo! therfor is he cleped a capitain;And, for the outlawe hath but smal meynee,And may nat doon so greet an harm as he,Ne bringe a contree to so greet mescheef,Men clepen him an outlawe or a theef.(Maunciple's tale, in "Complete Works," iv. p. 562.)[549]"A Treatise on the Astrolabe" in "Complete Works," vol. iii. p. 175.[550]"General Prologue," l. 742.[551]"Troilus," Book v. st. 257.[552]"Chaucer's wordes unto Adam, his owne Scriveyn," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 379.[553]"Je te suppliray seulement d'une chose, lecteur, de vouloir bien prononcer mes vers et accomoder ta voix à leur passion ... et je te supplie encore de rechef, où tu verras cette marque: (!) vouloir un peu eslever ta voix pour donner grâce à ce que tu liras." Preface of the "Franciade."[554]So says the Parson, who adds:Ne, God wot, rym holde I but litel bettre.Parson's Prologue, l. 43. It will be observed that whilenamingsimply rhyme, hecaricaturesalliteration.[555]1391, in "Complete Works," vol. iii. On that other,possibleson of Chaucer, Thomas, seeibid., vol. i. p. xlviii., and above, p. 273.[556]"Truth," or "Balade de bon Conseyl," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 390. Belonging to the same period: "Lak of Stedfastnesse" (advice to the king himself); "L'Envoy de Chaucer à Scogan"; "L'Envoy de Chaucer à Bukton," on marriage, with an allusion to the Wife of Bath; "The Compleynt of Venus"; "The Compleint of Chaucer to his empty purse," &c., all in vol. i. of "Complete Works."[557]It has been said, but without sufficient cause, that this friendship came to an end some time before the death of Chaucer.[558]He in the waast is shape as wel as I.(Prologue to Sir Thopas.)[559]To be seen (1894) under glass in the Chapter House.[560]"Hoccleve's Works," ed. Furnivall, E.E.T.S., 1892, vol. i. p. xxi.[561]One ab. 1478, the other ab. 1484; this last is illustrated. See in "English Novel in the time of Shakespeare," p. 45, a facsimile of the woodcut representing the pilgrims seated at the table of the Tabard inn.[562]"Animadversions uppon the Annotacions and corrections of some imperfections of impressiones of Chaucers workes...." by Francis Thynne, ed. Furnivall and Kingsley, Chaucer Society, 1876, p. xiv.[563]Ibid.[564]"Shepheard's Calender," December.[565]"Of whom, truly I know not, whether to mervaile more, either that he in that mistie time could see so clearly, or that wee in this cleare age walke so stumblingly after him." "Apologie for Poetrie," ed. Arber, p. 62.[566]The subject of Chaucer's fame is treated at great length in Lounsbury's "Studies in Chaucer, his life and writings," London, 1892, 3 vols. 8vo, vol. iii. ch. vii., "Chaucer in Literary History."[567]The Chaucer Society, founded by Dr. Furnivall, which has published among other things, the "Six-text edition of the Canterbury Tales"; some "Life Records of Chaucer"; various "Essays" on questions concerning the poet's works; a collection of "Originals and Analogues" illustrative of the "Canterbury Tales," &c. Among modern tributes paid to Chaucer may be added Wordsworth's modernisation of part of "Troilus" (John Morley's ed., p. 165), and Lowell's admirable essay in his "Study Windows."

[448]The date 1328 has long but wrongly been believed to be the true one. The principal documents concerning Chaucer are to be found in the Appendix to his biography by Sir H. Nicolas, in "Poetical Works," ed. R. Morris, Aldine Poets, vol. i. p. 93 ff., in the "Trial Forewords," of Dr. Furnivall, 1871, and in the "Life Records of Chaucer," 1875 ff., Chaucer Society. One of the municipal ordinances meant to check the frauds of the vintners is signed by several members of the corporation, and among others by John Chaucer, 1342. See Riley, "Memorials, of London," p. 211.

[448]The date 1328 has long but wrongly been believed to be the true one. The principal documents concerning Chaucer are to be found in the Appendix to his biography by Sir H. Nicolas, in "Poetical Works," ed. R. Morris, Aldine Poets, vol. i. p. 93 ff., in the "Trial Forewords," of Dr. Furnivall, 1871, and in the "Life Records of Chaucer," 1875 ff., Chaucer Society. One of the municipal ordinances meant to check the frauds of the vintners is signed by several members of the corporation, and among others by John Chaucer, 1342. See Riley, "Memorials, of London," p. 211.

[449]See the view of London, painted in the fifteenth century, obviously from nature, reproduced at the beginning of this vol., from MS. Royal 16 F ii, in the British Museum, showing the Tower, the Bridge, the wharfs, Old St. Paul's, etc.

[449]See the view of London, painted in the fifteenth century, obviously from nature, reproduced at the beginning of this vol., from MS. Royal 16 F ii, in the British Museum, showing the Tower, the Bridge, the wharfs, Old St. Paul's, etc.

[450]Such is the case with a tower in the churchyard of St. Giles's, Cripplegate.

[450]Such is the case with a tower in the churchyard of St. Giles's, Cripplegate.

[451]"Et qi pork voedra norir, le norise deinz sa measoun." Four jurymen were to act as public executors: "Quatuor homines electi et jurati ad interficiendos porcos inventos vagantes infra muros civitatis." Riley "Munimenta Gildhallæ," Rolls, 1859, 4 vols. 8vo; "Liber Albus," pp. 270 and 590.

[451]"Et qi pork voedra norir, le norise deinz sa measoun." Four jurymen were to act as public executors: "Quatuor homines electi et jurati ad interficiendos porcos inventos vagantes infra muros civitatis." Riley "Munimenta Gildhallæ," Rolls, 1859, 4 vols. 8vo; "Liber Albus," pp. 270 and 590.

[452]April, 1357, an information gathered from a fragment of the accounts of the household of Elizabeth found in the binding of a book.

[452]April, 1357, an information gathered from a fragment of the accounts of the household of Elizabeth found in the binding of a book.

[453]In the controversy between Sir Richard Scrope and Sir Robert Grosvenor, concerning a question of armorial bearings, Chaucer, being called as witness, declares (1386) that he has seen Sir Richard use the disputed emblems "en France, devant la ville de Retters ... et issint il [le] vist armez par tout le dit viage tanque le dit Geffrey estoit pris." "The Scrope and Grosvenor controversy, 1385-90," London, 2 vols. fol., vol. i. p. 178. "Retters" is Réthel in Champagne (not Retiers in Brittany, where the expedition did not go). Chaucer took part in another campaign "in partibus Franciæ," in 1369.

[453]In the controversy between Sir Richard Scrope and Sir Robert Grosvenor, concerning a question of armorial bearings, Chaucer, being called as witness, declares (1386) that he has seen Sir Richard use the disputed emblems "en France, devant la ville de Retters ... et issint il [le] vist armez par tout le dit viage tanque le dit Geffrey estoit pris." "The Scrope and Grosvenor controversy, 1385-90," London, 2 vols. fol., vol. i. p. 178. "Retters" is Réthel in Champagne (not Retiers in Brittany, where the expedition did not go). Chaucer took part in another campaign "in partibus Franciæ," in 1369.

[454]On this see Furnivall, "Chaucer as valet and esquire," Chaucer Society, 1876.

[454]On this see Furnivall, "Chaucer as valet and esquire," Chaucer Society, 1876.

[455]A passage in Chaucer's "Book of the Duchesse" (1369), lines 30 ff., leaves little doubt as to the reality of the unlucky passion he describes. The poet interrupts the train of his speech to answer a supposed question put to him as to the causes of his depression and "melancolye":I holdë hit be a siknesseThat I have suffred this eight yere,And yet my bote is never the nere;For ther is phisicien but oon,That may me hele.Proem of the "Book." See, in connection with this, the "Compleynte unto Pite." Who was the loved one we do not know; could it be that the poet was playing upon her name in such lines as these:For kindly by your heritage rightYe been annexed ever unto Bountee? (l. 71).There were numerous families of Bonamy, Bonenfaut, Boncœur. A William de Boncuor is named in the "Excerpta e Rotulis Finium," of Roberts, vol. ii. pp. 309, 431, 432.

[455]A passage in Chaucer's "Book of the Duchesse" (1369), lines 30 ff., leaves little doubt as to the reality of the unlucky passion he describes. The poet interrupts the train of his speech to answer a supposed question put to him as to the causes of his depression and "melancolye":

I holdë hit be a siknesseThat I have suffred this eight yere,And yet my bote is never the nere;For ther is phisicien but oon,That may me hele.

I holdë hit be a siknesseThat I have suffred this eight yere,And yet my bote is never the nere;For ther is phisicien but oon,That may me hele.

Proem of the "Book." See, in connection with this, the "Compleynte unto Pite." Who was the loved one we do not know; could it be that the poet was playing upon her name in such lines as these:

For kindly by your heritage rightYe been annexed ever unto Bountee? (l. 71).

For kindly by your heritage rightYe been annexed ever unto Bountee? (l. 71).

There were numerous families of Bonamy, Bonenfaut, Boncœur. A William de Boncuor is named in the "Excerpta e Rotulis Finium," of Roberts, vol. ii. pp. 309, 431, 432.

