[51]
The continuation of the slope is the same, and the method of making roads in the serpentine style to reach a gate leading to the important part of town, is not only the common method employed for hill towns, but the natural and necessary one, not only in ancient times, but still today.
The continuation of the slope is the same, and the method of making roads in the serpentine style to reach a gate leading to the important part of town, is not only the common method employed for hill towns, but the natural and necessary one, not only in ancient times, but still today.
[52]
Through the courtesy of the Mayor and the Municipal Secretary of Palestrina, I had the only exact map in existence of modern Palestrina to work with. This map was getting in bad condition, so I traced it, and had photographic copies made of it, and presented a mounted copy to the city. This map shows these wall alignments and the changes in direction of the cyclopean wall on the east of the city. Fernique seems to have drawn off-hand from this map, so his plan (l.c., facing p. 222) is rather carelessly done.I shall publish the map in completeness within a few years, in a place where the epochs of the growth of the city can be shown in colors.
Through the courtesy of the Mayor and the Municipal Secretary of Palestrina, I had the only exact map in existence of modern Palestrina to work with. This map was getting in bad condition, so I traced it, and had photographic copies made of it, and presented a mounted copy to the city. This map shows these wall alignments and the changes in direction of the cyclopean wall on the east of the city. Fernique seems to have drawn off-hand from this map, so his plan (l.c., facing p. 222) is rather carelessly done.
I shall publish the map in completeness within a few years, in a place where the epochs of the growth of the city can be shown in colors.
[53]
I called the attention of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman, Carnegie Fellow in the American School of Classical Studies in Rome, who came out to Palestrina, and kindly went over many of my results with me, to this piece of wall, and she agreed with me that it had been an approach to the terrace in ancient times.
I called the attention of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman, Carnegie Fellow in the American School of Classical Studies in Rome, who came out to Palestrina, and kindly went over many of my results with me, to this piece of wall, and she agreed with me that it had been an approach to the terrace in ancient times.
[54]
C.I.L., XIV, 2850. The inscription was on a small cippus, and was seen in a great many different places, so no argument can be drawn from its provenience.
C.I.L., XIV, 2850. The inscription was on a small cippus, and was seen in a great many different places, so no argument can be drawn from its provenience.
[55]
This may have been the base for the statue of M. Anicius, so famous after his defense at Casilinum. Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18.It might not be a bad guess to say that the Porta Triumphalis first got its name when M. Anicius returned with his proud cohort to Præneste.
This may have been the base for the statue of M. Anicius, so famous after his defense at Casilinum. Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18.
It might not be a bad guess to say that the Porta Triumphalis first got its name when M. Anicius returned with his proud cohort to Præneste.
[56]
Not. d. Scavi, 7-8 (1890), p. 38. This platform is a little over three feet above the level of the modern piazza, but is now hidden under the steps to the Corso. But the piece of restraining wall is still to be seen in the piazza, and it is of the same style of opus quadratum construction as the walls below the Barberini gardens.
Not. d. Scavi, 7-8 (1890), p. 38. This platform is a little over three feet above the level of the modern piazza, but is now hidden under the steps to the Corso. But the piece of restraining wall is still to be seen in the piazza, and it is of the same style of opus quadratum construction as the walls below the Barberini gardens.
[57]
Strabo V, 3, II (238, 10):ερυμνη μεν ουν εκατερα, πολυ δ'ερυμνοτεραερυμνοτε Πραινεστος.
Strabo V, 3, II (238, 10):ερυμνη μεν ουν εκατερα, πολυ δ'ερυμνοτεραερυμνοτε Πραινεστος.
[58]
Plutarch, Sulla, XXVIII:Μαριος δε φευγων εις Πραινεστον ηδη τας πυλας ευρε κεκλειμενας .
Plutarch, Sulla, XXVIII:Μαριος δε φευγων εις Πραινεστον ηδη τας πυλας ευρε κεκλειμενας .
[59]
Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 282; Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 491.
Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 282; Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 491.
[60]
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, pp. 180-181. The walls were built in muro merlato. It is not certain where the Murozzo and Truglio were. Petrini guesses at their site on grounds of derivation.
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, pp. 180-181. The walls were built in muro merlato. It is not certain where the Murozzo and Truglio were. Petrini guesses at their site on grounds of derivation.
[61]
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 248.
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 248.
[62]
Also called Porta S. Giacomo, or dell'Ospedale.
Also called Porta S. Giacomo, or dell'Ospedale.
[63]
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 252.
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 252.
[64]
Closed seemingly in Sullan times.
Closed seemingly in Sullan times.
[65]
The rude corbeling of one side of the gate is still very plainly to be seen. The gate is filled with mediæval stone work.
