FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[70]The main reason for outlining here a system suppressed in 1879 is that it was at a partial revival thereof that the rebels perpetually aimed. The character of their organization and warfare was generally in accordance therewith. Nor, seeing many of them had been obliged to conform thereto in earlier days, is this any cause for surprise. A description of the old and famous order becomes, therefore, the best and most illuminating introduction to their methods in 1906.It will be remembered that when Tshaka set about conquering the various tribes of Zululand and Natal, some of the more important broke away and fled to far-off parts,e.g.Rhodesia, Lake Nyasa, Gasaland, etc. Having regard to the enormous prestige acquired by the Zulus, a prestige which outshone that of any other tribe in South Africa south of the Equator, not only did tribes adjoining those which had arrived find it in their interest to copy the habits and customs of the dominant race and learn their tongue, but more particularly to adopt the system by which the prestige had been won. Thus a description of the system has the added interest of perhaps throwing light on what, in point of fact, has become practically the basic idea or exemplar of all Native military organizations in South Africa.Had a tolerably comprehensive sketch of the system and its connected customs been available, the present attempt would not have been made.[71]Dingiswayo, Chief of the Mtetwa tribe (near St. Lucia Bay, Zululand), is, curiously enough, believed to have had one or more fundamental features of the system suggested to him, either from observing the organization of British soldiers, as might have been done in the Cape Colony at the beginning of the nineteenth century, or, at least, by obtaining a detailed account thereof from some person familiar therewith.[72]At intervals, as the hair grew long, it would be removed, but only to enable it to be sewn closer to the head.[73]The badge known astshokobezi, worn especially by followers of Dinuzulu, is referred to later (p. 198, note).[74]Separate bivouacs were appointed for fear of regiments fighting one another.[75]Nearly all these were obtained prior to the Imperial Government's assumption of control in Zululand (May, 1887).

[70]The main reason for outlining here a system suppressed in 1879 is that it was at a partial revival thereof that the rebels perpetually aimed. The character of their organization and warfare was generally in accordance therewith. Nor, seeing many of them had been obliged to conform thereto in earlier days, is this any cause for surprise. A description of the old and famous order becomes, therefore, the best and most illuminating introduction to their methods in 1906.It will be remembered that when Tshaka set about conquering the various tribes of Zululand and Natal, some of the more important broke away and fled to far-off parts,e.g.Rhodesia, Lake Nyasa, Gasaland, etc. Having regard to the enormous prestige acquired by the Zulus, a prestige which outshone that of any other tribe in South Africa south of the Equator, not only did tribes adjoining those which had arrived find it in their interest to copy the habits and customs of the dominant race and learn their tongue, but more particularly to adopt the system by which the prestige had been won. Thus a description of the system has the added interest of perhaps throwing light on what, in point of fact, has become practically the basic idea or exemplar of all Native military organizations in South Africa.Had a tolerably comprehensive sketch of the system and its connected customs been available, the present attempt would not have been made.

It will be remembered that when Tshaka set about conquering the various tribes of Zululand and Natal, some of the more important broke away and fled to far-off parts,e.g.Rhodesia, Lake Nyasa, Gasaland, etc. Having regard to the enormous prestige acquired by the Zulus, a prestige which outshone that of any other tribe in South Africa south of the Equator, not only did tribes adjoining those which had arrived find it in their interest to copy the habits and customs of the dominant race and learn their tongue, but more particularly to adopt the system by which the prestige had been won. Thus a description of the system has the added interest of perhaps throwing light on what, in point of fact, has become practically the basic idea or exemplar of all Native military organizations in South Africa.

Had a tolerably comprehensive sketch of the system and its connected customs been available, the present attempt would not have been made.

[71]Dingiswayo, Chief of the Mtetwa tribe (near St. Lucia Bay, Zululand), is, curiously enough, believed to have had one or more fundamental features of the system suggested to him, either from observing the organization of British soldiers, as might have been done in the Cape Colony at the beginning of the nineteenth century, or, at least, by obtaining a detailed account thereof from some person familiar therewith.

[72]At intervals, as the hair grew long, it would be removed, but only to enable it to be sewn closer to the head.

[73]The badge known astshokobezi, worn especially by followers of Dinuzulu, is referred to later (p. 198, note).

[74]Separate bivouacs were appointed for fear of regiments fighting one another.

[75]Nearly all these were obtained prior to the Imperial Government's assumption of control in Zululand (May, 1887).

EVENTS AND CONDITIONS ANTECEDENT TO OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES.—MURDER OF HUNT AND ARMSTRONG.

Aboutthe year 1895 South Africa was invaded from the north by a plague of locusts. A succession of several abnormally dry seasons, peculiarly favourable for hatching the young, resulted in the swarms increasing to alarming proportions. Immense clouds of them swept over the land in all directions, sometimes so vast as to render dimmer the light of the sun. Natal, euphemistically though not untruly styled the Garden Colony, suffered, if anything, more than other parts, and this owing to the very abundance of her crops and almost tropical vegetation. Recurrent devastations of crops lasted until 1903 or 1904 when, through determined and systematic co-operation among Europeans in the several colonies, involving heavy outlays of public monies, the pest was successfully counteracted and stamped out. The Natives of Natal and Zululand, accustomed as they are to cultivating but small patches of maize and corn, barely sufficient for their wants even in plenteous seasons, suffered most. In connection with this "invasion" came a year of scarcity among them (1896), necessitating distribution by the Government, for their relief, of large supplies of grain at cost price and under,—in some cases, free of charge.

In 1897 a new cattle disease, known as rinderpest, began to make its appearance, and this, whilst the older and well-nigh endemic one, called lung-sickness, was still afflicting thecattle of white and black alike. It, too, had gradually come down from the north. More virulent in form than lung-sickness, it soon spread to all parts of Natal and Zululand, destroying large percentages of the herds wherever permitted to enter. Again did the scourge press more heavily on Natives than on Europeans, especially in Zululand, for the reason that, being a pastoral people, they were peculiarly dependent in many ways on cattle. It will, for instance, be recollected that cattle are used as an essential constituent in every marriage contract. Milk, moreover, is extensively used for feeding infants and children. The price of stock advanced 500% and more; even where sufficient money was earned by hard labour, the necessarylobolacattle could not be purchased. It, therefore, became difficult for the young men to obtain wives. That a certain spirit of restlessness and discontent gradually grew up in them cannot be wondered at. Indeed, it is generally admitted these misfortunes, coming one on top of the other and closely affecting the life of the people, were, on the whole, met by them with singular fortitude and forbearance.

But more was to follow. About the end of the late War, through importation at Beira, it has been supposed, of fresh blood in the shape of cattle from Australia to re-stock Rhodesia, a fresh disease—even more disastrous than rinderpest—also previously unknown in South Africa, made its appearance among such stock as remained in that part, and thereafter slowly but surely spread in different directions. Rinderpest had, like a hurricane, swept through South Africa (leaving patches here and there unaffected), and eventually spent itself at the sea at Cape Town. The new disease, known as East Coast Fever, or Tick Fever, by reason of infection being carried by a species of tick, common almost to the whole of South Africa, was much more searching and destructive in its effects. It crept steadily south-ward, affecting European and Native cattle alike. After causing vast and widespread losses, it is still unconquered at time of writing, though, especially since the Union Government assumed control, the possibilities of its spreading have been greatly reduced.