[456]The date of Chaucer's marriage has not been ascertained. We know that his wife was called Philippa, that one Philippa Chaucer belonged to the queen's household in 1366, and that the Philippa Chaucer, wife of the poet, was at a later date in the service of the Duchess of Lancaster, after having been in the service of the queen. It seems most likely that the two women were the same person: same name, same function, same pension of ten marks, referred to in the same words in public documents, for example: 1º 42 Ed. III., 1368, "Philippæ Chaucer cui dominus Rex decem marcas annuatim ad scaccarium percipiendas pro bono servitio per ipsam Philippam Philippe Regine Anglie impenso per literas suas patentes nuper concessit...." 2º 4 Ric. II., 1381, "Philippæ Chaucer nuper uni domicellarum Philippæ nuper Regine Anglie"—she had died in 1369—"cui dominus Rex Edwardus avus Regis hujus X marcas annuatim ad scaccarium suum percipiendas pro bono servitio per ipsam tam eidem domino Regi quam dicte Regine impenso per literas suas patentes nuper concessit ... in denariis sibi liberatis per manus predicti Galfridi mariti sui...." "Poetical Works," ed. Morris, i. p. 108. Who Philippa was by birth is doubtful, but it seems likely that she was Philippa Roet, daughter of Sir Payne Roet, who hailed, like the queen herself, from Hainault—hence her connection with the queen—and sister of Catherine Roet who became the mistress and then the third wife of John of Gaunt—hence the favour in which the poet and his family stood with the Lancastrians. It seems again very probable, though not absolutely certain, that Thomas Chaucer, who used at different times both the Chaucer and the Roet arms, Speaker of the House of Commons under Henry V., a man of great influence, was one of the children of the poet.

[456]The date of Chaucer's marriage has not been ascertained. We know that his wife was called Philippa, that one Philippa Chaucer belonged to the queen's household in 1366, and that the Philippa Chaucer, wife of the poet, was at a later date in the service of the Duchess of Lancaster, after having been in the service of the queen. It seems most likely that the two women were the same person: same name, same function, same pension of ten marks, referred to in the same words in public documents, for example: 1º 42 Ed. III., 1368, "Philippæ Chaucer cui dominus Rex decem marcas annuatim ad scaccarium percipiendas pro bono servitio per ipsam Philippam Philippe Regine Anglie impenso per literas suas patentes nuper concessit...." 2º 4 Ric. II., 1381, "Philippæ Chaucer nuper uni domicellarum Philippæ nuper Regine Anglie"—she had died in 1369—"cui dominus Rex Edwardus avus Regis hujus X marcas annuatim ad scaccarium suum percipiendas pro bono servitio per ipsam tam eidem domino Regi quam dicte Regine impenso per literas suas patentes nuper concessit ... in denariis sibi liberatis per manus predicti Galfridi mariti sui...." "Poetical Works," ed. Morris, i. p. 108. Who Philippa was by birth is doubtful, but it seems likely that she was Philippa Roet, daughter of Sir Payne Roet, who hailed, like the queen herself, from Hainault—hence her connection with the queen—and sister of Catherine Roet who became the mistress and then the third wife of John of Gaunt—hence the favour in which the poet and his family stood with the Lancastrians. It seems again very probable, though not absolutely certain, that Thomas Chaucer, who used at different times both the Chaucer and the Roet arms, Speaker of the House of Commons under Henry V., a man of great influence, was one of the children of the poet.

[457]Book iv. chap. 40.

[457]Book iv. chap. 40.

[458]Froissart declares concerning his own poems that he "les commencha à faire sus l'an de grâce Nostre Seigneur, 1362." He wrote them "à l'ayde de Dieu et d'Amours, et à le contemplation et plaisance de pluisours haus et nobles signours et de pluisours nobles et vaillans dames." MS. Fr. 831 in the National Library, Paris.—On Guillaume de Deguileville, who wrote about 1330-5, see Ward, "Catalogue of Romances," 1893, vol. ii. p. 558; Hill, "An Ancient Poem of G. de Guileville," London, 1858, 4to, illustrated, and my "Piers Plowman," chap. vii. Chaucer imitated from him his "A.B.C.," one of his first works.—On Machault, who died in 1377, see Tarbé, "Œuvres Choisies," Reims and Paris, 1849, 8vo, and Thomas, "Romania," x. pp. 325 ff. (papal bulls concerning him, dated 1330, 1332, 1333, 1335).—On Des Champs, see "Œuvres Complètes publiées d'après le Manuscrit de la Bibliothèque Nationale," by the Marquis de Queux de St. Hilaire, Société des Anciens Textes, 1878 ff. (which MS. contains,e.g., 1175 ballads, 171 roundels, and 80 virelais), and A. Sarradin, "Etude sur Eustache des Champs," Versailles, 1878, 8vo.—On Granson, a knight and a poet slain in a judicial duel, in 1397, see Piaget, "Granson et ses poésies," "Romania," vol. xix.; Chaucer imitated in his later years his "Compleynt of Venus," from a poem of "Graunson, flour of hem that make in Fraunce."

[458]Froissart declares concerning his own poems that he "les commencha à faire sus l'an de grâce Nostre Seigneur, 1362." He wrote them "à l'ayde de Dieu et d'Amours, et à le contemplation et plaisance de pluisours haus et nobles signours et de pluisours nobles et vaillans dames." MS. Fr. 831 in the National Library, Paris.—On Guillaume de Deguileville, who wrote about 1330-5, see Ward, "Catalogue of Romances," 1893, vol. ii. p. 558; Hill, "An Ancient Poem of G. de Guileville," London, 1858, 4to, illustrated, and my "Piers Plowman," chap. vii. Chaucer imitated from him his "A.B.C.," one of his first works.—On Machault, who died in 1377, see Tarbé, "Œuvres Choisies," Reims and Paris, 1849, 8vo, and Thomas, "Romania," x. pp. 325 ff. (papal bulls concerning him, dated 1330, 1332, 1333, 1335).—On Des Champs, see "Œuvres Complètes publiées d'après le Manuscrit de la Bibliothèque Nationale," by the Marquis de Queux de St. Hilaire, Société des Anciens Textes, 1878 ff. (which MS. contains,e.g., 1175 ballads, 171 roundels, and 80 virelais), and A. Sarradin, "Etude sur Eustache des Champs," Versailles, 1878, 8vo.—On Granson, a knight and a poet slain in a judicial duel, in 1397, see Piaget, "Granson et ses poésies," "Romania," vol. xix.; Chaucer imitated in his later years his "Compleynt of Venus," from a poem of "Graunson, flour of hem that make in Fraunce."

[459]Chaucer's favourite flower; he constantly praises it; it is for him a woman-flower (see especially the prologue of the "Legend of Good Women"). This flower enjoyed the same favour with the French models of Chaucer. One of the ballads of Froissart has for its burden: "Sus toutes flours j'aime la margherite" ("Le Paradis d'Amour," in "Poésies," ed. Scheler, Brussels, 1870, 3 vols. 8vo), vol. i. p. 49. Des Champs praised the same flower; Machault wrote a "Dit de la Marguerite" ("Œuvres Choisies," ed. Tarbé, p. 123):J'aim une fleur qui s'uevre et qui s'enclineVers le soleil, de jour quand il chemine;Et quand il est couchiez soubz sa courtinePar nuit obscure,Elle se clost ainsois que le jour fine.

[459]Chaucer's favourite flower; he constantly praises it; it is for him a woman-flower (see especially the prologue of the "Legend of Good Women"). This flower enjoyed the same favour with the French models of Chaucer. One of the ballads of Froissart has for its burden: "Sus toutes flours j'aime la margherite" ("Le Paradis d'Amour," in "Poésies," ed. Scheler, Brussels, 1870, 3 vols. 8vo), vol. i. p. 49. Des Champs praised the same flower; Machault wrote a "Dit de la Marguerite" ("Œuvres Choisies," ed. Tarbé, p. 123):

J'aim une fleur qui s'uevre et qui s'enclineVers le soleil, de jour quand il chemine;Et quand il est couchiez soubz sa courtinePar nuit obscure,Elle se clost ainsois que le jour fine.

J'aim une fleur qui s'uevre et qui s'enclineVers le soleil, de jour quand il chemine;Et quand il est couchiez soubz sa courtinePar nuit obscure,Elle se clost ainsois que le jour fine.

[460]Guillaume de Lorris wrote the first part of the "Roman" ab. 1237; Jean de Meun wrote the second towards 1277. On the sources of the poem see the important work of Langlois: "Origines et Sources du Roman de la Rose," Paris, 1891, 8vo. M. Langlois has traced the originals for 12,000 out of the 17,500 lines of Jean de Meun; he is preparing (1894) a much-needed critical edition of the text.

[460]Guillaume de Lorris wrote the first part of the "Roman" ab. 1237; Jean de Meun wrote the second towards 1277. On the sources of the poem see the important work of Langlois: "Origines et Sources du Roman de la Rose," Paris, 1891, 8vo. M. Langlois has traced the originals for 12,000 out of the 17,500 lines of Jean de Meun; he is preparing (1894) a much-needed critical edition of the text.

[461]One of them has a sort of biographical interest as having belonged to Sir Richard Stury, Chaucer's colleague in one of his missions (see below, p. 284); it was afterwards purchased for Thomas, duke of Gloucester, son of Edward III., and is now in the British Museum, MS. Royal 19 B xiii. "Ceste livre est à Thomas fiz au Roy, duc de Glouc', achates dez executeurs Mons' Ric' Stury." It has curious miniatures exemplifying the way in which people pictured to themselves at that time Olympian gods and romance heroes. The "Dieu d'amour" figures as a tall person with a tunic, a cloak, and a crown, a bow in his hand and large red wings on his back. See fol. 16, "coment li diex d'amours navra l'amant de ses saietes."

[461]One of them has a sort of biographical interest as having belonged to Sir Richard Stury, Chaucer's colleague in one of his missions (see below, p. 284); it was afterwards purchased for Thomas, duke of Gloucester, son of Edward III., and is now in the British Museum, MS. Royal 19 B xiii. "Ceste livre est à Thomas fiz au Roy, duc de Glouc', achates dez executeurs Mons' Ric' Stury." It has curious miniatures exemplifying the way in which people pictured to themselves at that time Olympian gods and romance heroes. The "Dieu d'amour" figures as a tall person with a tunic, a cloak, and a crown, a bow in his hand and large red wings on his back. See fol. 16, "coment li diex d'amours navra l'amant de ses saietes."