The rude corbeling of one side of the gate is still very plainly to be seen. The gate is filled with mediæval stone work.
[66]
There is a wooden gate here, which can be opened, but it only leads out upon a garden and a dumping ground above a cliff.
There is a wooden gate here, which can be opened, but it only leads out upon a garden and a dumping ground above a cliff.
[67]
This was the only means of getting out to the little stream that ran down the depression shown in plate III, and over to the hill of S. Martino, which with the slope east of the city could properly be called Monte Glicestro outside the walls.
This was the only means of getting out to the little stream that ran down the depression shown in plate III, and over to the hill of S. Martino, which with the slope east of the city could properly be called Monte Glicestro outside the walls.
[68]
This gate is now a mediæval tower gate, but the stones of the cyclopean wall are still in situ, and show three stones, with straight edge, one above the other, on each side of the present gate, and the wall here has a jog of twenty feet. The road out this gate could not be seen except from down on the Cave road, and it gave an outlet to some springs under the citadel, and to the valley back toward Capranica.
This gate is now a mediæval tower gate, but the stones of the cyclopean wall are still in situ, and show three stones, with straight edge, one above the other, on each side of the present gate, and the wall here has a jog of twenty feet. The road out this gate could not be seen except from down on the Cave road, and it gave an outlet to some springs under the citadel, and to the valley back toward Capranica.
[69]
This last stretch of the wall did not follow the present wall, but ran up directly back of S. Maria del'Carmine, and was on the east side of the rough and steep track which borders the eastern side of the present Franciscan monastery.
This last stretch of the wall did not follow the present wall, but ran up directly back of S. Maria del'Carmine, and was on the east side of the rough and steep track which borders the eastern side of the present Franciscan monastery.
[70]
The several courses of opus quadratum which were found a few years ago, and are at the east entrance to the Corso built into the wall of a lumber store, are continued also inside that wall, and seem to be the remains of a gate tower.
The several courses of opus quadratum which were found a few years ago, and are at the east entrance to the Corso built into the wall of a lumber store, are continued also inside that wall, and seem to be the remains of a gate tower.
[71]
See page 28. This gap in the wall is still another proof for the gate, for it was down the road, which was paved, that the water ran after rainstorms, if at no other time.
See page 28. This gap in the wall is still another proof for the gate, for it was down the road, which was paved, that the water ran after rainstorms, if at no other time.
[72]
This gate is very prettily named by Cecconi, Spiegazione de Numeri, Map facing page 1: l'antica Porta di San Martino chiusa.
This gate is very prettily named by Cecconi, Spiegazione de Numeri, Map facing page 1: l'antica Porta di San Martino chiusa.
[73]
Since the excavations of the past two years, nothing has been written to show what relations a few newly discovered pieces of ancient paved roads have to the city and to its gates, and for that reason it becomes necessary to say something about a matter only tolerably treated by the writers on Præneste up to their dates of publication.
Since the excavations of the past two years, nothing has been written to show what relations a few newly discovered pieces of ancient paved roads have to the city and to its gates, and for that reason it becomes necessary to say something about a matter only tolerably treated by the writers on Præneste up to their dates of publication.
[74]
Ashby, Classical Topog. of the Roman Campagna, in Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. 1, Map VI.
Ashby, Classical Topog. of the Roman Campagna, in Papers of the British School at Rome, Vol. 1, Map VI.
[75]
This road is proved as ancient by the discovery in 1906 (Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 3 (1906), p. 317) of a small paved road, a diverticolo, in front of the church of S. Lucia, which is a direct continuation of the Via degli Arconi. This diverticolo ran out the Colle dell'Oro. See Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 20, n. 37; Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 122; Marucchi, Guida Archeologica, p. 122.
This road is proved as ancient by the discovery in 1906 (Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 3 (1906), p. 317) of a small paved road, a diverticolo, in front of the church of S. Lucia, which is a direct continuation of the Via degli Arconi. This diverticolo ran out the Colle dell'Oro. See Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 20, n. 37; Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 122; Marucchi, Guida Archeologica, p. 122.
[76]
This road to Marcigliano had nothing to do with either the Prænestina or the Labicana. Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 255; 2 (1877-78), p. 157; Bull. dell'Inst., 1876, pp. 117 ff. make the via S. Maria the eastern boundary of the necropolis.
This road to Marcigliano had nothing to do with either the Prænestina or the Labicana. Not. d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 5 (1897), p. 255; 2 (1877-78), p. 157; Bull. dell'Inst., 1876, pp. 117 ff. make the via S. Maria the eastern boundary of the necropolis.
[77]
Not. d. Scavi, 11 (1903), pp. 23-25.
Not. d. Scavi, 11 (1903), pp. 23-25.
[78]
Probably the store room of some little shop which sold the exvotos. Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, p. 28.