Entering the Colony on the eastern section of its northern boundary, it moved from place to place, striking down herds wherever it appeared with a suddenness that hardly seemed possible from the slowness of its march. The Natives of Zululand were the first to feel the blow, but the still more numerous black and white population of Natal, though having greater time to organize resistance, did not suffer less. A fundamental characteristic of human nature showed itself in the complacency with which the disease was viewed whilst at a distance, and alarm and even panic when it actually invaded the Colony. Every precaution which science or quackery could suggest was adopted. Thousands of pounds were spent on a device, only a few weeks later to be displaced by another, even more expensive. Parliament passed one law after another, whose aggregate effect scarcely abated the evil, whilst the inconvenience to Natives through enforcement of regulations amounted, in some instances, to actual provocation. That they were unable to see eye-to-eye with the Veterinary Department or other controlling authority in the restrictions imposed within infected or supposed infected areas was due not to fictitious, but to genuine, belief. However, it was clear from the outset that European cattle were no more immune than their own. If their race suffered, so also did that of the white man. Irritating though the precautions were, the fact remained that Natives' cattle were being swept off wholesale, leaving the people in a greatly impoverished condition.

But there was another matter, and one of long standing, regarded by them as a still greater affliction. To this we must now turn.

Ever since farms were laid off in Natal for European occupation, rents had been collected from the Native tenants. There were many reasons, sentimental as well as arising out of actual necessity, to account for the presence of Natives on such farms. First, there was the kraal, and its family (with numerous old local associations) alreadyin situwhen the farm was laid off; secondly, the farmer, who had no tenants, had, by the offer of inducements, obtained them; thirdly, Natives ejected for some reason fromadjoining or other lands, who had come to apply for permission "to squat." There was variety, again, when the character of the tenancy is examined. One landlord had, as the basis of his contract, service in lieu of rent; another required certain service with a small rent; another, service for which he paid the market wage, leaving the tenant free for six months of the year, but charged rent; another wanted nothing but the rent. Without going too deeply into this exceedingly complex question, it is sufficient to remark that "service in lieu of rent" was generally demanded by the Dutch farmers, in many ways fairer and more sympathetic to their tenants than other landlords, whilst cash was generally required by British farmers. Where rents were charged, they were felt by many Natives to be burdensome. With a number of tenants on his farm, a landlord, of course, felt that where one man could raise the rent, all must be required to do so, otherwise chaos would result. Rents naturally varied in different parts, some places being more productive than others. The lowest amount was about £1 per hut, whilst the highest was as much as £12. The average, however, stood between £2 and £3. As the sizes of Native establishments varied, or facilities for cultivation or grazing and disposing of produce or stock were unequal, so the difficulties of a tenant obtaining the amount of his rent varied. None of the farmers, Boer or British, intended to be oppressive. Many of them were remarkably patient and considerate. The fact, however, remains, that for some time before the Rebellion, some were oppressive, although unintentionally so. This mercenary spirit, however, was exhibited not only by the farmers of Natal. Anyone who takes the trouble to read the official publications will find it prevailing in other parts of South Africa. It is, indeed, a characteristic of Western Civilization. Even where Natives themselves are in possession of farms, they, aping their masters, follow a policy not less exacting in regard to men of their own colour.

For several years prior to the Rebellion, the high rate of rents was generally felt as a burden. It was talked about, and talked about loudly. Every report on Native Affairsshowed that such was the case. On the other hand, one heard not a word in regard to the hut tax imposed by the Government.[76]The justice of it was approved and its amount considered reasonable. As a matter of fact, the complaint that made itself heard, was not against the European farmers, but against the system which had initiated freehold, leasehold, or any other tenure, as distinct from the purely communal. Because the Natal Government did not abolish landlordism, or at least prohibit landlords from charging tenants more than, say £1 per hut, and ejectment on failure to pay, Natives considered they had just ground for complaint against the Government. In their ignorance of the history of freehold, they looked on the colonists as having initiated, and as being responsible for, a system that flourished in Europe long before Vasco da Gama sailed up the coast of South Africa to set eyes on and name the country occupied by their artless ancestors.

Associated with this question were those of usury and cruelly extortionate charges by certain members of the legal profession, notably such as practised in the "country districts." In consequence of many tenants being unable to meet their obligations, largely through loss of cattle from disease, they were driven to borrowing money. For many years past, it had been the practice for them to draw on their cattle to overcome temporary embarrassment. In the absence of a law regulating the interest chargeable on loans, a few of the lenders demanded and received fabulous rates. It would, however, be unfair to hold the administration responsible for not providing a law, practically unknown in civilized communities, until necessity therefor had actually revealed itself. However that may be, the position must be looked at as it was. Here was a people compelled in the main to meet their financial obligations, public and private, with no better means than the earnings of their sons. These sons, aware that their fathers were depending largely on them, instead ofvice versa, began to assume an unusuallyindependent attitude in respect, not only of their parents, but of everyone else. The parents complained to the Government and pressed for the application of correctives. What one of the correctives was will presently appear.[77]

This independence, indeed, was but a symptom characteristic of the age. Its growth had, for many years, been observable, though, in former days, not nearly so aggravated as it became in later ones. To such an extent did it develop by 1906, that contempt for authority, particularly Native authority, began to manifest itself in numerous ways, quickened and accentuated by the evil influences of European towns.

The principal means available to a kraal-head for obtaining money had, for years, been the sending of his sons to work in European towns and elsewhere. With the discovery of the Barberton and Johannesburg gold-fields, considerable inducements were offered in the higher wages there obtainable. It, therefore, followed that many accustomed up till then to find employment in Natal, went off to the new centres of industry. The more these centres developed, the greater became their attractions. The result was that, before long, many thousands repaired thither year after year. So large did the number of Natal and Zululand labourers become, that it became necessary to establish a Government Agent at Johannesburg, whose principal duty was to receive and remit to their respective homes the earnings of the workers. Had there been no such considerate provision, much of the money, urgently required as it was by the parents, must have been squandered, stolen or lost.[78]

At these gold-mining centres, however, especially Johannesburg, youths of Natal came into contact with thousands of Natives from all parts of South Africa. They there became acquainted with that insidious American Negro propagandacalled Ethiopianism, as well as with unscrupulous, low-class Europeans of various nationalities. In such environment, it is not surprising that the already growing spirit of independence was developed, as well as vice of the worst possible types. These retrograde tendencies were not long in reacting on Natives in the locations and farms of Natal. Indeed, in conjunction with the local influences referred to above, they speedily became the most potent agents for setting at naught that wonderful tribalism of some of whose features an account has already been given. A deeply-rooted antagonism towards the white man on the part of some began to manifest itself, accompanied by a spirit of defiance that found expression in many ways. Hardly less subversive and disintegrating were the effects of coming into contact with thousands of British soldiers, and the ludicrously familiar attitude of the latter towards Natives during the Boer War.