[462]"A vous qui belles filles avez et bien les désirez à introduire à vie honneste, bailliez leur, bailliez le Rommant de la Rose, pour aprendre à discerner le bien du mal, que diz-je, mais le mal du bien. Et à quel utilité ne à quoy proufite aux oyans oïr tant de laidures?" Jean de Meun "oncques n'ot acointance ne hantise de femme honorable ne vertueuse, mais par plusieurs femmes dissolues et de male vie hanter, comme font communément les luxurieux cuida ou faingny savoir que toutes telles feussent car d'autres n'avoit congnoissance." "Débat sur le Rommant de la Rose," in MS. Fr. 604 in the National Library, Paris, fol. 114 and 115.

[462]"A vous qui belles filles avez et bien les désirez à introduire à vie honneste, bailliez leur, bailliez le Rommant de la Rose, pour aprendre à discerner le bien du mal, que diz-je, mais le mal du bien. Et à quel utilité ne à quoy proufite aux oyans oïr tant de laidures?" Jean de Meun "oncques n'ot acointance ne hantise de femme honorable ne vertueuse, mais par plusieurs femmes dissolues et de male vie hanter, comme font communément les luxurieux cuida ou faingny savoir que toutes telles feussent car d'autres n'avoit congnoissance." "Débat sur le Rommant de la Rose," in MS. Fr. 604 in the National Library, Paris, fol. 114 and 115.

[463]An incomplete translation of the "Roman" in English verse has come down to us in a single MS. preserved in the Hunterian collection, Glasgow. It is anonymous; a study of this text, by Lindner and by Kaluza, has shown that it is made up of three fragments of different origin, prosody, and language. The first fragment ends with line 1705, leaving a sentence unfinished; between the second and third fragments there is a gap of more than 5,000 lines. The first fragment alone might, on account of its style and versification, be the work of Chaucer, but this is only a surmise, and we have no direct proof of it. The "Romaunt" is to be found in Skeat's edition of the "Complete Works" of Chaucer, 1894, vol. i. For Fragment I. the French text is given along with the English translation.

[463]An incomplete translation of the "Roman" in English verse has come down to us in a single MS. preserved in the Hunterian collection, Glasgow. It is anonymous; a study of this text, by Lindner and by Kaluza, has shown that it is made up of three fragments of different origin, prosody, and language. The first fragment ends with line 1705, leaving a sentence unfinished; between the second and third fragments there is a gap of more than 5,000 lines. The first fragment alone might, on account of its style and versification, be the work of Chaucer, but this is only a surmise, and we have no direct proof of it. The "Romaunt" is to be found in Skeat's edition of the "Complete Works" of Chaucer, 1894, vol. i. For Fragment I. the French text is given along with the English translation.

[464]Mais pran en gré les euvres d'escolierQue par Clifford de moy avoir pourras.For Des Champs, Chaucer is a Socrates, a Seneca, an Ovid, an "aigle très hault," "Œuvres Completes," Paris, 1878 ff., vol. ii. p. 138.

[464]

Mais pran en gré les euvres d'escolierQue par Clifford de moy avoir pourras.

Mais pran en gré les euvres d'escolierQue par Clifford de moy avoir pourras.

For Des Champs, Chaucer is a Socrates, a Seneca, an Ovid, an "aigle très hault," "Œuvres Completes," Paris, 1878 ff., vol. ii. p. 138.

[465]"Hous of Fame," line 622; "Legend of Good Women," line 422, "Complete Works," 1894, vol. i. pp. 19 and 96. Such was the reputation of Chaucer that a great many writings were attributed to him—a way to increase their reputation, not his. The more important of them are: "The Court of Love"; the "Book of Cupid," otherwise "Cuckoo and Nightingale"; "Flower and Leaf," the "Romaunt of the Rose," such as we have it; the "Complaint of a Lover's Life"; the "Testament of Love" (in prose, see below, page 522); the "Isle of Ladies," or "Chaucer's Dream"; various ballads. Most of those works (not the "Testament") are to be found in the "Poetical Works" of Chaucer, Aldine Poets, ed. Morris.

[465]"Hous of Fame," line 622; "Legend of Good Women," line 422, "Complete Works," 1894, vol. i. pp. 19 and 96. Such was the reputation of Chaucer that a great many writings were attributed to him—a way to increase their reputation, not his. The more important of them are: "The Court of Love"; the "Book of Cupid," otherwise "Cuckoo and Nightingale"; "Flower and Leaf," the "Romaunt of the Rose," such as we have it; the "Complaint of a Lover's Life"; the "Testament of Love" (in prose, see below, page 522); the "Isle of Ladies," or "Chaucer's Dream"; various ballads. Most of those works (not the "Testament") are to be found in the "Poetical Works" of Chaucer, Aldine Poets, ed. Morris.

[466]And every day hir beaute newed.(ll. 906, 963.)

[466]

And every day hir beaute newed.(ll. 906, 963.)

And every day hir beaute newed.(ll. 906, 963.)

[467]"Book of the Duchesse," ll. 339, 406, 391, 1033. John of Gaunt found some consolation in marrying two other wives. Blanche, the first wife, was buried with him in old St. Paul's. See a view of their tomb from Dugdale's "St. Paul's," in my "Piers Plowman," p. 92.

[467]"Book of the Duchesse," ll. 339, 406, 391, 1033. John of Gaunt found some consolation in marrying two other wives. Blanche, the first wife, was buried with him in old St. Paul's. See a view of their tomb from Dugdale's "St. Paul's," in my "Piers Plowman," p. 92.

[468]Vous Ambasseur et messagier,Qui alez par le monde es coursDes grans princes pour besongnier,Vostre voyage n'est pas cours ...Ne soiez mie si hastis!Il fault que vostre fait soit misAu conseil pour respondre à plain;Attendez encore mes amis ...Il faut parler au chancelierDe vostre fait et à plusours ...Temps passe et tout vint arrebours."Œuvres Complètes," Société des Anciens Textes, vol. vii. p. 117.

[468]

Vous Ambasseur et messagier,Qui alez par le monde es coursDes grans princes pour besongnier,Vostre voyage n'est pas cours ...Ne soiez mie si hastis!Il fault que vostre fait soit misAu conseil pour respondre à plain;Attendez encore mes amis ...Il faut parler au chancelierDe vostre fait et à plusours ...Temps passe et tout vint arrebours.

Vous Ambasseur et messagier,Qui alez par le monde es coursDes grans princes pour besongnier,Vostre voyage n'est pas cours ...Ne soiez mie si hastis!Il fault que vostre fait soit misAu conseil pour respondre à plain;Attendez encore mes amis ...Il faut parler au chancelierDe vostre fait et à plusours ...Temps passe et tout vint arrebours.

"Œuvres Complètes," Société des Anciens Textes, vol. vii. p. 117.

[469]De laissier aux champs me manace,Trop souvent des genoulx s'assiet,Par ma foy, mes chevaulx se lace.(Ibid., p. 32.)

[469]

De laissier aux champs me manace,Trop souvent des genoulx s'assiet,Par ma foy, mes chevaulx se lace.(Ibid., p. 32.)

De laissier aux champs me manace,Trop souvent des genoulx s'assiet,Par ma foy, mes chevaulx se lace.

(Ibid., p. 32.)

[470]Mal fait mangier à l'appétit d'autruy.(Ibid., p. 81.)

[470]

Mal fait mangier à l'appétit d'autruy.(Ibid., p. 81.)

Mal fait mangier à l'appétit d'autruy.

(Ibid., p. 81.)

[471]O doulz pais, terre très honorable,Où chascuns a ce qu'il veult demanderPour son argent, et à pris raisonnable,Char, pain et vin, poisson d'yaue et de mer,Chambre à par soy, feu, dormir, reposer,Liz, orilliers blans, draps flairans la graine,Et pour chevaulz, foing, litière et avaine,Estre servis, et par bonne ordonnance,Et en seurté de ce qu'on porte et maine;Tel pais n'est qu'en royaume de France.(Ibid., p. 79.)

[471]

O doulz pais, terre très honorable,Où chascuns a ce qu'il veult demanderPour son argent, et à pris raisonnable,Char, pain et vin, poisson d'yaue et de mer,Chambre à par soy, feu, dormir, reposer,Liz, orilliers blans, draps flairans la graine,Et pour chevaulz, foing, litière et avaine,Estre servis, et par bonne ordonnance,Et en seurté de ce qu'on porte et maine;Tel pais n'est qu'en royaume de France.(Ibid., p. 79.)

O doulz pais, terre très honorable,Où chascuns a ce qu'il veult demanderPour son argent, et à pris raisonnable,Char, pain et vin, poisson d'yaue et de mer,Chambre à par soy, feu, dormir, reposer,Liz, orilliers blans, draps flairans la graine,Et pour chevaulz, foing, litière et avaine,Estre servis, et par bonne ordonnance,Et en seurté de ce qu'on porte et maine;Tel pais n'est qu'en royaume de France.

(Ibid., p. 79.)

[472]Book i. chap. 692.

[472]Book i. chap. 692.

[473]The order for the payment of the expenses of "nostre cher et féal chivaler Edward de Berklé," and "nostre féal esquier Geffray Chaucer," is directed to William Walworth, then not so famous as he was to be, and to the no less notorious John Philpot, mercer and naval leader. Both envoys are ordered "d'aler en nostre message si bien au duc de Melan Barnabo come à nostre cher et foial Johan Haukwode ès parties de Lumbardie, pur ascunes busoignes touchantes l'exploit de nostre guerre," May 12, 1378. Berkeley receives 200 marcs and Chaucer 100; the sums are to be paid out of the war subsidy voted by Parliament the year before. The French text of the warrant has been published by M. Spont in theAthenæumof Sept. 9, 1893. During this absence Chaucer appointed to be his representatives or attorneys two of his friends, one of whom was the poet Gower. See document dated May 22, 1378, in "Poetical Works," ed. Morris, i. p. 99.