Probably the store room of some little shop which sold the exvotos. Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, p. 28.
[79]
Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 72 for tombs found on both sides the modern road to Rome, the exact provenience being the vocabolo S. Rocco, on the Frattini place; Stevenson, Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, pp. 12 ff., for tombs in the vigna Soleti along the diverticolo from the Via Prænestina. Also at Bocce Rodi, one mile west of the city, tombs of the imperial age were found (Not. d. Scavi, 10 (1882-83), p. 600); C.I.L., XIV, 2952, 2991, 4091, 65; Bull. dell'Inst., 1870, p. 98.
Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 72 for tombs found on both sides the modern road to Rome, the exact provenience being the vocabolo S. Rocco, on the Frattini place; Stevenson, Bull. dell'Inst., 1883, pp. 12 ff., for tombs in the vigna Soleti along the diverticolo from the Via Prænestina. Also at Bocce Rodi, one mile west of the city, tombs of the imperial age were found (Not. d. Scavi, 10 (1882-83), p. 600); C.I.L., XIV, 2952, 2991, 4091, 65; Bull. dell'Inst., 1870, p. 98.
[80]
The roads are the present Via Prænestina toward Gallicano, and the Via Prænestina Nuova which crosses the Casilina to join the Labicana. This great deposit of terra cottas was found in 1877 at a depth of twelve feet below the present ground level. Fernique, Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 240, notes 1, 2, and 3, comes to the best conclusions on this find. It was a factory or kiln for the terra cottas, and there was a store in connection at or near the junction of the roads. Other stores of deposits of the same kinds of objects have been found (see Fernique, l.c.) at Falterona, Gabii, Capua, Vicarello; also at the temple of Diana Nemorensis (Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 71), and outside Porta S. Lorenzo at Rome (Bull. Com., 1876, p. 225), and near Civita Castellana (Bull. dell'Inst., 1880, p. 108).
The roads are the present Via Prænestina toward Gallicano, and the Via Prænestina Nuova which crosses the Casilina to join the Labicana. This great deposit of terra cottas was found in 1877 at a depth of twelve feet below the present ground level. Fernique, Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 240, notes 1, 2, and 3, comes to the best conclusions on this find. It was a factory or kiln for the terra cottas, and there was a store in connection at or near the junction of the roads. Other stores of deposits of the same kinds of objects have been found (see Fernique, l.c.) at Falterona, Gabii, Capua, Vicarello; also at the temple of Diana Nemorensis (Bull. dell'Inst., 1871, p. 71), and outside Porta S. Lorenzo at Rome (Bull. Com., 1876, p. 225), and near Civita Castellana (Bull. dell'Inst., 1880, p. 108).
[81]
Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239);... διωρυξι κρυπταις--πανταχοτεν μεχρι των πεδιων ταις μεν υδρειας χαριν κτλ.; Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4.
Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239);... διωρυξι κρυπταις--πανταχοτεν μεχρι των πεδιων ταις μεν υδρειας χαριν κτλ.; Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4.
[82]
As one goes out the Porta S. Francesco and across the depression by the road which winds round to the citadel, he finds both above and below the road several reservoirs hollowed out in the rock of the mountain, which were filled by the rain water which fell above them and ran into them.
As one goes out the Porta S. Francesco and across the depression by the road which winds round to the citadel, he finds both above and below the road several reservoirs hollowed out in the rock of the mountain, which were filled by the rain water which fell above them and ran into them.
[83]
Cola di Rienzo did this (see note 59), and so discovered the method by which the Prænestines communicated with the outside world. Sulla fixed his camp on le Tende, west of the city, that he might have a safe position himself, and yet threaten Præneste from the rear, from over Colle S. Martino, as well as by an attack in front.
Cola di Rienzo did this (see note 59), and so discovered the method by which the Prænestines communicated with the outside world. Sulla fixed his camp on le Tende, west of the city, that he might have a safe position himself, and yet threaten Præneste from the rear, from over Colle S. Martino, as well as by an attack in front.
[84]
C.I.L., XIV, 3013, 3014 add., 2978, 2979, 3015.
C.I.L., XIV, 3013, 3014 add., 2978, 2979, 3015.
[85]
Nibby, Analisi, p. 510. It could be seen in 1907, but not so very clearly.
Nibby, Analisi, p. 510. It could be seen in 1907, but not so very clearly.
[86]
Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 79, thinks this reservoir was for storing water for a circus in the valley below. This is most improbable. It was a reservoir to supply a villa which covered the lower part of the slope, as the different remains certainly show.
Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 79, thinks this reservoir was for storing water for a circus in the valley below. This is most improbable. It was a reservoir to supply a villa which covered the lower part of the slope, as the different remains certainly show.