Alive to the necessity of assisting parents in a matter of this kind, the Government—the Prime Minister then being the Hon. C.J. Smythe—had its own predicament to consider. The wave of great financial depression, brought on by the protracted War, had told severely on the Colony. The Treasury was empty. The credit of the Colony was falling. As much as 6% was being paid on temporary loans, instead of the average rate of 3½% for years paid on public loans. A necessity for instituting new taxing measures was urgent. Already, whilst the preceding Sutton Ministry was in power, had the need for taxation made itself felt. Among the bills of that ministry was one that proposed the imposition of a poll tax, but beyond publication in theGazette, no further steps had been taken in regard thereto.

When the Smythe Ministry came to look into the financial position, it decided to adopt some of its predecessor's taxing measures and to discard others. Among those discarded, was a Poll Tax Bill. Certain other bills, among them one dealing with unoccupied lands, were passed by the Legislative Assembly, only to be rejected by the Legislative Council. With the end of the session in view and no provision made for equalising revenue and expenditure, itbecame imperative to impose some other form of taxation. There was, however, no time to prepare a fresh bill. The most obvious forms of taxation had been attempted but had failed. In these circumstances, it was resolved to fall back on the Poll Tax Bill on account of its having already been gazetted as required by law. The Treasurer (Mr., now Sir, Thomas Hyslop, K.C.M.G.), having failed, owing to the adverse action of a nominated upper chamber, to pass measures that appeared to him suitable, it was decided the Prime Minister should take charge of the bill. It succeeded in passing through both Houses with comparatively little discussion. In August, 1905, it became law. It would not have become law but for the rejection of the other taxing measures that had been passed by the representatives of the people.

There are, it has been held, but two forms of direct taxation applicable to all sections of the community without discriminating between classes, namely a poll tax and a house tax. A house tax had been attempted, but, owing to loud and universal protest by the European community, it was not introduced.

Though difficult to justify a poll tax as an equitable mode of taxation among civilized people, it is not inappropriate when applied to Native races. If imposed on all sections of the community, it would, if standing alone, be an unfair tax; accompanied, however, by an income tax, which the Government proposed to bring forward during the following session, the unfairness would have ceased to exist.

There was strong feeling among many in the Colony that Natives were not bearing a fair share of taxation. The choice lay between increasing the hut tax payable by kraal-owners, or leaving the tax on them as before and imposing a fresh one on the younger men. It is a matter of opinion which was the better course to pursue, but, in any case, the poll tax of £1 per head on the unmarried man, and the hut tax of 14s. on the married man, cannot be regarded as unduly burdensome, especially when compared with the taxes imposed in the adjoining Colonies, Transvaal and Orange Free State. In the former, £2 was payable yearlyby every adult male Native, and a further £2 by those having more than one wife for each additional wife;[79]in the latter, a poll tax of £1 was payable by all Natives. In neither of these cases, however, was there a hut tax as in Natal.

The poll tax was imposed on all sections, Europeans, Asiatics and Natives, but, in respect of the last, those already liable for hut tax were specially excepted. It accordingly fell on the young men, so many of whom, as we have seen, went to work at Johannesburg and were becoming more and more independent of their parents. Thus a class was taxed which had, to a large extent, escaped taxation, though generally speaking, assisting their fathers in finding money for hut tax and other purposes. Had the tax been imposed on the Natives alone, the bill would have had to be reserved for the King's approval. That would have meant delay; but the country could not afford to delay. Through adopting the course above indicated, the royal assent was unnecessary.

Before considering the manner in which the new law was received by the Natives, reference should be made to an incident, normal in civilized communities, but quite abnormal in those of barbarians. The Government resolved to take the census. Up to that time, no actual enumeration of the Natives had ever been attempted. Estimates only had been prepared from time to time, without any intimation of such fact being given to the Natives. These had been based primarily on the hut tax returns. The reason for not requiring coloured races to conform to the same law as Europeans in this respect was because of their suspicious temperament. There is nothing a Zulu will take umbrage at more quickly than when he, his family and belongings, are being counted. It appears to him tantamount to placing himself entirely in the hands of another, and of being "surrounded." This instinctive dread is deeply rooted, and itsraison d'êtreis seen in the mode of attack practised by him in actual warfare, whereby a force moves forward, theoretically in half-moon formation, with the object ofencirclingthe enemy.

It is, of course, absurd to think that the Natal Government, under which the Natives had lived peacefully for half a century, could have had any inimical motive in taking a census, but that the Natives felt some such motive was latent, is borne out by what happened when the regulations were explained by a Magistrate at a gathering of Chiefs and their followers near Greytown. A Native present put the question: "What guarantee have we that, in being enumerated in the fashion proposed, it is not in the mind of the Government, making use of the information gained, to do us an injury in the future?" The reply was: "The Government has no evil intentions whatever, the sun will sooner fall from the heavens than any evil come upon you, as a result of this census-taking. Europeans, including myself, will be counted along with you." This assurance which, from a European point of view, the official was fully justified in giving, was, however, soon made to bear an interpretation extremely difficult to reply to, and this in the very district where the Insurrection proper afterwards began. The census was taken in due course in 1904, meeting with murmuring here and there among the Natives in parts of the Colony. In the year following, the Poll Tax Act was passed and proclaimed. What was more natural than that they should associate that time-honoured practice of Western Civilization with the introduction of a form of taxation which, in their view, did them injury by imposing an additional financial burden, and, what was worse, accentuating and even legalizing the independence of children towards their fathers, an independence the sons themselves (free from control as many of them had become), veering round in their resentment, also condemned as subversive of their whole system of life. From the parents' point of view, it appeared as if their sons, already too independent, were being rendered still more so. And yet, in passing the Act, the Government was of the belief that one of the correctives above referred to was being provided, and would operate in favour of the parents. Had liability been laid on the father rather than on the son, the protests raised would probably not have been as loud as they were.

Early in the summer of the same year a curious phenomenon was observed in connection with the Kaffir corn ormabelecrops, particularly in those portions of the Colony that abutted on Zululand. The ears of corn were attacked by the aphis insect in such way as to give an impression of having been oiled. Whole fields glittered in the sun. Although the phenomenon was capable of complete explanation by scientists, it appeared mysterious to European laymen and still more so to Natives, who could recall nothing of the kind in previous years. As a result of inability to explain, the idea got about that Dinuzulu was the cause. The phenomenon was, therefore, taken as a sign that that Chief had something in mind which called for co-operation on their part. This impression became current also among a number of Natal tribes, notwithstanding that two generations had elapsed since the severance of their connection with the Zulu royal house. The crops in question are universally regarded by Natives as the most important, for it is of this grain that the national beverage and foodtshwalais made. As the corn-fields were attacked over wide areas in a manner at once mysterious and harmless, the characteristics accorded well with the supposition that Dinuzulu was the cause, for it was believed he had potent drugs of which he alone, assisted by various witch-doctors from afar, understood the use. The disease, for such it was, was widely talked of, and Dinuzulu was said to have brought it on for some inscrutable purpose to be revealed or not in the near future as he might choose.

Here again, we have an incident of no significance whatever among Europeans and yet regarded by numberless Natives as a sign of something important to come. The disease existed until after the Rebellion, when, strange to say, it vanished as suddenly as it had appeared.