[473]The order for the payment of the expenses of "nostre cher et féal chivaler Edward de Berklé," and "nostre féal esquier Geffray Chaucer," is directed to William Walworth, then not so famous as he was to be, and to the no less notorious John Philpot, mercer and naval leader. Both envoys are ordered "d'aler en nostre message si bien au duc de Melan Barnabo come à nostre cher et foial Johan Haukwode ès parties de Lumbardie, pur ascunes busoignes touchantes l'exploit de nostre guerre," May 12, 1378. Berkeley receives 200 marcs and Chaucer 100; the sums are to be paid out of the war subsidy voted by Parliament the year before. The French text of the warrant has been published by M. Spont in theAthenæumof Sept. 9, 1893. During this absence Chaucer appointed to be his representatives or attorneys two of his friends, one of whom was the poet Gower. See document dated May 22, 1378, in "Poetical Works," ed. Morris, i. p. 99.

[474]ll. 1982, 1990, 1997.

[474]ll. 1982, 1990, 1997.

[475]Figure of "Peace," by Ambrogio Lorenzetti, 1339. See a drawing of it in Müntz, "Les Précurseurs de la Renaissance," Paris, 1882, 4to, p. 29.

[475]Figure of "Peace," by Ambrogio Lorenzetti, 1339. See a drawing of it in Müntz, "Les Précurseurs de la Renaissance," Paris, 1882, 4to, p. 29.

[476]Müntz,ibid., p. 30.

[476]Müntz,ibid., p. 30.

[477]"F. Petrarcæ Epistolæ," ed. Fracassetti, Florence, 1859, vol. iii. p. 541.

[477]"F. Petrarcæ Epistolæ," ed. Fracassetti, Florence, 1859, vol. iii. p. 541.

[478]Letter of Boccaccio "celeberrimi nominis militi Jacopo Pizzinghe." Corazzini, "Le Lettere edite ed inedite di Giovanni Boccaccio," Florence, 1877, 8vo, p. 195.

[478]Letter of Boccaccio "celeberrimi nominis militi Jacopo Pizzinghe." Corazzini, "Le Lettere edite ed inedite di Giovanni Boccaccio," Florence, 1877, 8vo, p. 195.

[479]Chaucer could not be present at the lectures of Boccaccio, who began them on Sunday, October 23, 1373; he had returned to London in the summer. Disease (probably diabetes) soon obliged Boccaccio to interrupt his lectures; he died in his house at Certaldo on December 21, 1375. See Cochin, inRevue des Deux Mondes, July 15, 1888.

[479]Chaucer could not be present at the lectures of Boccaccio, who began them on Sunday, October 23, 1373; he had returned to London in the summer. Disease (probably diabetes) soon obliged Boccaccio to interrupt his lectures; he died in his house at Certaldo on December 21, 1375. See Cochin, inRevue des Deux Mondes, July 15, 1888.

[480]This meeting, concerning which numerous discussions have taken place, seems to have most probably happened. "I wol," says the clerk of Oxford in the "Canterbury Tales,"I wol yow telle a tale which that ILerned at Padowe of a worthy clerk ...He is now deed and nayled in his cheste ...Fraunceys Petrark, the laureat poet.Such a circumstantial reference is of a most unusual sort; in most cases, following the example of his contemporaries, Chaucer simply says that he imitates "a book," or sometimes he refers to his models by a wrong or fancy name, such being the case with Boccaccio, whom he calls "Lollius," a name which, however, does duty also with him, at another place, for Petrarch. But on this occasion it seems as if the poet meant to preserve the memory of personal intercourse. We know besides that at that date Chaucer was not without notoriety as a poet on the Continent (Des Champs' praise is a proof of it), and that at the time when he came to Italy Petrarch was at Arqua, near Padua, where he was precisely busy with his Latin translation of Boccaccio's story of Griselda.

[480]This meeting, concerning which numerous discussions have taken place, seems to have most probably happened. "I wol," says the clerk of Oxford in the "Canterbury Tales,"

I wol yow telle a tale which that ILerned at Padowe of a worthy clerk ...He is now deed and nayled in his cheste ...Fraunceys Petrark, the laureat poet.

I wol yow telle a tale which that ILerned at Padowe of a worthy clerk ...He is now deed and nayled in his cheste ...Fraunceys Petrark, the laureat poet.

Such a circumstantial reference is of a most unusual sort; in most cases, following the example of his contemporaries, Chaucer simply says that he imitates "a book," or sometimes he refers to his models by a wrong or fancy name, such being the case with Boccaccio, whom he calls "Lollius," a name which, however, does duty also with him, at another place, for Petrarch. But on this occasion it seems as if the poet meant to preserve the memory of personal intercourse. We know besides that at that date Chaucer was not without notoriety as a poet on the Continent (Des Champs' praise is a proof of it), and that at the time when he came to Italy Petrarch was at Arqua, near Padua, where he was precisely busy with his Latin translation of Boccaccio's story of Griselda.

[481]"The Othe of the Comptroler of the Customes," in Thynne's "Animadversions," Chaucer Society, 1875, p. 131.

[481]"The Othe of the Comptroler of the Customes," in Thynne's "Animadversions," Chaucer Society, 1875, p. 131.

[482]None in the handwriting of Chaucer have been discovered as yet; but some are to be seen drawn, as he was allowed to have them later, by another's hand, under his own responsibility: "per visum et testimonium Galfridi Chaucer."

[482]None in the handwriting of Chaucer have been discovered as yet; but some are to be seen drawn, as he was allowed to have them later, by another's hand, under his own responsibility: "per visum et testimonium Galfridi Chaucer."

[483]The lease is dated May 10, 1374; Furnivall, "Trial Forewords," p. 1. Such grants of lodgings in the gates were forbidden in 1386 in consequence of a panic (described,e.g., in the "Chronicon Angliæ," Rolls, p. 370) caused by a rumour of the coming of the French. See Riley, "Memorials of London," pp. 388, 489. A study on the too neglected Ralph Strode is being prepared (1894) by M. Gollancz.

[483]The lease is dated May 10, 1374; Furnivall, "Trial Forewords," p. 1. Such grants of lodgings in the gates were forbidden in 1386 in consequence of a panic (described,e.g., in the "Chronicon Angliæ," Rolls, p. 370) caused by a rumour of the coming of the French. See Riley, "Memorials of London," pp. 388, 489. A study on the too neglected Ralph Strode is being prepared (1894) by M. Gollancz.

[484]"Dimissio Portæ de Aldgate facta Galfrido Chaucer.—Concessio de Aldrichgate Radulpho Strode.—Sursum-redditio domorum supra Aldrichesgate per Radulphum Strode." Among the "Fundationes et præsentationes cantariarum ... shoparum ... civitati pertinentium." "Liber Albus," Rolls, pp. 553, 556, 557.

[484]"Dimissio Portæ de Aldgate facta Galfrido Chaucer.—Concessio de Aldrichgate Radulpho Strode.—Sursum-redditio domorum supra Aldrichesgate per Radulphum Strode." Among the "Fundationes et præsentationes cantariarum ... shoparum ... civitati pertinentium." "Liber Albus," Rolls, pp. 553, 556, 557.

[485]Chaucer represents Jupiter's eagle, addressing him thus:And noght only fro fer contreeThat ther no tyding comth to theeBut of thy verray neyghebores,That dwellen almost at thy dores,Thou herest neither that ne this;For whan thy labour doon al is,Thou gost hoom to thy hous anoon,Thou sittest at another boke,Til fully daswed is thy loke,And livest thus as an hermyte."Hous of Fame," book ii. l. 647; "Complete Works," iii. p. 20.

[485]Chaucer represents Jupiter's eagle, addressing him thus:

And noght only fro fer contreeThat ther no tyding comth to theeBut of thy verray neyghebores,That dwellen almost at thy dores,Thou herest neither that ne this;For whan thy labour doon al is,Thou gost hoom to thy hous anoon,Thou sittest at another boke,Til fully daswed is thy loke,And livest thus as an hermyte.

And noght only fro fer contreeThat ther no tyding comth to theeBut of thy verray neyghebores,That dwellen almost at thy dores,Thou herest neither that ne this;For whan thy labour doon al is,Thou gost hoom to thy hous anoon,Thou sittest at another boke,Til fully daswed is thy loke,And livest thus as an hermyte.

"Hous of Fame," book ii. l. 647; "Complete Works," iii. p. 20.

[486]All these dates are merely approximative. Concerning the chronology of Chaucer's works, see Ten Brink, "Chaucer Studien," Münster, 1870, 8vo; Furnivall, "Trial Forewords," 1871, Chaucer Society; Koch, "Chronology," Chaucer Society, 1890; Pollard, "Chaucer," "Literature Primers," 1893; Skeat, "Complete Works of Chaucer," vol. i., "Life" and the introductions to each poem. "Boece" is in vol. ii. of the "Complete Works" (cf.Morris's ed., 1868, E.E.T.S.). The "Lyf of Seinte Cecile" was transferred by Chaucer to his "Canterbury Tales," where it became the tale of the second nun. The good women of the "Legend" are all of them love's martyrs: Dido, Ariadne, Thisbe, &c.; it was Chaucer's first attempt to write a collection of stories with a Prologue. In the Prologue Venus and Cupid reproach him with having composed poems where women and love do not appear in a favourable light, such as "Troilus" and the translation of the "Roman de la Rose," which "is an heresye ageyns my lawe." He wrote his "Legend" to make amends.

[486]All these dates are merely approximative. Concerning the chronology of Chaucer's works, see Ten Brink, "Chaucer Studien," Münster, 1870, 8vo; Furnivall, "Trial Forewords," 1871, Chaucer Society; Koch, "Chronology," Chaucer Society, 1890; Pollard, "Chaucer," "Literature Primers," 1893; Skeat, "Complete Works of Chaucer," vol. i., "Life" and the introductions to each poem. "Boece" is in vol. ii. of the "Complete Works" (cf.Morris's ed., 1868, E.E.T.S.). The "Lyf of Seinte Cecile" was transferred by Chaucer to his "Canterbury Tales," where it became the tale of the second nun. The good women of the "Legend" are all of them love's martyrs: Dido, Ariadne, Thisbe, &c.; it was Chaucer's first attempt to write a collection of stories with a Prologue. In the Prologue Venus and Cupid reproach him with having composed poems where women and love do not appear in a favourable light, such as "Troilus" and the translation of the "Roman de la Rose," which "is an heresye ageyns my lawe." He wrote his "Legend" to make amends.