[87]
Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 301, n. 30, 31, from Annali int. rerum Italic, scriptorum, Vol. 24, p. 1115; Vol. 21, p. 146, and from Ciacconi, in Eugen. IV, Platina et Blondus.
Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 301, n. 30, 31, from Annali int. rerum Italic, scriptorum, Vol. 24, p. 1115; Vol. 21, p. 146, and from Ciacconi, in Eugen. IV, Platina et Blondus.
[88]
The mediæval Italian towns everywhere made use of the Roman aqueducts, and we have from the middle ages practically nothing but repairs on aqueducts, hardly any aqueducts themselves.
The mediæval Italian towns everywhere made use of the Roman aqueducts, and we have from the middle ages practically nothing but repairs on aqueducts, hardly any aqueducts themselves.
[89]
Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 338, speaks of this aqueduct as "quel mirabile antico cuniculo."
Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 338, speaks of this aqueduct as "quel mirabile antico cuniculo."
[90]
The springs Acqua Maggiore, Acqua della Nocchia, Acqua del Sambuco, Acqua Ritrovata, Acqua della Formetta (Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 286).
The springs Acqua Maggiore, Acqua della Nocchia, Acqua del Sambuco, Acqua Ritrovata, Acqua della Formetta (Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 286).
[91]
Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 96 ff., p. 122 ff.; Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 501 ff.; Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 45.
Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 96 ff., p. 122 ff.; Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 501 ff.; Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 45.
[92]
Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 503, the sanest of all the writers on Præneste, even made some ruins which he found under the Fiumara house on the east side of town, into the remains of a reservoir to correspond to the one in the Barberini gardens. The structures according to material differ in date about two hundred years.
Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 503, the sanest of all the writers on Præneste, even made some ruins which he found under the Fiumara house on the east side of town, into the remains of a reservoir to correspond to the one in the Barberini gardens. The structures according to material differ in date about two hundred years.
[93]
C.I.L., XIV, 2911, was found near this reservoir, and Nibby from this, and a likeness to the construction of the Castra Prætoria at Rome, dates it so (Analisi, p. 503).
C.I.L., XIV, 2911, was found near this reservoir, and Nibby from this, and a likeness to the construction of the Castra Prætoria at Rome, dates it so (Analisi, p. 503).
[94]
This is the opinion of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman of the American School in Rome.
This is the opinion of Dr. Esther B. Van Deman of the American School in Rome.
[95]
See above, page 29.
See above, page 29.
[96]
There is still another small reservoir on the next terrace higher, the so-called Borgo terrace, but I was not able to examine it satisfactorily enough to come to any conclusion. Palestrina is a labyrinth of underground passages. I have explored dozens of them, but the most of them are pockets, and were store rooms or hiding places belonging to the houses under which they were.
There is still another small reservoir on the next terrace higher, the so-called Borgo terrace, but I was not able to examine it satisfactorily enough to come to any conclusion. Palestrina is a labyrinth of underground passages. I have explored dozens of them, but the most of them are pockets, and were store rooms or hiding places belonging to the houses under which they were.
[97]
This is shown by the network of drains all through the plain below the city. Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239); Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4; Valer. Max. VI, 8, 2; Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 77; Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 123.
This is shown by the network of drains all through the plain below the city. Strabo V, 3, 11 (C. 239); Vell. Paterc. II, 27, 4; Valer. Max. VI, 8, 2; Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 77; Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 123.
[98]
Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85.
Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85.
[99]
There are many references to the temple. Suetonius, Dom., 15, Tib., 63; Ælius Lampridius, Life of Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6 (Peter); Strabo V, 3, 11 (238, 10); Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 86-87; Plutarch, de fort. Rom. (Moralia, p. 396, 37); C.I.L., I, p. 267; Preller, Roem. Myth. II, 192, 3 (pp. 561-563); Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29, p. 278, n. 37.
There are many references to the temple. Suetonius, Dom., 15, Tib., 63; Ælius Lampridius, Life of Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6 (Peter); Strabo V, 3, 11 (238, 10); Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 86-87; Plutarch, de fort. Rom. (Moralia, p. 396, 37); C.I.L., I, p. 267; Preller, Roem. Myth. II, 192, 3 (pp. 561-563); Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29, p. 278, n. 37.
[100]
"La città attuale è intieramente fondata sulle rovine del magnifico tempio della Fortuna," Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 494. "E niuno ignora che il colossale edificio era addossato al declivio del monte prenestino e occupava quasi tutta l'area ove oggi si estende la moderna città," Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 233.
"La città attuale è intieramente fondata sulle rovine del magnifico tempio della Fortuna," Nibby, Analisi, II, p. 494. "E niuno ignora che il colossale edificio era addossato al declivio del monte prenestino e occupava quasi tutta l'area ove oggi si estende la moderna città," Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 233.