There was yet another phenomenon which attracted widespread attention, and became invested by the Natives with special significance, namely, a hailstorm of unusual severity on the 31st May, 1905. It swept violently through the whole Colony, including large areas adjacent thereto. Not for more than a generation had there been anything sofurious and destructive. At first the incident seemed to pass without any special comment, but towards the end of the year, about September or October, and just before the provisions of the Poll Tax Act were explained by the Magistrates, certain strange rumours, directly connected with the storm, began to make themselves heard. So curious were these, that one could not help pricking up his ears to listen, only, however, to laugh at their utter absurdity.

Owing to the fact that, ridiculous as they appeared to Europeans to be, the rumours were believed, and what is more, began to be acted on, by Natives in many parts, it is necessary to consider them seriously, and in so doing, it is possible that some light may be thrown on the inner workings of the black man's mind, and that some of the mystery which still enshrouds the underlying causes of the Rebellion may be removed.

The rumours were in the form of a fiat or command, and associated with a personality whose name was never revealed. Neither place nor time was given. All that was known was that the command existed, purported to have come from some one in supreme authority, and peremptorily demanded obedience. The following is the message, given as nearly as possible in the form in which it circulated among the Natives: "All pigs must be destroyed, as also all white fowls. Every European utensil hitherto used for holding food or eating out of must be discarded and thrown away. Anyone failing to comply will have his kraal struck by a thunderbolt when, at some date in the near future, he sends a storm more terrible than the last, which was brought on by the Basuto king in his wrath against the white race for having carried a railway to the immediate vicinity of his ancestral stronghold."

In some places, it was believed white goats and white cattle were also to be destroyed. Pigs, although kept by many Natives to sell or barter to Europeans, were not eaten by them. They had been introduced by the white race, and were regarded by Natives as creatures whose flesh "smells." The same prejudice did not exist in regard to fowls, for whose presence in the country Europeans, for all the Natives knew, were not responsible. To discriminate, therefore,between white ones and others, as well as between utensils of European manufacture and those of their own, could carry but one meaning to any intelligent mind, and that was that drastic aggressive measures of some kind against the white race were intended. What these were to be every Native knew quite well. He knew it was proposed to rise simultaneously and massacre the whites, although the time the butchery was to take place had still to be fixed. The word "thunderbolt," too, bore metonymic interpretation. The acts or characteristics of a Zulu monarch were frequently, in ordinary parlance, compared with the fury of the elements. On the other hand, in accordance with naïve and deeply-rooted belief, the King, to whom the sky was said tobelong, was supposed to be able to cause the heavens to pour down or withhold rain at his pleasure, though, to do this, he might be obliged to invoke the assistance of Native kings of other countries. It was, for instance, believed that gentle, copious rains could be induced by the Swazi kings, whilst the kings of Basutoland possessed drugs for bringing on violent thunderstorms, accompanied by lightning, wind and hail. Whenever any of these natural phenomena was specially required in Zululand,—ordinary rains, of course, were greatly in demand in times of drought,—it devolved on the King to furnish the oxen, as a rule about ten, necessary for presentation at the foreign court, before the "lord of the elements" would consent to exercise his skill. Hence, "thunderbolt," in such context as the above, means either the King's own army (which never went through a country but its devastations resembled those of a hurricane), or a storm brought about through the King interceding with such other king ascouldbring it on.

It is, therefore, not to be wondered at that, on hearing the command noised abroad, Natal Chiefs should have at once concluded it emanated from Dinuzulu who, though not a King, was the recognised representative of the Zulu royal house. Chiefs like Mveli near Pietermaritzburg, Mtambo and Ndunge near Durban, Tilonko and Sikukuku near Mid Illovo, and Mtele and Nondubela of Umsinga, and others,accordingly thought it right to dispatch messengers direct to Dinuzulu to ascertain if such order had or had not originated from him. Tilonko went further and asked Dinuzulu if he was to pay the poll tax or not. Dinuzulu promptly denied having issued any such "word." He added that if the people wished to conform to the supposed order it was no affair of his; they could please themselves. This denial, however, did not amount to much, for admission, assuming him to have been the originator, would have been tantamount to saying he was guilty of sedition. No assertion is here made that it did emanate from him. The reader must be left to draw his own inference. It is not a little remarkable that the Chiefs named should have associated Dinuzulu with the order and gone to the trouble of communicating with him at a distance of 200 miles without reference to the Government. That they should have done so is, perhaps, accounted for by Dinuzulu's having posed as agent-in-chief of the Zulu people. In connection with the locust invasion, for instance, partly civilized though he was, he is alleged to have sent ten oxen all the way to the notorious witch Mabelemade in the Transvaal to implore her to remove the plague. The plague afterwards vanished. If Dinuzulu did act in this way, to whom are ignorant Natives likely to have ascribed the relief they then got? And to whom would they look for deliverance on subsequent occasions of general misfortune?

Under the Zulu regime, no king would have dreamt of issuing so vague and mysterious an order. Had he wished anything to be done, he would have communicated his instructions to hisindunas, who would have transmitted them by recognized messengers to the Chiefs, these to the headmen who, in their turn, would have advised the heads of families immediately under their respective supervision. Everything would have taken place openly, speedily, definitely. The precise meaning of the royal intentions would have become known from the outset to every soul. In 1905, however, something had to be done against, and under the very eyes and nose of, a power to whom Dinuzulu and all his former followers were, and had for long been,subject. Hence the necessity for issue of an anonymous type of order, and, as no Native of Natal or Zululand had ever had experience of such message, it followed that communication with Dinuzulu was necessary to ascertain if he had issued it, and, if so, what his plans were.

In the district of Weenen, inhabited by two of the largest tribes in Natal or Zululand, viz. those of Silwana and Ngqambuzana,[80]the Magistrate was successful in tracing the rumours to a definite source. They had been disseminated there by three Natives, who, under the rôle of messengers from Dinuzulu, had also traversed Newcastle, Dundee and Klip River divisions. They visited the kraals of Chiefs and others along their route. "They led the Natives," says the Magistrate, "to believe that war would shortly be declared by Dinuzulu, and those who failed to carry out his instructions as to the killing of pigs and destruction of utensils of European manufacture, and a reversion in general to their primitive mode of living, would be swept away by him. Reference was also made to a Basuto woman who had risen from the dead and was in communication with Dinuzulu. They alleged that 500 emissaries of Dinuzulu were canvassing South Africa." One of the 'messengers' "alleged that he and nine others had been dispatched by the Paramount Chief of [Basutoland] to Dinuzulu, from whom they now bore instructions which were similar in effect to those circulated by the other two men."[81]The Magistrate was unable to find that any of the three 'messengers' had been in communication with Dinuzulu. After trial and conviction, they were severely punished for spreading the false rumours.