[487]"Parlement of Foules," ll. 272, 225, "Complete Works," vol. i.

[487]"Parlement of Foules," ll. 272, 225, "Complete Works," vol. i.

[488]"Hous of Fame," l. 133ibid., vol. iii.

[488]"Hous of Fame," l. 133ibid., vol. iii.

[489]"Hous of Fame," l. 518.

[489]"Hous of Fame," l. 518.

[490]"Complete Works, "vol. i. p. 365. This beginning is imitated from Boccaccio's "Teseide."

[490]"Complete Works, "vol. i. p. 365. This beginning is imitated from Boccaccio's "Teseide."

[491]"Parlement of Foules," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 336. Chaucer alludes here to a book which "was write with lettres olde," and which contained "Tullius of the dreme of Scipioun."

[491]"Parlement of Foules," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 336. Chaucer alludes here to a book which "was write with lettres olde," and which contained "Tullius of the dreme of Scipioun."

[492]"Legend of Dido," in "Complete Works," vol. iii. p. 117.

[492]"Legend of Dido," in "Complete Works," vol. iii. p. 117.

[493]Book v. st. 256.

[493]Book v. st. 256.

[494]"Hous of Fame," ll. 469, 473, 492.

[494]"Hous of Fame," ll. 469, 473, 492.

[495]Thorgh me men goon in-to that blisful place ...Thorgh me men goon unto the welle of Grace, &c.These lines were "over the gate with lettres large y-wroghte," ll. 124, 127.

[495]

Thorgh me men goon in-to that blisful place ...Thorgh me men goon unto the welle of Grace, &c.

Thorgh me men goon in-to that blisful place ...Thorgh me men goon unto the welle of Grace, &c.

These lines were "over the gate with lettres large y-wroghte," ll. 124, 127.

[496]S'amor non è, che dunque è quel ch'i sento?which becomes in Chaucer the "Cantus Troili":If no love is, O God, what fele I so?(Book i. stanza 58.)

[496]

S'amor non è, che dunque è quel ch'i sento?

S'amor non è, che dunque è quel ch'i sento?

which becomes in Chaucer the "Cantus Troili":

If no love is, O God, what fele I so?(Book i. stanza 58.)

If no love is, O God, what fele I so?

(Book i. stanza 58.)

[497]l. 449.

[497]l. 449.

[498]In sogno mi parea veder sospesaUn' aquila nel ciel con penne d'oroCon l'ali aperte, ed a calare intesa....Poi mi parea, che piu rotata un poco,Terribil come folgor discendesse,E me rapisse suso infino al foco.("Purgatorio," canto ix.)In Chaucer:Me thoughte I saw an egle sore ...Hit was of golde and shoon so brightThat never saw men such a sighte ...Me, fleinge, at a swappe he hente,And with his sours agayn up wente,Me caryinge in his clawes starke.(ll. 449, 503, 542.)

[498]

In sogno mi parea veder sospesaUn' aquila nel ciel con penne d'oroCon l'ali aperte, ed a calare intesa....Poi mi parea, che piu rotata un poco,Terribil come folgor discendesse,E me rapisse suso infino al foco.("Purgatorio," canto ix.)

In sogno mi parea veder sospesaUn' aquila nel ciel con penne d'oroCon l'ali aperte, ed a calare intesa....

Poi mi parea, che piu rotata un poco,Terribil come folgor discendesse,E me rapisse suso infino al foco.

("Purgatorio," canto ix.)

In Chaucer:

Me thoughte I saw an egle sore ...Hit was of golde and shoon so brightThat never saw men such a sighte ...Me, fleinge, at a swappe he hente,And with his sours agayn up wente,Me caryinge in his clawes starke.(ll. 449, 503, 542.)

Me thoughte I saw an egle sore ...Hit was of golde and shoon so brightThat never saw men such a sighte ...Me, fleinge, at a swappe he hente,And with his sours agayn up wente,Me caryinge in his clawes starke.

(ll. 449, 503, 542.)

[499]I wol now singe, if that I canThe armes, and al-so the man, &c. (l. 142.)Hereupon follows a complete but abbreviated account of the events in the Æneid, Dido's story being the only part treated at some length.

[499]

I wol now singe, if that I canThe armes, and al-so the man, &c. (l. 142.)

I wol now singe, if that I canThe armes, and al-so the man, &c. (l. 142.)

Hereupon follows a complete but abbreviated account of the events in the Æneid, Dido's story being the only part treated at some length.

[500]"Complete Works," vol. iii. The poem was left unfinished; it is written in octosyllabic couplets, with four accents or beats.

[500]"Complete Works," vol. iii. The poem was left unfinished; it is written in octosyllabic couplets, with four accents or beats.

[501]Compare, for example, the beginning of "Hous of Fame," and No. 487 ofThe Spectator(Sept. 18, 1712):God turne us every dreem to gode!For hit is wonder, by the rode,To my wit what causeth swevenesEither on morwes or on evenes;And why the effect folweth of somme,And of somme hit shal never come;Why this is an avisioun,And this a revelacioun ...Why this a fantom, these oracles.Addison writes: "Tho' there are many authors who have written on Dreams, they have generally considered them only as revelations of what has already happened in distant parts of the world, or as presages of what is to happen in future periods of time," &c.

[501]Compare, for example, the beginning of "Hous of Fame," and No. 487 ofThe Spectator(Sept. 18, 1712):

God turne us every dreem to gode!For hit is wonder, by the rode,To my wit what causeth swevenesEither on morwes or on evenes;And why the effect folweth of somme,And of somme hit shal never come;Why this is an avisioun,And this a revelacioun ...Why this a fantom, these oracles.

God turne us every dreem to gode!For hit is wonder, by the rode,To my wit what causeth swevenesEither on morwes or on evenes;And why the effect folweth of somme,And of somme hit shal never come;Why this is an avisioun,And this a revelacioun ...Why this a fantom, these oracles.

Addison writes: "Tho' there are many authors who have written on Dreams, they have generally considered them only as revelations of what has already happened in distant parts of the world, or as presages of what is to happen in future periods of time," &c.

[502]l. 1191.

[502]l. 1191.

[503]l. 1242.

[503]l. 1242.

[504]l. 1830.

[504]l. 1830.

[505]l. 2047.

[505]l. 2047.

[506]l. 2078.Cf.La Fontaine's "Les Femmes et le Secret."

[506]l. 2078.Cf.La Fontaine's "Les Femmes et le Secret."

[507]"Parlement of Foules," l. 186.

[507]"Parlement of Foules," l. 186.

[508]Boccaccio's story is told in stanzas of eight lines, and has for its title "Il Filostrato" (love's victim: such was at least the sense Boccaccio attributed to the word). Text in "Le Opere volgari di Giov. Boccaccio," Florence, 1831, 8vo, vol. xiii.

[508]Boccaccio's story is told in stanzas of eight lines, and has for its title "Il Filostrato" (love's victim: such was at least the sense Boccaccio attributed to the word). Text in "Le Opere volgari di Giov. Boccaccio," Florence, 1831, 8vo, vol. xiii.

[509]Text in "Complete Works," vol. iii. It is divided into five books and written in stanzas of seven lines, rhyminga b a b b c c. See the different texts of this poem published by the Chaucer Society; also Kitredge, "Chaucer's Language in his Troilus," Chaucer Society, 1891. For a comparison between the English and the Italian texts see Rossetti "Troylus and Cressida, compared with Boccaccio's Filostrato," Chaucer Society, 1875. About one-third of Chaucer's poem is derived from Boccaccio. It is dedicated to Gower and to "philosophical Strode" (see above, p.290), both friends of the poet.

[509]Text in "Complete Works," vol. iii. It is divided into five books and written in stanzas of seven lines, rhyminga b a b b c c. See the different texts of this poem published by the Chaucer Society; also Kitredge, "Chaucer's Language in his Troilus," Chaucer Society, 1891. For a comparison between the English and the Italian texts see Rossetti "Troylus and Cressida, compared with Boccaccio's Filostrato," Chaucer Society, 1875. About one-third of Chaucer's poem is derived from Boccaccio. It is dedicated to Gower and to "philosophical Strode" (see above, p.290), both friends of the poet.

[510]Book i. st. 28.

[510]Book i. st. 28.

[511]And, as the nurse, gets out of breath, so that he cannot speak:... O veray God, so have I ronne!Lo, nece myn, see ye nought how I swete?Book ii. st. 210. Says the Nurse:Jesu, what haste! can you not stay awhile?Do you not see that I am out of breath?

[511]And, as the nurse, gets out of breath, so that he cannot speak:

... O veray God, so have I ronne!Lo, nece myn, see ye nought how I swete?

... O veray God, so have I ronne!Lo, nece myn, see ye nought how I swete?

Book ii. st. 210. Says the Nurse:

Jesu, what haste! can you not stay awhile?Do you not see that I am out of breath?

Jesu, what haste! can you not stay awhile?Do you not see that I am out of breath?

[512]Turned later into English verse by Lydgate, to be read as a supplementary Tale of Canterbury: "Here begynneth the sege of Thebes, ful lamentably told by Johnn Lidgate monke of Bury, annexynge it to ye tallys of Canterbury," MS. Royal 18 D ii. in the British Museum. The exquisite miniatures of this MS. represent Thebes besieged with great guns, fol. 158; Creon's coronation by two bishops wearing mitres and gold copes, fol. 160, see below, p. 499.

[512]Turned later into English verse by Lydgate, to be read as a supplementary Tale of Canterbury: "Here begynneth the sege of Thebes, ful lamentably told by Johnn Lidgate monke of Bury, annexynge it to ye tallys of Canterbury," MS. Royal 18 D ii. in the British Museum. The exquisite miniatures of this MS. represent Thebes besieged with great guns, fol. 158; Creon's coronation by two bishops wearing mitres and gold copes, fol. 160, see below, p. 499.