[101]
This upper temple is the one mentioned in a manifesto of 1299 A.D. made by the Colonna against the Caetani (Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29). It is an order of Pope Boniface VIII, ex Codic. Archiv. Castri S. Angeli signat, n. 47, pag. 49: Item, dicunt civitatem Prenestinam cum palatiis nobilissimis et cum templo magno et sollempni ... et cum muris antiquis opere sarracenico factis de lapidibus quadris et magnis totaliter suppositam fuisse exterminio et ruine per ipsum Dominum Bonifacium, etc. Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 419 ff.Also as to the shape of the upper temple and the number of steps to it, we have certain facts from a document from the archives of the Vatican, published in Petrini, l.c., p. 429; palacii nobilissimi et antiquissimi scalæ de nobilissimo marmore per quas etiam equitando ascendi poterat in Palacium ... quæquidem scalæ erant ultra centum numero. Palacium autem Cæsaris ædificatum ad modum unius C propter primam litteram nominis sui, et templum palatio inhærens, opere sumptuosissimo et nobilissimo ædificatum ad modum s. Mariæ rotundæ de urbe.
This upper temple is the one mentioned in a manifesto of 1299 A.D. made by the Colonna against the Caetani (Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 275, n. 29). It is an order of Pope Boniface VIII, ex Codic. Archiv. Castri S. Angeli signat, n. 47, pag. 49: Item, dicunt civitatem Prenestinam cum palatiis nobilissimis et cum templo magno et sollempni ... et cum muris antiquis opere sarracenico factis de lapidibus quadris et magnis totaliter suppositam fuisse exterminio et ruine per ipsum Dominum Bonifacium, etc. Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 419 ff.
Also as to the shape of the upper temple and the number of steps to it, we have certain facts from a document from the archives of the Vatican, published in Petrini, l.c., p. 429; palacii nobilissimi et antiquissimi scalæ de nobilissimo marmore per quas etiam equitando ascendi poterat in Palacium ... quæquidem scalæ erant ultra centum numero. Palacium autem Cæsaris ædificatum ad modum unius C propter primam litteram nominis sui, et templum palatio inhærens, opere sumptuosissimo et nobilissimo ædificatum ad modum s. Mariæ rotundæ de urbe.
[102]
Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, under Das Heiligtum der Fortuna in Præneste, p. 47 ff.
Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, under Das Heiligtum der Fortuna in Præneste, p. 47 ff.
[103]
Cicero, De Div., II, 41, 85.
Cicero, De Div., II, 41, 85.
[104]
Marucchi wishes to make the east cave the older and the real cave of the sortes. However, he does not know the two best arguments for his case; Lampridius, Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6 (Peter); Huic sors in templo Prænestinæ talis extitit, and Suetonius Tib., 63: non repperisset in arca nisi relata rursus ad templum. Topography is all with the cave on the west, Marucchi is wrong, although he makes a very good case (Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 239).
Marucchi wishes to make the east cave the older and the real cave of the sortes. However, he does not know the two best arguments for his case; Lampridius, Alex. Severus, XVIII, 4, 6 (Peter); Huic sors in templo Prænestinæ talis extitit, and Suetonius Tib., 63: non repperisset in arca nisi relata rursus ad templum. Topography is all with the cave on the west, Marucchi is wrong, although he makes a very good case (Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 239).
[105]
Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85: is est hodie locus sæptus religiose propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum lunone Fortunæ in gremio sedens, ... eodemque tempore in eo loco, ubi Fortunæ nunc est ædes, etc.
Cicero, de Div., II, 41, 85: is est hodie locus sæptus religiose propter Iovis pueri, qui lactens cum lunone Fortunæ in gremio sedens, ... eodemque tempore in eo loco, ubi Fortunæ nunc est ædes, etc.
[106]
C.I.L., XIV, 2867: ...ut Triviam in Iunonario, ut in pronao ædis statuam, etc., and Livy, XXIII, 19, 18 of 216 B.C.: Idem titulus (a laudatory inscription to M. Anicius) tribus signis in æde Fortunæ positis fuit subiectus.
C.I.L., XIV, 2867: ...ut Triviam in Iunonario, ut in pronao ædis statuam, etc., and Livy, XXIII, 19, 18 of 216 B.C.: Idem titulus (a laudatory inscription to M. Anicius) tribus signis in æde Fortunæ positis fuit subiectus.
[107]
This question is not topographical and can not be discussed at any length here. But the best solution seems to be that Fortuna as child of Jupiter (Diovo filea primocenia, C.I.L., XIV., 2863, Iovis puer primigenia, C.I.L., XIV, 2862, 2863) was confounded with her name Iovis puer, and another cult tradition which made Fortuna mother of two children. As the Roman deity Jupiter grew in importance, the tendency was for the Romans to misunderstand Iovis puer as the boy god Jupiter, as they really did (Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p. 209), and the pride of the Prænestines then made Fortuna the mother of Jupiter and Juno, and considered Primigenia to mean "first born," not "first born of Jupiter."