These rumours were circulated in Weenen division before the Natives were officially notified of their obligation to pay the poll tax. In view of the mystery that still attaches to this extraordinary incident, it may be of interest, as showing the working of a Native's mind, to compare it with a somewhat similar one in Kaffraria, Cape Colony, which reached itsclimax in February, 1857. It will be remembered that many thousands of cattle of those parts had recently been swept away by disease; that a Native fanatic, Mhlakaza, thereafter came forward and urged the people to destroy their cattle, desist from cultivation, etc.; and that, after complying with the insane order, some 25,000 Natives are estimated to have perished from starvation, whilst 100,000 went out of the Colony in search of food. An official statement was made in April, 1858, by a prophetess, niece of this man Mhlakaza (then deceased). This is so cleverly descriptive of the stuff in which Native superstition has its roots, and has such obvious affinity with the Zulu propaganda of 1905, that it is inserted hereunder in some detail.[82]An article dealing,inter alia, with superstitions connected with the Matabele Rebellion, 1896, will be found in Appendix X.

It may be argued that the command to kill off pigs and fowls arose in a way similar to that made public by Mhlakaza. But in that case the origin was traced to strangers who communicated their messages to a particular girl, who, in her turn, referred to Mhlakaza, a well-known man. In the pig-and-white-fowl-killing affair, the order seems to have originated with emissaries, careful not to sow the seed in places from which its origin could be traced by the white race. Only by employing secret agents, and making a thorough investigation extending over six weeks, could those who toured Weenen division be traced and apprehended. It is the easiest thing in the world for a stranger, especially if a Native, to utter an alarming rumour to other Natives,—who are an extremely credulous people,—and give out at, say, each of half-a-dozen places that he had heard it in some manner which, in fact, is entirely fictitious. For instance, in the year 1900, a rumour was started in the Lower Tugela division that all pigs were to be killed. An official meeting of Chiefs was promptly called to investigate, but whilst the originator's whereabouts could not be traced, the fact that attention had been publicly directed to the rumour at once put a stop to its further circulation.

There is no doubt but that the underlying intention of the order to kill pigs and white fowls and discard European utensils was that the Natives of Natal and Zululand should rise against the white man. Its purpose was to warn, as well as to unite, by the use of a threat. In the absence of positive evidence, which may yet be forthcoming, it would be wrong to draw any precise inference as to its origination. On the whole, it seems to us more likely to have sprung from the imagination of some Native obsessed with the idea that the conditions of life under European rule were intolerable, than from that of Dinuzulu.

By this time, the temper of the people had undergone a considerable change. A sullen demeanour was assumed by them as soon as the poll tax was proclaimed. To use a Zulu metaphor (without equivalent in English), and one that exactly expresses the position, the new tax had caused them toqunga.[83]This sullenness is, indeed, characteristic of the people under abnormal conditions. Until satisfied that any action in regard to them is oppressive or betrays neglect of their interests, they are, however, slow to take offence. They prefer to wait and observe the effect on others. If these, too, become morose, the tide of sullenness rises to resentment, and then to anger and open defiance. That the whole community was more or less charged with this ugly spirit, will presently be seen from the contemptuous manner in which Magistrates and other officials were treated in various parts of the country.

It is curious to note in this connection an almost total absence of belief among the Europeans (including those with expert knowledge of the Natives), that actual rebellion was imminent.

But although sullenness is characteristic of the people, it would be a libel to describe them as otherwise than exceedingly patient and long-suffering, equable and philosophic. Once conquered, they become loyal and devoted subjects, even of a race radically different from their own. They are profoundly conservative—the conservatism of ages—content with a simple life, simple pursuits and pastimes. But once such ideal has been destroyed or abandoned, they become restless, unstable and unhappy.

From what has been said, it can be seen that the direct and indirect association of Dinuzulu with the incidents immediately preceding the Insurrection was of the deepest and most subtle character. The part actually played by him during the rising, in some respects that of a kind of Zulu Hamlet, will be gradually unfolded as the narrative proceeds. A brief account of his antecedents has alreadybeen given. It is proposed now to consider the kind of life led by him in Zululand after returning from St. Helena, because an understanding thereof will enable the reader to appreciate the position better than he might otherwise do.

Attention should, in the first place, be drawn to the fact that during his stay at St. Helena (1889-1897), Dinuzulu was subjected to influences that contributed in no small degree to his subsequent undoing. The Governor of the island, with no sense of the fitness of things, treated him just as he might have done Napoleon. The result was that when he returned to the land of his fathers, he was neither savage nor civilized. He had been "spoilt."

With a "spoilt" young Zulu the Government of Natal had to get on as well as it could. Without going into the terms of his repatriation, which will be dealt with later, it may be pointed out that, after spending a few weeks at Eshowe, he was allowed to return to his tribe near Nongoma, where he erected his Usutu and other kraals.

As soon as he got away from the restraining influences of civilization, he relapsed more or less into a state of barbarism. He became a "freethinker." He married more wives than one, and kept more concubines than a dozen. He cast aside the European clothes he had so long worn, not, however, to don once more the picturesque garb of his youth, but something which was neither one thing nor the other. His morals became lax. He grew indolent. His life, being of an unsettled, invertebrate and isolated type, caused many of his actions to appear ambiguous and mysterious. This, in a man naturally cunning, was ascribed to duplicity. He wallowed in such luxury as the £500 a year allowed by the Government and what remained of his patrimony could command at his semi-barbarous, semi-civilized kraal, and sated himself with inordinate quantities of European spirits. He presently became so extraordinarily obese, that it was with difficulty he could move about unassisted. The affliction of "expansion," to which members of the Zulu royal house are notoriously liable, came upon him at an age earlier than usual.

The sorry picture that has been drawn of a man, notwithout estimable qualities, could not, we venture to think, have existed had better judgment been exercised by the authorities and his friends in St. Helena, and, to some extent, those in Zululand as well. And yet, in St. Helena, counter influences had not been wanting. Ndabuko, for instance, strenuously resisted all endeavours for his own so-called "improvement"; if Tshingana was less obdurate, he had sufficient judgment and sagacity to prevent his benevolent preceptors from carrying him too far.

This aspect of Dinuzulu's private life, well known to many Europeans and thousands of Natives in Natal and Zululand, has not been repeated for the sake of blackening his character, but—by showing that his European friends were primarily responsible for thedebâcle—to serve as a warning, for it was out of conditions such as these that the crime, of which he was later on convicted, came to be hatched.

It was in these ways, as well as in attending to the affairs of his tribe, and meddling in other matters that did not concern him, that Dinuzulu passed his time at Usutu between 1898 and 1906.

In 1903-4 there were persistent rumours as to the possibility of Manzolwandhle taking the field against him on the ground of his being an usurper.[84]A remark commonly made by Zulus is: "The Zulu crown is won by force." Instances of this are: Tshaka, who, though not the heir, wrested it from Sigujana; Dingana—by assassinating Tshaka; Mpande—by defeating Dingana in a pitched battle; and Cetshwayo—by defeating Mpande's heir, Mbuyazi, in 1856. Had the crown been worth fighting for in earlier days, it is not unlikely Manzolwandhle would have taken up arms against his brother.

Actions of political significance in Dinuzulu's life, and more or less connected with the Insurrection, will now be considered.