[513]Book ii. st. 46.

[513]Book ii. st. 46.

[514]Book ii. st. 100 ff.

[514]Book ii. st. 100 ff.

[515]Book ii. st. 182.

[515]Book ii. st. 182.

[516]Book iii. st. 163 and 170.

[516]Book iii. st. 163 and 170.

[517]Book iii. st 173. Boccaccio's Griselda has nothing to be compared to those degrees in feeling and tenderness. She laughs at the newly wedded ones, and ignores blushes as well as doubts ("Filostrato," iii. st. 29 ff.).

[517]Book iii. st 173. Boccaccio's Griselda has nothing to be compared to those degrees in feeling and tenderness. She laughs at the newly wedded ones, and ignores blushes as well as doubts ("Filostrato," iii. st. 29 ff.).

[518]Book iii. st. 188.

[518]Book iii. st. 188.

[519]What me is woThat day of us mot make desseveraunce!(Book iii. st. 203, 204.)

[519]

What me is woThat day of us mot make desseveraunce!(Book iii. st. 203, 204.)

What me is woThat day of us mot make desseveraunce!

(Book iii. st. 203, 204.)

[520]Book iv. st. 98 ff.

[520]Book iv. st. 98 ff.

[521]Yet preye I yow on yvel ye ne take,That it is short which that I to yow wryte;I dar not, ther I am, wel lettres make,Ne never yet ne coude I wel endyte.Eek greet effect men wryte in place lyte.Thentente is al, and nought the lettres spaceAnd fareth now wel, God have you in his grace.La vostre C.Book v. st. 233. Troilus had written at great length, of course, "the papyr al y-pleynted." St. 229.

[521]

Yet preye I yow on yvel ye ne take,That it is short which that I to yow wryte;I dar not, ther I am, wel lettres make,Ne never yet ne coude I wel endyte.Eek greet effect men wryte in place lyte.Thentente is al, and nought the lettres spaceAnd fareth now wel, God have you in his grace.La vostre C.

Yet preye I yow on yvel ye ne take,That it is short which that I to yow wryte;I dar not, ther I am, wel lettres make,Ne never yet ne coude I wel endyte.Eek greet effect men wryte in place lyte.Thentente is al, and nought the lettres spaceAnd fareth now wel, God have you in his grace.

La vostre C.

Book v. st. 233. Troilus had written at great length, of course, "the papyr al y-pleynted." St. 229.

[522]Book v. st. 263.

[522]Book v. st. 263.

[523]Pierre de Beauveau's translation of the passage (in Moland and d'Héricault, "Nouvelles françoises en prose, du XIV^e Siècle," 1858, p. 303) does not differ much from the original. Here is the Italian text:Giovane donna è mobile, e vogliosaÈ negli amanti molti, e sua bellezzaEstima piu ch'allo specchio, e pomposaHa vanagloria di sua giovinezza;La qual quanto piaccevole e vezzosaÈ piu, cotanto più seco l'apprezza;Virtù non sente ni conoscimento,Volubil sempre come foglia al vento.("Opere Volgari," Florence, 1831, vol. xiii. p. 253.)

[523]Pierre de Beauveau's translation of the passage (in Moland and d'Héricault, "Nouvelles françoises en prose, du XIV^e Siècle," 1858, p. 303) does not differ much from the original. Here is the Italian text:

Giovane donna è mobile, e vogliosaÈ negli amanti molti, e sua bellezzaEstima piu ch'allo specchio, e pomposaHa vanagloria di sua giovinezza;La qual quanto piaccevole e vezzosaÈ piu, cotanto più seco l'apprezza;Virtù non sente ni conoscimento,Volubil sempre come foglia al vento.("Opere Volgari," Florence, 1831, vol. xiii. p. 253.)

Giovane donna è mobile, e vogliosaÈ negli amanti molti, e sua bellezzaEstima piu ch'allo specchio, e pomposaHa vanagloria di sua giovinezza;La qual quanto piaccevole e vezzosaÈ piu, cotanto più seco l'apprezza;Virtù non sente ni conoscimento,Volubil sempre come foglia al vento.

("Opere Volgari," Florence, 1831, vol. xiii. p. 253.)

[524]"Return of the names of every member [of Parliament]," 1878, fol. a Blue Book, p. 229.

[524]"Return of the names of every member [of Parliament]," 1878, fol. a Blue Book, p. 229.

[525]"Hous of Fame," l. 1189.

[525]"Hous of Fame," l. 1189.

[526]"Complete Works," ed. Skeat, Oxford, 1894, 6 vols. 8vo, vol. iv.

[526]"Complete Works," ed. Skeat, Oxford, 1894, 6 vols. 8vo, vol. iv.

[527]The "Tabard," a sleeveless overcoat, then in general use, was, like the "Bell," a frequent sign for inns. The Tabard Inn, famous in Chaucer's day, was situated in the Southwark High Street; often repaired and restored, rebaptised the "Talbot," it lasted till our century.

[527]The "Tabard," a sleeveless overcoat, then in general use, was, like the "Bell," a frequent sign for inns. The Tabard Inn, famous in Chaucer's day, was situated in the Southwark High Street; often repaired and restored, rebaptised the "Talbot," it lasted till our century.

[528]Beginning of the "Shipmannes Tale."

[528]Beginning of the "Shipmannes Tale."

[529]"Vie de Marianne," Paris, 1731-41.

[529]"Vie de Marianne," Paris, 1731-41.

[530]Book i. chap. 81, Luce's edition.

[530]Book i. chap. 81, Luce's edition.

[531]The canonisation took place shortly after the death of the archbishop, 1170-73. There is nothing left to-day but an old marble mosaic, greatly restored, to indicate the place in the choir where the shrine used to be.

[531]The canonisation took place shortly after the death of the archbishop, 1170-73. There is nothing left to-day but an old marble mosaic, greatly restored, to indicate the place in the choir where the shrine used to be.

[532]A map of the road from London to Canterbury, drawn in the seventeenth century, but showing the line of the old highway, has been reproduced by Dr. Furnivall in his "Supplementary Canterbury Tales—I. The Tale of Beryn," Chaucer Society, 1876, 8vo.

[532]A map of the road from London to Canterbury, drawn in the seventeenth century, but showing the line of the old highway, has been reproduced by Dr. Furnivall in his "Supplementary Canterbury Tales—I. The Tale of Beryn," Chaucer Society, 1876, 8vo.

[533]"E forse a queste cose scrivere, quantunque sieno umilissime, si sono elle venute parecchi volte a starsi meco." Prologue of "Giornata Quarta."

[533]"E forse a queste cose scrivere, quantunque sieno umilissime, si sono elle venute parecchi volte a starsi meco." Prologue of "Giornata Quarta."

[534]"Pardoner's Tale," ll. 904, 920, 931.

[534]"Pardoner's Tale," ll. 904, 920, 931.

[535]The setting of the tales into their proper order is due to Bradshaw and Furnivall; see Furnivall's "Temporary Preface" for the "Six-text edition of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales," Chaucer Society, 1868. The order, subject, and originals of the tales are follows:—1st Day.London to Dartford, 15 miles.—Tale of the Knight, history of Palamon and Arcyte, derived from Boccaccio's "Teseide."—Tale of the Miller: story of Absolon, Nicholas and Alisoun the carpenter's wife, source unknown.—Reeve's tale, imitated from the French fabliau of Gombert and the two clerks (above, p. 155); same tale in Boccaccio, ix. 6, from whom La Fontaine took it: "le Berceau."—Cook's tale, unfinished; the tale of Gamelyn attributed by some MSS. to the Cook seems to be simply an old story which Chaucer intended to remodel; it would suit the Yeoman better than the Cook (in "Complete Works," as an appendix to vol. iv.).2nd Day.Stopping at Rochester, 30 miles.—Tale of the Man of Law: history of the pious Constance, from the French of Trivet, an Englishman who wrote also Latin chronicles, &c., same story in Gower, who wrote it ab. 1393.—Shipman's tale: story of a merchant of St. Denys, his wife, and a wicked monk, from some French fabliau, or from "Decameron," viii. 1.—Tale of the Prioress: a child killed by Jews, from the French of Gautier de Coinci.—Tales by Chaucer: Sir Thopas, a caricature of the romances of chivalry; story of Melibeus, from a French version of the "Liber consolationis et consilii" of Albertano of Brescia, thirteenth century.—Monk's tale: "tragedies" of Lucifer, Adam, Sampson, Hercules, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, Zenobia, Pedro the Cruel, Pierre de Lusignan king of Cyprus, Barnabo Visconti (d. 1385), Hugolino, Nero, Holofernes, Antiochus, Alexander, Cæsar, Crœsus; from Boccaccio, Machault, Dante, the ancients, &c.—Tale of the Nun's Priest: Story of Chauntecleer, same story in "Roman de Renart" and in Marie de France.3rd Day.Rest at Ospringe, 46 miles.—Tale of the Physician: Appius and Virginia, from Titus Livius and the "Roman de la Rose;" same story in Gower.—Pardoner's tale: three young men find a treasure, quarrel over it and kill each other, an old legend, of which, however, we have no earlier version than the one in the "Cento Novelle antiche," nov. 82.—Tale of the Wife of Bath: story of the young knight saved by an old sorceress, whom he marries and who recovers her youth and beauty; the first original of this old legend is not known; same story in Gower (Story of Florent), and in Voltaire: "Ce qui plait aux Dames."—Friar's tale: a summoner taken away by the devil, from one of the old collections ofexempla.—Tale of the Summoner (somnour, sompnour): a friar ill-received by a moribund; a coarse, popular story, a version of which is in "Til Ulespiegel."—Clerk of Oxford's tale: story of Griselda from Petrarch's Latin version of the last tale in the "Decameron."—Merchant's tale: old January beguiled by his wife May and by Damian; there are several versions of this story, one in the "Decameron," vii. 9, which was made use of by La Fontaine, ii. 7.4th Day.Reach Canterbury, 56 miles.—Squire's tale: unfinished story of Cambinscan, king of Tartary; origin unknown, in part from the French romance of "Cleomades."—Franklin's tale: Aurelius tries to obtain Dorigen's love by magic; same story in Boccaccio's "Filocopo," and in the "Decameron," x. 5.—Tale of the second nun: story of St. Cecilia, from the Golden Legend.—Tale of the Canon's Yeoman: frauds of an alchemist (from Chaucer's personal experience?).—Manciple's tale: a crow tells Phœbus of the faithlessness of the woman he loves; from Ovid, to be found also in Gower.—Parson's tale, from the French "Somme des Vices et des Vertus" of Friar Lorens, 1279.