This question is not topographical and can not be discussed at any length here. But the best solution seems to be that Fortuna as child of Jupiter (Diovo filea primocenia, C.I.L., XIV., 2863, Iovis puer primigenia, C.I.L., XIV, 2862, 2863) was confounded with her name Iovis puer, and another cult tradition which made Fortuna mother of two children. As the Roman deity Jupiter grew in importance, the tendency was for the Romans to misunderstand Iovis puer as the boy god Jupiter, as they really did (Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Roemer, p. 209), and the pride of the Prænestines then made Fortuna the mother of Jupiter and Juno, and considered Primigenia to mean "first born," not "first born of Jupiter."
[108]
The establishment of the present Cathedral of S. Agapito as the basilica of ancient Præneste is due to the acumen of Marucchi, who has made it certain in his writings on the subject. Bull. dell' Inst., 1881, p. 248 ff., 1882, p. 244 ff.; Guida Archeologica, 1885, p. 47 ff.; Bull. Com., 1895, p. 26 ff., 1904, p. 233 ff.
The establishment of the present Cathedral of S. Agapito as the basilica of ancient Præneste is due to the acumen of Marucchi, who has made it certain in his writings on the subject. Bull. dell' Inst., 1881, p. 248 ff., 1882, p. 244 ff.; Guida Archeologica, 1885, p. 47 ff.; Bull. Com., 1895, p. 26 ff., 1904, p. 233 ff.
[109]
There are 16 descriptions and plans of the temple. A full bibliography of them is in Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, pp. 51-52.
There are 16 descriptions and plans of the temple. A full bibliography of them is in Delbrueck, Hellenistische Bauten in Latium, pp. 51-52.
[110]
Marucchi. Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 240. I also saw it very plainly by the light of a torch on a pole, when studying the temple in April, 1907.
Marucchi. Bull. Com., XXXII (1904), p. 240. I also saw it very plainly by the light of a torch on a pole, when studying the temple in April, 1907.
[111]
See also Revue Arch., XXXIX (1901), p. 469, n. 188.
See also Revue Arch., XXXIX (1901), p. 469, n. 188.
[112]
C.I.L, XIV, 2864.
C.I.L, XIV, 2864.
[113]
See Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1859, p. 23, from Paulus ex Festo under manceps. This claims that probably the manceps was in charge of the maintenance (manutenzione) of the temple, and the cellarii of the cella proper, because æditui, of whom we have no mention, are the proper custodians of the entire temple, precinct and all.
See Henzen, Bull. dell'Inst., 1859, p. 23, from Paulus ex Festo under manceps. This claims that probably the manceps was in charge of the maintenance (manutenzione) of the temple, and the cellarii of the cella proper, because æditui, of whom we have no mention, are the proper custodians of the entire temple, precinct and all.
[114]
C.I.L., XIV, 3007. See Jordan, Topog. d. Stadt Rom, I, 2, p. 365, n. 73.
C.I.L., XIV, 3007. See Jordan, Topog. d. Stadt Rom, I, 2, p. 365, n. 73.
[115]
See Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62.
See Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62.
[116]
C.I.L., XIV, 2922; also on bricks, Ann. dell'Inst., 1855, p. 86—C.I.L., XIV, 4091, 9.
C.I.L., XIV, 2922; also on bricks, Ann. dell'Inst., 1855, p. 86—C.I.L., XIV, 4091, 9.
[117]
C.I.L., XIV, 2980; C. Cæsius M.f.C. Flavius L.f. Duovir Quinq. ædem et portic d.d. fac. coer. eidemq. prob.
C.I.L., XIV, 2980; C. Cæsius M.f.C. Flavius L.f. Duovir Quinq. ædem et portic d.d. fac. coer. eidemq. prob.
[118]
C.I.L., XIV, 2995; ...summa porticum mar[moribus]—albario adiecta. Dessau says on "some public building," which is too easy. See Vitruvius, De Architectura, 7, 2; Pliny, XXXVI, 177.
C.I.L., XIV, 2995; ...summa porticum mar[moribus]—albario adiecta. Dessau says on "some public building," which is too easy. See Vitruvius, De Architectura, 7, 2; Pliny, XXXVI, 177.
[119]
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 430. See also Juvenal XIV, 88; Friedlænder, Sittengeschichte Roms, II, 107, 10.
Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 430. See also Juvenal XIV, 88; Friedlænder, Sittengeschichte Roms, II, 107, 10.
[120]
Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62, with illustration.