Towards the end of the Boer War, a most regrettable and at the same time highly significant incident occurred nearthe town of Vryheid. During the early stages of the War, there had been a tacit understanding between the contestants that the Zululand-South African Republic border should not be violated, seeing the Natives on both sides, who formed the great bulk of the population in those regions, were taking no part in the hostilities, the War being, as was explained to them, a "white man's war." This spirit prevailed for a considerable period, good order being maintained as in times of peace. Later, when guerilla tactics were resorted to by the republican forces, orders were issued (without reference, however, to the civil authorities of Natal and Zululand), for the destruction or seizure of the enemy's property by way of depriving him of all sources of supply. These instructions drew to that part such commandoes as had been recruited there, including General Botha himself, the men individually desiring to protect their families as well as their homesteads and stock from possible aggressive action by the Zulus. In these circumstances, British troops not being sufficiently near to afford assistance, authority was given Dinuzulu and the Natives of Zululand generally to protect themselves and their stock by force of arms should they, at any time, be attacked by the Boers.

Some twenty miles from Vryheid, but much further from Dinuzulu's kraal, there lived a Zulu tribe, known as the Baqulusi, under the Chief Sikobobo. The antecedents of the tribe are not without interest. It was established many years previously by a woman, a notable member of the royal house. It became the rule for no war to be waged by the nation, except with this Chieftainess's approval.

So keenly did the Boers resent the manner in which, as they averred, the Baqulusi were assisting the British, that they began to harass them by burning their kraals. Sikobobo, having taken refuge with his tribe at Vryheid, resolved to retaliate. He ascertained that a party of some 70 Boers, known as Potgieter's commando, were bivouacking on ground at the base of a mountain called Holkrantz (Mtatshana), some 12 miles from the town. He marched out one night with some 300 followers, surrounded theparty at dawn, and massacred all but about 16. The Boers, it must be remarked, did not expect attack by Natives, who were regarded as neutral in a war between white races. The Boer rifles were, of course, taken. Some at any rate are said to have been carried off to Dinuzulu.

This affair naturally created a profound impression on the Native mind (to say nothing of that of the Boers), particularly as, only in 1838 and 1879, had Zulus succeeded in defeating a considerable number of Europeans. It remains to add that, although the Baqulusi were formerly a Zulu tribe, they were no longer a tribe of Zululand at the time of this affair (they were Boer subjects and living in Boer territory), hence, Dinuzulu's alleged acceptance of the guns went to show he was dealing in matters lying beyond the position and jurisdiction assigned him.

In the year 1904, Zibebu demanded of Dinuzulu the return of certain cattle owed him by the latter's father. After Cetshwayo's defeat in 1879, that King's enormous estate, consisting of marriageable girls and cattle, was not dealt with and disposed of. To a large portion of this Zibebu, second cousin of Cetshwayo, claimed to be owner. Dinuzulu opposed. The animosity formerly existing between them was revived, accompanied by rumours of possible further bloodshed. About the same time, Dinuzulu built a fort on top of a high hill a mile or so from his kraal Usutu. The fact of his having done this was freely talked about, as also his keeping regiments of young men at Usutu, notably one known as his bodyguard and called "Nkomondala." These he required to undergo military exercises. But what right had a Chief to erect fortifications and train warriors without the authority of Government?

There were, moreover, rumours among the Natives that Dinuzulu had dispatched messengers to the Swazi Queen to solicit help against Zibebu. Others were that he contemplated fighting his brother Manzolwandhle, and that messages had accordingly been sent by him to Chiefs in the Northern Districts,[85]also to others in the Transvaal. Further, he wasreputed to be in communication with the Basutos of Basutoland and the Natives of Rhodesia.

Some of these rumours and many others, circulating at that time and up to the outbreak of rebellion, were either untrue or exaggerated; their mere existence, however, shows the great importance that attached to Dinuzulu in the estimation of Natives far and wide. Here is another sample, taken from a despatch by the Governor to the Secretary of State:[86]"For some little time past, rumours have been current of unrest and disaffection amongst the Natives.... The name of Dinuzulu has been freely mentioned as promoting the unrest, and as putting himself at the head of a Native army to invade Natal proper from Zululand."

To show the strangeness and absurdity of some of the rumours, the following, which (except the last) can be vouched for as widely current in 1906, may be cited: that Dinuzulu was in the habit of visiting Natalincognito, notwithstanding that his physical condition incapacitated him from travelling; that he once visited Pietermaritzburg and went to the top of the Town Hall tower, when he was observed at one moment to turn into a cow, at another into a dog; that, when in Pietermaritzburg, he was presented with a beast by the Government. This was taken to the market square, where some white man fired at it twice without effect, owing to Dinuzulu having charmed it. On Dinuzulu firing, however, it fell dead. Here we have one of the origins of the rumour, subsequently to be referred to, that bullets fired at Natives by Europeans would not 'enter'; that, on the conclusion of the Boer War, the Europeans intended to compel Native girls to marry the soldiers then still in the country, whilst unmarried Native youths would be compelled to serve in the British Army. In consequence of the foregoing, many girls, though still quite young, had their hair done up and were married off before attaining the customary age.

The content of mere rumour is, of course, of no value as history, but, in the history of a Native rising, that rumours of a disturbing or unsettling character were constantly afloat,and nearly always associated with a particular person, is a fact of considerable significance, and, therefore, worthy of record. When any rumour arose likely to agitate Europeans or Natives, it became the duty of the Government to trace and contradict it in the best way it could. This, indeed, was done as effectively as possible on several occasions.

Those who are not familiar with Native character cannot well appreciate the difficulty of dealing with these rumours, especially such as betoken hostility. There is almost always some foundation in fact, but the fact is generally insignificant as compared with the inferences drawn therefrom by the people at large. In many cases, Dinuzulu was nothing more than the victim of circumstances, the mere fact of being the eldest son of the king of a once famous Native state serving to attach to the least of his acts an importance that did not and possibly was not intended to belong to them. Much that was laid to his charge was the outcome of perfervid imagination on the part of tribes in various parts of South Africa ready to espouse his cause. It has also to be borne in mind that the great majority of Natives are unable to read or write; they, therefore, do not, like Europeans, depend on newspapers for their news. It has, from time immemorial, been customary for them to live in a state of chronic alertness, when even the most absurd rumour of a warlike or disturbing character was spread within twenty-four hours over an enormous area. The media whereby this news, or ratherwarningis spread, are the incessant travelling to and fro of men and women, who again, living as they do under a system of polygamy, have wide circles of relations and acquaintances. Thus a warning brought, say, twenty miles and communicated at a kraal, is swiftly transmitted by the receiver to those within his immediate neighbourhood, only to be borne still further and further by others, leaving the original messenger to pursue his journey, repeating the intelligence as before wherever he goes. It can, therefore, be seen that facts, before long, become greatly exaggerated, leading to extravagant inferences being drawn therefrom.

Natives, as a rule, when employed as messengers, are careful in conveying messages. Dinuzulu probably never employed anyone on an important occasion who was not discreet and thoroughly trained in such duty. Rumours, therefore, are not always a true version of what was originally said, but of what those at a kraal, men or women, believed was said.