[535]The setting of the tales into their proper order is due to Bradshaw and Furnivall; see Furnivall's "Temporary Preface" for the "Six-text edition of Chaucer's Canterbury Tales," Chaucer Society, 1868. The order, subject, and originals of the tales are follows:—

1st Day.London to Dartford, 15 miles.—Tale of the Knight, history of Palamon and Arcyte, derived from Boccaccio's "Teseide."—Tale of the Miller: story of Absolon, Nicholas and Alisoun the carpenter's wife, source unknown.—Reeve's tale, imitated from the French fabliau of Gombert and the two clerks (above, p. 155); same tale in Boccaccio, ix. 6, from whom La Fontaine took it: "le Berceau."—Cook's tale, unfinished; the tale of Gamelyn attributed by some MSS. to the Cook seems to be simply an old story which Chaucer intended to remodel; it would suit the Yeoman better than the Cook (in "Complete Works," as an appendix to vol. iv.).

2nd Day.Stopping at Rochester, 30 miles.—Tale of the Man of Law: history of the pious Constance, from the French of Trivet, an Englishman who wrote also Latin chronicles, &c., same story in Gower, who wrote it ab. 1393.—Shipman's tale: story of a merchant of St. Denys, his wife, and a wicked monk, from some French fabliau, or from "Decameron," viii. 1.—Tale of the Prioress: a child killed by Jews, from the French of Gautier de Coinci.—Tales by Chaucer: Sir Thopas, a caricature of the romances of chivalry; story of Melibeus, from a French version of the "Liber consolationis et consilii" of Albertano of Brescia, thirteenth century.—Monk's tale: "tragedies" of Lucifer, Adam, Sampson, Hercules, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, Zenobia, Pedro the Cruel, Pierre de Lusignan king of Cyprus, Barnabo Visconti (d. 1385), Hugolino, Nero, Holofernes, Antiochus, Alexander, Cæsar, Crœsus; from Boccaccio, Machault, Dante, the ancients, &c.—Tale of the Nun's Priest: Story of Chauntecleer, same story in "Roman de Renart" and in Marie de France.

3rd Day.Rest at Ospringe, 46 miles.—Tale of the Physician: Appius and Virginia, from Titus Livius and the "Roman de la Rose;" same story in Gower.—Pardoner's tale: three young men find a treasure, quarrel over it and kill each other, an old legend, of which, however, we have no earlier version than the one in the "Cento Novelle antiche," nov. 82.—Tale of the Wife of Bath: story of the young knight saved by an old sorceress, whom he marries and who recovers her youth and beauty; the first original of this old legend is not known; same story in Gower (Story of Florent), and in Voltaire: "Ce qui plait aux Dames."—Friar's tale: a summoner taken away by the devil, from one of the old collections ofexempla.—Tale of the Summoner (somnour, sompnour): a friar ill-received by a moribund; a coarse, popular story, a version of which is in "Til Ulespiegel."—Clerk of Oxford's tale: story of Griselda from Petrarch's Latin version of the last tale in the "Decameron."—Merchant's tale: old January beguiled by his wife May and by Damian; there are several versions of this story, one in the "Decameron," vii. 9, which was made use of by La Fontaine, ii. 7.

4th Day.Reach Canterbury, 56 miles.—Squire's tale: unfinished story of Cambinscan, king of Tartary; origin unknown, in part from the French romance of "Cleomades."—Franklin's tale: Aurelius tries to obtain Dorigen's love by magic; same story in Boccaccio's "Filocopo," and in the "Decameron," x. 5.—Tale of the second nun: story of St. Cecilia, from the Golden Legend.—Tale of the Canon's Yeoman: frauds of an alchemist (from Chaucer's personal experience?).—Manciple's tale: a crow tells Phœbus of the faithlessness of the woman he loves; from Ovid, to be found also in Gower.—Parson's tale, from the French "Somme des Vices et des Vertus" of Friar Lorens, 1279.

[536]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 538. The canon and his man join the pilgrims during the fourth day's journey. Contrary to Chaucer's use, such a keen animosity appears in this satire of alchemists that it seems as if the poet, then rather hard up, had had himself a grudge against such quacks.

[536]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 538. The canon and his man join the pilgrims during the fourth day's journey. Contrary to Chaucer's use, such a keen animosity appears in this satire of alchemists that it seems as if the poet, then rather hard up, had had himself a grudge against such quacks.

[537]l. 1963. Compare the mendicant friar in Diderot, who drew him from nature, centuries later; it is the same sort of nature. Friar John "venait dans notre village demander des œufs, de la laine, du chanvre, des fruits à chaque saison." Friar John "ne passait pas dans les rues que les pères, les mères et les enfants n'allassent à lui et ne lui criassent: Bonjour, frère Jean, comment vous portez vous, frère Jean? Il est sûr que quand il entrait dans une maison, la bénédiction du ciel y entrait avec lui." "Jacques le Fataliste et son Maître," ed. Asseline, p. 46.

[537]l. 1963. Compare the mendicant friar in Diderot, who drew him from nature, centuries later; it is the same sort of nature. Friar John "venait dans notre village demander des œufs, de la laine, du chanvre, des fruits à chaque saison." Friar John "ne passait pas dans les rues que les pères, les mères et les enfants n'allassent à lui et ne lui criassent: Bonjour, frère Jean, comment vous portez vous, frère Jean? Il est sûr que quand il entrait dans une maison, la bénédiction du ciel y entrait avec lui." "Jacques le Fataliste et son Maître," ed. Asseline, p. 46.

[538]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 285; on Geoffrey de Vinesauf and Richard, see above, p.180.

[538]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 285; on Geoffrey de Vinesauf and Richard, see above, p.180.

[539]See for example his description of a young lady gathering flowers at dawn in a garden, at the foot of a "dongeoun," Knight's Tale, l. 190, "Complete Works," iv. p. 31.

[539]See for example his description of a young lady gathering flowers at dawn in a garden, at the foot of a "dongeoun," Knight's Tale, l. 190, "Complete Works," iv. p. 31.

[540]But very popular, derived from the "Liber Consolationis" of Albertano of Brescia, written ab. 1246, ed. Thor Sundby, Chaucer Society, 1873. It was translated into French (several times), Italian, German, Dutch. French text in MS. Reg. 19, C vii. in the British Museum: "Uns jouvenceauls appelé Melibée, puissant et riches ot une femme nommé Prudence, et de celle femme ot une fille. Advint un jour...." "A young man," says Chaucer, whose tale is also in prose, "called Melibeus, mighty and riche, bigat up-on his wyf that called was Prudence, a doghter which that called was Sophie. Upon a day befel...." (iv. 119).

[540]But very popular, derived from the "Liber Consolationis" of Albertano of Brescia, written ab. 1246, ed. Thor Sundby, Chaucer Society, 1873. It was translated into French (several times), Italian, German, Dutch. French text in MS. Reg. 19, C vii. in the British Museum: "Uns jouvenceauls appelé Melibée, puissant et riches ot une femme nommé Prudence, et de celle femme ot une fille. Advint un jour...." "A young man," says Chaucer, whose tale is also in prose, "called Melibeus, mighty and riche, bigat up-on his wyf that called was Prudence, a doghter which that called was Sophie. Upon a day befel...." (iv. 119).

[541]Unlike most of the tales, this one is written in stanzas, Chaucer's favourite seven-line stanza, rhyminga b a b b c c.

[541]Unlike most of the tales, this one is written in stanzas, Chaucer's favourite seven-line stanza, rhyminga b a b b c c.

[542]It is to be found in the "Ménagier de Paris," ab. 1393, the author of which declares that he will "traire un exemple qui fut ja pieça translaté par maistre François Petrarc qui à Romme fut couronné poète" ("Ménagier," 1846, vol. i. p. 99). The same story finds place in "Melibeus," MS. Reg. 19 C vii. in the British Museum, fol. 140. Another French translation was printed ab. 1470: "La Patience Griselidis Marquise de Saluces." Under Louis XIV., Perrault wrote a metrical version of the same story: "La Marquise de Saluces ou la patience de Griselidis," Paris, 1691, 12mo. A number of ballads in all countries were dedicated to Griselda; the popularity of an English one is shown by the fact of other ballads being "to the tune of Patient Grissel." One of Miss Edgeworth's novels has for its title and subject: "The Modern Griselda."

[542]It is to be found in the "Ménagier de Paris," ab. 1393, the author of which declares that he will "traire un exemple qui fut ja pieça translaté par maistre François Petrarc qui à Romme fut couronné poète" ("Ménagier," 1846, vol. i. p. 99). The same story finds place in "Melibeus," MS. Reg. 19 C vii. in the British Museum, fol. 140. Another French translation was printed ab. 1470: "La Patience Griselidis Marquise de Saluces." Under Louis XIV., Perrault wrote a metrical version of the same story: "La Marquise de Saluces ou la patience de Griselidis," Paris, 1691, 12mo. A number of ballads in all countries were dedicated to Griselda; the popularity of an English one is shown by the fact of other ballads being "to the tune of Patient Grissel." One of Miss Edgeworth's novels has for its title and subject: "The Modern Griselda."