Delbrueck, l.c., p. 62, with illustration.
[121]
Although Suaresius (Thesaurus Antiq. Italiæ, VIII, Part IV, plate, p. 38) uses some worthless inscriptions in making such a point, his idea is good. Perhaps the lettered blocks drawn for the inquirer from the arca were arranged here on this slab. Another possibility is that it was a place of record of noted cures or answers of the Goddess. Such inscriptions are well known from the temple of Æsculapius at Epidaurus, Cavvadias,Εφημ Αρχ., 1883, p. 1975; Michel, Recueil d'insc. grec., 1069 ff.
Although Suaresius (Thesaurus Antiq. Italiæ, VIII, Part IV, plate, p. 38) uses some worthless inscriptions in making such a point, his idea is good. Perhaps the lettered blocks drawn for the inquirer from the arca were arranged here on this slab. Another possibility is that it was a place of record of noted cures or answers of the Goddess. Such inscriptions are well known from the temple of Æsculapius at Epidaurus, Cavvadias,Εφημ Αρχ., 1883, p. 1975; Michel, Recueil d'insc. grec., 1069 ff.
[122]
Mommsen, Unterital. Dialekte, pp. 320, 324; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, 3, p. 271, n. 8. See Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 10.
Mommsen, Unterital. Dialekte, pp. 320, 324; Marquardt, Staatsverwaltung, 3, p. 271, n. 8. See Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 10.
[123]
Delbrueck, l.c., pp. 50, 59, does prove that there is no reason whyλιθοστρωτονcan not mean a mosaic floor of colored marble, but he forgets comparisons with the date of other Roman mosaics, and that Pliny would not have missed the opportunity of describing such wonderful mosaics as the two in Præneste. Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 251 goes far afield in his Isityches (Isis-Fortuna) quest, and gets no results.The latest discussion of the subject was a joint debate held under the auspices of the Associazione Archeologica di Palestrina between Professors Marucchi and Vaglieri, which is published thus far only in the daily papers, the Corriere D'Italia of Oct. 2, 1907, and taken up in an article by Attilio Rossi in La Tribuna of October 11, 1907. Vaglieri, in the newspaper article quoted, holds that the mosaic is the work of Claudius Ælianus, who lived in the latter half of the second century A.D. Marucchi, in the same place, says that in the porticoes of the upper temple are traces of mosaic which he attributes to the gift of Sulla mentioned by Pliny XXXVI, 189, but in urging this he must shift delubrum Fortunæ to the Cortina terrace and that is entirely impossible.I may say that a careful study and a long paper on the Barberini mosaic has just been written by Cav. Francesco Coltellacci, Segretario Comunale di Palestrina, which I had the privilege of reading in manuscript.
Delbrueck, l.c., pp. 50, 59, does prove that there is no reason whyλιθοστρωτονcan not mean a mosaic floor of colored marble, but he forgets comparisons with the date of other Roman mosaics, and that Pliny would not have missed the opportunity of describing such wonderful mosaics as the two in Præneste. Marucchi, Bull. Com., 32 (1904), p. 251 goes far afield in his Isityches (Isis-Fortuna) quest, and gets no results.
The latest discussion of the subject was a joint debate held under the auspices of the Associazione Archeologica di Palestrina between Professors Marucchi and Vaglieri, which is published thus far only in the daily papers, the Corriere D'Italia of Oct. 2, 1907, and taken up in an article by Attilio Rossi in La Tribuna of October 11, 1907. Vaglieri, in the newspaper article quoted, holds that the mosaic is the work of Claudius Ælianus, who lived in the latter half of the second century A.D. Marucchi, in the same place, says that in the porticoes of the upper temple are traces of mosaic which he attributes to the gift of Sulla mentioned by Pliny XXXVI, 189, but in urging this he must shift delubrum Fortunæ to the Cortina terrace and that is entirely impossible.
I may say that a careful study and a long paper on the Barberini mosaic has just been written by Cav. Francesco Coltellacci, Segretario Comunale di Palestrina, which I had the privilege of reading in manuscript.
[124]
For the many opinions as to the subject of the mosaic, see Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 75.
For the many opinions as to the subject of the mosaic, see Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 75.
[125]
This has been supposed to be a villa of Hadrian's because the Braschi Antinoüs was found here, and because we find bricks in the walls with stamps which date from Hadrian's time. But the best proof that this building, which is under the modern cemetery, is Hadrian's, is that the measurements of the walls are the same as those in his villa below Tibur. Dr. Van Deman, of the American School in Rome, spent two days with me in going over this building and comparing measurements with the villa at Tibur. I shall publish a plan of the villa in the near future. See Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 120, for a meagre description of the villa.