It is, we say, right to set but small value on mere rumours, but having regard to their exceedingly widespread circulation, they are apt to be believed and acted upon, as was, for instance, the pig-and-white-fowl-killing one. This characteristic of the great majority of the people should be clearly grasped, and especially the anomalous position in which, at such a time and in such circumstances, a man like Dinuzulu would have found himself. Having regard, however, to his remarkably subtle and far-reaching influence, it can easily be seen how any actually seditious tendency on his part could have been exerted with the minimum risk of detection. Indeed, it is within the power of one like him to pull the strings so as to compass rebellion without the Attorney-General being able at a later date to obtain any tangible evidence which, in a court of law, would be regarded as admissible or, if admissible, as satisfactorily establishing guilt. Thus, though, on the one hand, Dinuzulu might have been the victim of circumstances, on the other, assuming him to have been really at fault, he could have so urged the circumstances in which he stood that the court could not have done otherwise than presume his innocence, although actually believing him to be guilty.

That he was responsible for some of the unrest associated with his name before the Rebellion, will be gathered from the translations hereunder of two somewhat remarkable songs sung at Usutu.[87]

When the "order" about killing off pigs, white fowls, white goats, etc., became widely current and was being complied with by the Natives in various parts, the Government found it necessary to issue the following instructions to Magistrates: "It has come to the knowledge of the Government that numerous disturbing reports concerning the loyalty of the Natives of the Colony are being spread abroad by irresponsible persons, both Europeans and Natives. These reports are most mischievous, causing unnecessary alarm among all classes of the community, and careful investigation has proved that no real ground for them exists. You are, therefore, requested to reassure the people of your district and to urge them to discountenance the spreading of all such reports."[88]In the same month, the Commissioner in Zululand assured the Government of Dinuzulu's unwavering loyalty, adding that the Chief had declared an intentionof doing all he could to ensure payment of the poll tax.[89]Dinuzulu, indeed, was one of the first to pay the tax, he paid before being actually obliged to do so.

In August the Minister for Native Affairs issued instructions to Magistrates to convene meetings of Chiefs and the principal men of their tribes, and to explain thereat such provisions of the Poll Tax Act as applied to Natives. These meetings were nearly all held in September and October. Whilst, at some, no more took place than expressions of regret at its having been found necessary to impose additional taxation, of which Natives had not been advised beforehand,[90]at others there was loud remonstrance, accompanied with disrespect to the Magistrates. The meetings at Durban and Pietermaritzburg, owing to not having been authorized till late in October, for the reason that there were practically no Chiefs there, were not held until the 4th and 28th November respectively. By that time, however, dissatisfaction in regard to the Act had been freely expressed in different parts of the Colony.[91]The convening of these further meetings, however, appeared necessary although no Chiefs could be present, seeing the law provided that payment could be made atanylabour centre.[92]

It is easy to be wise after the event. Probably the better course would have been to hold no meetings at all at Durban and Pietermaritzburg, and to have taken other steps to inform Natives working in those towns of the law's requirements.

On the 22nd November the Magistrates were instructed to inform the Natives that thecollectionof the poll tax would take place on the 20th January, 1906, or as soon thereafter as possible. The date and order in which the tribes were to attend were, however, left to the Magistrates' discretion. A further circular (26th January), in calling attention to a proviso in the law that "no Native shall be deemed to have been guilty of a contravention of the Act until after the 31st day of May in any year," went on to direct that there was "no need for Natives who are not now prepared to pay the tax to visit the magistracy, branch courts or centres; only those desirous of paying the tax ... should be allowed to do so," also that where notices had already been issued calling on Chiefs to bring up their men, such were not to be countermanded, but "the Chiefs or representative headmen alone should be interviewed by the Magistrate and the result of the interview conveyed to the men by the Chiefs or such headmen."

Thus every precaution was taken by the Government to conform to the requirements and spirit of the Act. But, in conveying to uneducated savages the information that, although the tax becamedueon 1st January, and would begin to be collected after the 20th of that month, there was nocompulsionto pay before 31st May, the greatest difficulty was experienced by the Magistrates. So used are Natives, under tribal rule, to regarding instructions from competent authority as peremptory that anything in the shape of a concessive order is extremely liable to be construed as requiring compliance on the day first notified by the Magistrate as that on which he would be prepared to receive the tax. This is evidently what happened in the case of a Chief shortly to be dealt with, otherwise he would not have called on his people to pay in the way he did.

On so important an occasion it would, perhaps, have been wiser to have adopted a different procedure, such, for instance, as was followed by Sir Theophilus Shepstone when the first tax of 7s. was imposed, and when, many years later, it was raised. That officer, as head of the Native Affairs Department, was, of course, familiar with the whole position. The same could not be said of any of the Magistrates. As the communication to be made was obviously one of delicacy and called for thorough explanation, he resolved to make it himself, and considerably in advance of any attempt at collection. In so acting he secured both accuracy and uniformity, besides keeping a firm hold on the situation. It is true that the Minister for Native Affairs, whose position was very different to that of Sir Theophilus Shepstone, having arrived at somewhat similar conclusions, toured most parts of Natal and Zululand to hold meetings with the Native Chiefs, etc. These were effective and pacifying; but, when the action was taken, most of the Magistrates had already explained the law to the best of their ability, with the results already indicated.

Anxious that those in his employ should conform to the new law, Henry Smith, a farmer of Umlaas Road, personally conducted his Natives to the magistracy, Camperdown, on the 17th January. This was but three days before that on which Magistrates had been instructed to begin their collections. The tax was paid. One of the boys thereafter obtained permission to go to his kraal on the pretext that his child was ill. The same evening, about 8 p.m., Smith was standing on his verandah when he heard a shuffling noise by the wall. He thought it was a dog, but saw a Native, who, putting his head round the corner, exclaimed: "Nkosi!" (ordinary form of salute), and handed him an envelope. Turning to read the address by the light of the window, Smith was at once stabbed by the Native with an assegai and mortally wounded. Circumstantial evidence led at the trial proved that the boy who got permission to go home was the one who had committed the murder. He was convicted.Apart from having been induced to pay the poll tax, no other motive for the murder could be discovered. That Smith was a good master was abundantly proved by the testimony of his other servants.

The following significant incident occurred at Mapumulo on the 22nd January. The Magistrate (Mr. R.E. Dunn) proceeded to Allan's store, some 9 miles from the magistracy, to collect the poll tax as previously arranged. Shortly after his arrival, a Chief, Ngobizembe, came up with about 100 men, each armed with several sticks and some carrying shields. These sticks and shields they placed beside them as they sat in the presence of the Magistrate.[93]On the latter saying that he had come to collect the tax, all exclaimed: "We won't pay!" Some 200 other members of the same tribe, the largest in the district, now approached Dunn from behind, chanting a song as they advanced. They were dressed in their war dress, and fully armed with shields, knobsticks and ordinary sticks. As they failed to accord the customary salute, their Chief remarked, "Why don't you salute?" "Why should we? We shan't!" they roared in reply. They then sat down, practically encircling the Magistrate and the three European and six Native police who were with him. Many of the Natives who wore hats did not remove them. The Magistrate again stated why he had come, and was about to make other remarks when all present, as with one voice, shouted him down with "Shut up! we refuse to pay!" In spite of further efforts to bring them to reason, the men became more and more uproarious and unruly. Their shouting became 'terrific.' They got up, danced about and gesticulated with their sticks in that defiant manner which only Natives are capable of doing, a form of effrontery indicative of trouble. They eventually came close up to the Magistrate and his staff from the rear, as if contemplating assault. Only by the Chief and some of the older men vigorously using their sticks, could they be made to fall back. In these and other ways the Magistrate,notwithstanding his being a perfect Zulu linguist, was treated with the grossest insolence, contempt and defiance. Only by exercising the greatest care was an outburst of violence averted.