[543]One in French was performed at Paris in 1395 ("Estoire de Griselidis ... par personnages," MS. Fr. 2203 in the National Library, Paris), and was printed at the Renaissance, by Bonfons, ab. 1550: "Le Mystère de Griselidis"; one in German was written by Hans Sachs in 1550. In Italy it was the subject of an opera by Apostolo Zeno, 1620. In England, Henslowe, on the 15th of December, 1599, lends three pounds to Dekker, Chettle and Haughton for their "Pleasant comodie of Patient Grissil," printed in 1603, reprinted by the Shakespeare Society, 1841. The English authors drew several hints from the French play, but theirs is the best written on the subject (parts of Julia, the witty sister of the Marquis, of Laureo, the poor student, brother of Griselda, as proud as she is humble, &c.).

[543]One in French was performed at Paris in 1395 ("Estoire de Griselidis ... par personnages," MS. Fr. 2203 in the National Library, Paris), and was printed at the Renaissance, by Bonfons, ab. 1550: "Le Mystère de Griselidis"; one in German was written by Hans Sachs in 1550. In Italy it was the subject of an opera by Apostolo Zeno, 1620. In England, Henslowe, on the 15th of December, 1599, lends three pounds to Dekker, Chettle and Haughton for their "Pleasant comodie of Patient Grissil," printed in 1603, reprinted by the Shakespeare Society, 1841. The English authors drew several hints from the French play, but theirs is the best written on the subject (parts of Julia, the witty sister of the Marquis, of Laureo, the poor student, brother of Griselda, as proud as she is humble, &c.).

[544]Lady Bradshaigh to Richardson, January 11, 1749. "Correspondence of Samuel Richardson," ed. Barbauld, London, 1804, 6 vols. 12mo, vol. iv. p. 240.

[544]Lady Bradshaigh to Richardson, January 11, 1749. "Correspondence of Samuel Richardson," ed. Barbauld, London, 1804, 6 vols. 12mo, vol. iv. p. 240.

[545]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 568.

[545]"Complete Works," vol. iv. p. 568.

[546]Listeth, lordes, in good entent,And I wol telle verraymentOf mirthe and of solas, &c.The caricature of the popular heroic stories of the day is extremely close (see below, p. 347).

[546]

Listeth, lordes, in good entent,And I wol telle verraymentOf mirthe and of solas, &c.

Listeth, lordes, in good entent,And I wol telle verraymentOf mirthe and of solas, &c.

The caricature of the popular heroic stories of the day is extremely close (see below, p. 347).

[547]Tale of the Canon's Yeoman, l. 995.

[547]Tale of the Canon's Yeoman, l. 995.

[548]... For the tyrant is of gretter might,By force of meynee for to sleen doun-right,And brennen hous and hoom, and make al plain,Lo! therfor is he cleped a capitain;And, for the outlawe hath but smal meynee,And may nat doon so greet an harm as he,Ne bringe a contree to so greet mescheef,Men clepen him an outlawe or a theef.(Maunciple's tale, in "Complete Works," iv. p. 562.)

[548]

... For the tyrant is of gretter might,By force of meynee for to sleen doun-right,And brennen hous and hoom, and make al plain,Lo! therfor is he cleped a capitain;And, for the outlawe hath but smal meynee,And may nat doon so greet an harm as he,Ne bringe a contree to so greet mescheef,Men clepen him an outlawe or a theef.(Maunciple's tale, in "Complete Works," iv. p. 562.)

... For the tyrant is of gretter might,By force of meynee for to sleen doun-right,And brennen hous and hoom, and make al plain,Lo! therfor is he cleped a capitain;And, for the outlawe hath but smal meynee,And may nat doon so greet an harm as he,Ne bringe a contree to so greet mescheef,Men clepen him an outlawe or a theef.

(Maunciple's tale, in "Complete Works," iv. p. 562.)

[549]"A Treatise on the Astrolabe" in "Complete Works," vol. iii. p. 175.

[549]"A Treatise on the Astrolabe" in "Complete Works," vol. iii. p. 175.

[550]"General Prologue," l. 742.

[550]"General Prologue," l. 742.

[551]"Troilus," Book v. st. 257.

[551]"Troilus," Book v. st. 257.

[552]"Chaucer's wordes unto Adam, his owne Scriveyn," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 379.

[552]"Chaucer's wordes unto Adam, his owne Scriveyn," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 379.

[553]"Je te suppliray seulement d'une chose, lecteur, de vouloir bien prononcer mes vers et accomoder ta voix à leur passion ... et je te supplie encore de rechef, où tu verras cette marque: (!) vouloir un peu eslever ta voix pour donner grâce à ce que tu liras." Preface of the "Franciade."

[553]"Je te suppliray seulement d'une chose, lecteur, de vouloir bien prononcer mes vers et accomoder ta voix à leur passion ... et je te supplie encore de rechef, où tu verras cette marque: (!) vouloir un peu eslever ta voix pour donner grâce à ce que tu liras." Preface of the "Franciade."

[554]So says the Parson, who adds:Ne, God wot, rym holde I but litel bettre.Parson's Prologue, l. 43. It will be observed that whilenamingsimply rhyme, hecaricaturesalliteration.

[554]So says the Parson, who adds:

Ne, God wot, rym holde I but litel bettre.

Ne, God wot, rym holde I but litel bettre.

Parson's Prologue, l. 43. It will be observed that whilenamingsimply rhyme, hecaricaturesalliteration.

[555]1391, in "Complete Works," vol. iii. On that other,possibleson of Chaucer, Thomas, seeibid., vol. i. p. xlviii., and above, p. 273.

[555]1391, in "Complete Works," vol. iii. On that other,possibleson of Chaucer, Thomas, seeibid., vol. i. p. xlviii., and above, p. 273.

[556]"Truth," or "Balade de bon Conseyl," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 390. Belonging to the same period: "Lak of Stedfastnesse" (advice to the king himself); "L'Envoy de Chaucer à Scogan"; "L'Envoy de Chaucer à Bukton," on marriage, with an allusion to the Wife of Bath; "The Compleynt of Venus"; "The Compleint of Chaucer to his empty purse," &c., all in vol. i. of "Complete Works."

[556]"Truth," or "Balade de bon Conseyl," in "Complete Works," vol. i. p. 390. Belonging to the same period: "Lak of Stedfastnesse" (advice to the king himself); "L'Envoy de Chaucer à Scogan"; "L'Envoy de Chaucer à Bukton," on marriage, with an allusion to the Wife of Bath; "The Compleynt of Venus"; "The Compleint of Chaucer to his empty purse," &c., all in vol. i. of "Complete Works."

[557]It has been said, but without sufficient cause, that this friendship came to an end some time before the death of Chaucer.

[557]It has been said, but without sufficient cause, that this friendship came to an end some time before the death of Chaucer.

[558]He in the waast is shape as wel as I.(Prologue to Sir Thopas.)

[558]

He in the waast is shape as wel as I.(Prologue to Sir Thopas.)

He in the waast is shape as wel as I.

(Prologue to Sir Thopas.)

[559]To be seen (1894) under glass in the Chapter House.

[559]To be seen (1894) under glass in the Chapter House.

[560]"Hoccleve's Works," ed. Furnivall, E.E.T.S., 1892, vol. i. p. xxi.

[560]"Hoccleve's Works," ed. Furnivall, E.E.T.S., 1892, vol. i. p. xxi.

[561]One ab. 1478, the other ab. 1484; this last is illustrated. See in "English Novel in the time of Shakespeare," p. 45, a facsimile of the woodcut representing the pilgrims seated at the table of the Tabard inn.

[561]One ab. 1478, the other ab. 1484; this last is illustrated. See in "English Novel in the time of Shakespeare," p. 45, a facsimile of the woodcut representing the pilgrims seated at the table of the Tabard inn.

[562]"Animadversions uppon the Annotacions and corrections of some imperfections of impressiones of Chaucers workes...." by Francis Thynne, ed. Furnivall and Kingsley, Chaucer Society, 1876, p. xiv.

[562]"Animadversions uppon the Annotacions and corrections of some imperfections of impressiones of Chaucers workes...." by Francis Thynne, ed. Furnivall and Kingsley, Chaucer Society, 1876, p. xiv.

[563]Ibid.

[563]Ibid.

[564]"Shepheard's Calender," December.

[564]"Shepheard's Calender," December.

[565]"Of whom, truly I know not, whether to mervaile more, either that he in that mistie time could see so clearly, or that wee in this cleare age walke so stumblingly after him." "Apologie for Poetrie," ed. Arber, p. 62.

[565]"Of whom, truly I know not, whether to mervaile more, either that he in that mistie time could see so clearly, or that wee in this cleare age walke so stumblingly after him." "Apologie for Poetrie," ed. Arber, p. 62.

[566]The subject of Chaucer's fame is treated at great length in Lounsbury's "Studies in Chaucer, his life and writings," London, 1892, 3 vols. 8vo, vol. iii. ch. vii., "Chaucer in Literary History."

[566]The subject of Chaucer's fame is treated at great length in Lounsbury's "Studies in Chaucer, his life and writings," London, 1892, 3 vols. 8vo, vol. iii. ch. vii., "Chaucer in Literary History."

[567]The Chaucer Society, founded by Dr. Furnivall, which has published among other things, the "Six-text edition of the Canterbury Tales"; some "Life Records of Chaucer"; various "Essays" on questions concerning the poet's works; a collection of "Originals and Analogues" illustrative of the "Canterbury Tales," &c. Among modern tributes paid to Chaucer may be added Wordsworth's modernisation of part of "Troilus" (John Morley's ed., p. 165), and Lowell's admirable essay in his "Study Windows."

[567]The Chaucer Society, founded by Dr. Furnivall, which has published among other things, the "Six-text edition of the Canterbury Tales"; some "Life Records of Chaucer"; various "Essays" on questions concerning the poet's works; a collection of "Originals and Analogues" illustrative of the "Canterbury Tales," &c. Among modern tributes paid to Chaucer may be added Wordsworth's modernisation of part of "Troilus" (John Morley's ed., p. 165), and Lowell's admirable essay in his "Study Windows."


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