This has been supposed to be a villa of Hadrian's because the Braschi Antinoüs was found here, and because we find bricks in the walls with stamps which date from Hadrian's time. But the best proof that this building, which is under the modern cemetery, is Hadrian's, is that the measurements of the walls are the same as those in his villa below Tibur. Dr. Van Deman, of the American School in Rome, spent two days with me in going over this building and comparing measurements with the villa at Tibur. I shall publish a plan of the villa in the near future. See Fernique, Étude sur Préneste, p. 120, for a meagre description of the villa.
[126]
Delbrueck, l.c., p. 58, n. 1.
Delbrueck, l.c., p. 58, n. 1.
[127]
The ærarium is under the temple and at the same time cut back into the solid rock of the cliff just across the road at one corner of the basilica. An ærarium at Rome under the temple of Saturn is always mentioned in this connection. There is also a chamber of the same sort at the upper end of the shops in front of the basilica Æmilia in the Roman Forum, to which Boni has given the name "carcere," but Huelsen thinks rightly that it is a treasury of some sort. There is a like treasury in Pompeii back of the market, so Mau thinks, Vaglieri in Corriere D'Italia, Oct 2, 1907.
The ærarium is under the temple and at the same time cut back into the solid rock of the cliff just across the road at one corner of the basilica. An ærarium at Rome under the temple of Saturn is always mentioned in this connection. There is also a chamber of the same sort at the upper end of the shops in front of the basilica Æmilia in the Roman Forum, to which Boni has given the name "carcere," but Huelsen thinks rightly that it is a treasury of some sort. There is a like treasury in Pompeii back of the market, so Mau thinks, Vaglieri in Corriere D'Italia, Oct 2, 1907.
[128]
Seenote 106.
Seenote 106.
[129]
C.I.L., XIV, 2875. This dedication of "coques atriensis" probably belongs to the upper temple.
C.I.L., XIV, 2875. This dedication of "coques atriensis" probably belongs to the upper temple.
[130]
Alle Quadrelle casale verso Cave e Valmontone, Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 70; Chaupy, Maison d'Horace, II, p. 317; Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 326, n. 9.
Alle Quadrelle casale verso Cave e Valmontone, Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 70; Chaupy, Maison d'Horace, II, p. 317; Petrini, Memorie Prenestine, p. 326, n. 9.
[131]
The martyr suffered death contra civitatem prænestinam ubi sunt duæ viæ, Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 144, n. 3, from Martirol. Adonis, 18 Aug. Cod. Vat. Regin., n. 511 (11th cent. A.D.).
The martyr suffered death contra civitatem prænestinam ubi sunt duæ viæ, Marucchi, Guida Arch., p. 144, n. 3, from Martirol. Adonis, 18 Aug. Cod. Vat. Regin., n. 511 (11th cent. A.D.).
[132]
C.I.L., XIV, 3014; Bull. munic., 2 (1874), p. 86; C.I.L., VI, p. 885, n. 1744a; Tac. Ann., XV, 46 (65 A.D.); Friedlænder, Sittengeschichte Roms, II, p. 377; Cicero, pro Plancio, XXVI, 63; Epist. ad Att., XII, 2, 2; Cassiodorus, Variæ, VI, 15.
C.I.L., XIV, 3014; Bull. munic., 2 (1874), p. 86; C.I.L., VI, p. 885, n. 1744a; Tac. Ann., XV, 46 (65 A.D.); Friedlænder, Sittengeschichte Roms, II, p. 377; Cicero, pro Plancio, XXVI, 63; Epist. ad Att., XII, 2, 2; Cassiodorus, Variæ, VI, 15.
[133]
A black and white mosaic of late pattern was found there during the excavations. Not. d. Scavi, 1877, p. 328; Fernique, Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 233; Fronto, p. 157 (Naber).
A black and white mosaic of late pattern was found there during the excavations. Not. d. Scavi, 1877, p. 328; Fernique, Revue Arch., XXXV (1878), p. 233; Fronto, p. 157 (Naber).
[134]
On Le Colonelle toward S. Pastore. Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 60.
On Le Colonelle toward S. Pastore. Cecconi, Storia di Palestrina, p. 60.
[135]
I think this better than the supposition that these libraries were put up by a man skilled in public and private law. See C.I.L, XIV, 2916.
I think this better than the supposition that these libraries were put up by a man skilled in public and private law. See C.I.L, XIV, 2916.
[136]
Not d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 330.
Not d. Scavi, Ser. 5, 4 (1896), p. 330.
[137]
Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18: statua cius (M. Anicii) indicio fuit, Præneste in foro statuta, loricata, amicta toga, velato capite, etc.
Livy XXIII, 19, 17-18: statua cius (M. Anicii) indicio fuit, Præneste in foro statuta, loricata, amicta toga, velato capite, etc.