Other similar instances of defiance were exhibited in the same district, viz. at Butler's Store, Insuze, on the 29th and 30th January, and, on the 1st February, at Gaillard's Store, Umvoti, by the members of three other tribes.

Behaviour of this kind called, of course, for immediate action. Ngobizembe was ordered to appear before the Minister for Native Affairs at Pietermaritzburg on the 1st February, and a strong body of police (under Inspector O. Dimmick) was dispatched on the 3rd to keep order at Mapumulo.

The position in Zululand on the 26th January was that out of 83 Chiefs, 62 had been called on to pay; of these, 46 (including Dinuzulu) had responded, with the result that over £1,400 had been collected, and other payments were being made daily. The other 16 Chiefs appeared to be offering a passive resistance. At Empandhleni (Nkandhla), however, the people of one of these Chiefs behaved in a violent and insolent manner to the Magistrate when called on to pay the tax. The Minister for Native Affairs, who was at Nongoma on the date referred to, expressed the view that such success as had been achieved was "in a measure due to the good example set by Dinuzulu."

On the 7th February, the date fixed for collecting the poll tax from the Chief Mveli and his tribe at Henley—a small railway station on the Pietermaritzburg-Umzimkulu line—and about 11 miles from Pietermaritzburg—the Magistrate of Umgeni division (Mr. T.R. Bennett) went out to keep his appointment. Whilst at that place, the Chief called attention to the fact that a section of his tribe had taken up a position on a hill about two miles off and were armed with assegais.[94]The Magistrate sent a European trooper (W.A. Mather) and two of the Chief's relatives to ascertain what truth there was in the statement. A party of twenty-seven armed Natives was come upon. When an attempt was made to record their names they assumed a threatening attitude, and presently rushed at the messengers with their assegais. The latter, to avoid being killed, retired at a gallop. Depositions were taken and warrants for arrest issued on the charge of "taking part in an assembly of armed men without the authority of the Supreme Chief." It transpired, on a later date, the party had intended, on being called up to pay, to murder the Magistrate and his staff.[95]

Early on the day following the acting District Police Officer, Sub-Inspector Sidney H.K. Hunt, armed with the warrants, left Pietermaritzburg with eleven mounted police for Richmond, where he was joined by four others, including two Native constables. Another small patrol, under a non-commissioned officer, proceeded towards Thornville Junction. Hunt's party, owing to delay on the railway, could not move on before noon, when they proceeded viâ Byrnetown to the farm "Trewirgie." Owing to the guides not knowing the way, their difficulties being increased by a thick mist which came on early in the afternoon, slow progress was made. The nearer the men got to their destination, the more it was noticed that only women and old men were in evidence at kraals along the route traversed.

It was not until 5.30 p.m. that the house of Mr. Henry Hosking, owner of "Trewirgie," near where the accused were reported to be, was reached. The Natives required lived but half a mile from, though out of sight of, the homestead. Hunt resolved, contrary to the advice given him by Hosking, to try and effect the arrests and afterwards put up for the night at the farm house. At 6 p.m. he, with twelve Europeans and two Natives, went to the kraal indicated as that at which the accused would be found, that is to say, one within sight of which the police had passed a few minutes before. A manand two women were found to be the only occupants. Inquiries as to where the young men who were wanted had got to met with no success. Hunt now directed the man to shout for them. This he did. Two Natives were presently caught in the vicinity and, happening to be among those wanted, were handcuffed. A third and older man was found near by. This turned out to be Mjongo, one of the ringleaders. He, too, was handcuffed. At this moment, Trooper George Armstrong was sent to investigate a suspicious object some way up a steep incline in the immediate rear of the kraal, and about 80 to 100 yards off. No sooner had he gone up than he shouted to his comrades: "Come on, there's an armed party here." Leaving a couple of troopers with the prisoners, Hunt proceeded up the hill with the rest of the men, where he found some 40 or 50 fully armed Natives.

The ground there was very steep and covered with rocks. Hunt went in amongst the Natives and asked what they meant by being armed. They were most excited and kept rushing up to the troopers, flourishing assegais, knobsticks and small shields, exclaiming, "You have come for our money; you can shoot us; we refuse to pay." Hunt's interpreter was at first unable to make himself heard, because of the hubbub. After it had subsided, Hunt again tried to persuade them to lay down their arms and move to the kraal, where he would speak to them. Several then shouted: "If we put down our assegais, you'll make us prisoners, and we'll have to work in gaol," "You put away your revolvers and we'll put down our assegais," and so forth. All this time they kept backing up the slope towards a dense bush, yelling, "Come on, you're afraid." It must then have been past 7 o'clock. Hunt was advised to desist. He, however, released Mjongo, but, as soon as the latter attempted to address the infuriated savages, they rushed at, caught, and dragged him in amongst themselves. The police now retired towards the kraal. The Natives followed, jeering at and taunting the former in the most insolent manner. On reaching the kraal, Hunt ordered his two remaining prisoners to be brought along.These were put between two mounted men at the head of the party, which had not gone ten yards before a sudden rush was heard in the rear. The two prisoners were thereupon dragged away by the Natives. Hunt and two or three others, rushing at their assailants, attempted recapture. The others resisted. A disturbance arose, but, owing to mist and darkness, it was impossible to see exactly what took place. One of the rebels was seen holding on to Hunt's bridle. Hunt hesitated a few seconds, then, raising his revolver, fired. The conflict became at once sharper and fiercer, use being made of revolvers on the one side and assegais on the other. Hunt and Armstrong were stabbed to death on the spot. Sergeant F.W. Stephens was wounded. Of the remainder, most galloped off on their horses being startled. To engage the rebels further at that time of night was out of the question. All that remained was to report what had occurred. This Stephens did in the speediest manner.

H.M. STAINBANK,Magistrate, Mahlabatini.OLIVER E. VEAL,of the Public Works Department.SUB-INSPECTOR S.H.K. HUNT,Natal Police.TROOPER G. ARMSTRONG,Natal Police.CIVIL SERVANTS MURDERED DURING THE REBELLION.

This unfortunate incident would possibly not have occurred had the police, instead of going to Trewirgie viâ Richmond and Byrne, proceeded direct from Thornville Junction, thereby saving at least 20 miles. Instead of arriving at Byrne at 11 a.m., unknown to the accused, as they might have done, they did not do so until late in the afternoon.

Had Hunt been better acquainted with the Native character and language, he would not have done what he did. This lack of knowledge may be excused; the same, however, cannot be said of his attempting to arrest people at the time he did.

Hearing from one of the troopers of what had taken place, the Hoskings left their house forthwith for Pietermaritzburg, though, as it turned out, there was no intention on the part of the rebels (who included one of Hosking's own servants) to interfere with him, his family or property in any way.[96]

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