Chapter 33

[360]Isocrde pace§§ 117-8 p 183.[361]IsocrPaneg§§ 34-7 pp 47-8,de pace§ 24 p 164,Panathen§§ 13, 14, p 235, §§ 43-4 p 241, etc.[362]IsocrPaneg§ 132 pp 67-8.[363]IsocrAreopag§ 44 p 148.[364]Isocrde pace§ 90 p 177,Areopag§§ 54-5 pp 150-1, § 83 p 156.[365]IsaeusVIII§ 42 p 73, cf AristophanesNub71-2.[366]Andocidesde pace§ 15 p 25, § 36 p 28.[367]Isocrde pace§ 92 p 177.[368]LysiasVIIespecially §§ 4-11 pp 108-9.[369]LysiasVII§ 16 p 109.[370]See especially theArchidamus§§ 8, 28, 87, 88, 96, 97.[371]Isaeus fragm 3 Scheibe.[372]IsaeusVI§ 33 σὺν τῷ αἰπόλῳ.[373]See IsocratesPlataicus§ 48 p 306 (of Plataeans), and IsaeusV§ 39 with Wyse’s note.[374]I should mention that for simplicity sake I refer to thePoliticsby the books in the old order. Also that I do not raise the question of the authorship of the first book of the so-calledEconomics, as the point does not affect the argument. In common with all students of thePoliticsI am greatly indebted to the edition of Mr W L Newman.[375]This χορηγία includes a population limited in number and of appropriate qualities.PoliticsVII4, and 8 §§ 7-9.[376]PolVII4 § 6.[377]See the story of Peisistratus and the peasant in Ἀθην πολ c 16.[378]EconomicsI5 § 1, 6 § 5,PolI7 § 5, and see the chapter onXenophon.[379]PolVI4 §§ 8-10.[380]We have a modern analogue in the recent legislative measures in New Zealand and Australia, not to speak of movements nearer home.[381]Seenote on Plato,p 75.[382]Ἀθην πολ cc 11, 12.[383]A most interesting treatment of this topic is to be found in Bryce’sSouth America(1912) pp 330-1, 533, where we get it from the modern point of view, under representative systems.[384]See the general remarksPolIV6 § 2,VI4 §§ 1, 2, 13, 14. For historical points Ἀθην πολ cc 16, 24.[385]PolIII15 § 13.[386]PolIV4 §§ 15, 18, cfVII9.[387]PolVI4 §§ 1, 2, 13.[388]PolVI4 § 11.[389]Whether the πεπονημένη ἕξις (favourable to eugenic paternity) ofPolVII16 §§ 12, 13, may include this class, is not clear. In Roman opinion it certainly would.[390]PolVII6 § 8. Xenophon (see p 53) records cases of seamen ashore and in straits working for hire on farms.[391]See Sandys on Ἀθην πολ c 4.[392]PolII7 § 12.[393]PolII7 § 7.[394]Severely criticized inPolII6 § 15, though adopted by himself. See below.[395]SeePolVI5 §§ 8-10, on the measures that may be taken to secure lasting εὐπορία.[396]CfIV15 § 6, etc.[397]E BarkerThe political thought of Plato and Aristotle.[398]EthicsII1 § 4.[399]PolVII16.[400]PolVII8, 9, etc.[401]PolVII10.[402]This adoption of the split land-lots (see abovep 91) is perhaps explained by the fact that the landowners are not αὐτουργοί, so the difficulty of dual residence does not arise.[403]PolIV8 § 5, 9 § 4, etc.[404]PolII6 § 17, 9 §§ 21-2,IV9 §§ 7-9. The same view is found in Isocrates.[405]PolVII9 § 5.[406]PolV6 §§ 12, 13.[407]PolVII14, 15,VIII4, cfII9 § 34.[408]EconomicsI5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή. Cf the saying about the ass,EthicsX5 § 8.[409]Deinarchus refers (in Dem§ 69 p 99) to Demosthenes’ ownership of a house in Peiraeus, and goes on to denounce him as heaping up money and not holding real property, thus escaping taxation. Yet the laws enjoin that a man who is a political leader ought γῆν ἐντὸς ορων κεκτῆσθαι. This wild abuse at least is a sign of existent feelings.[410]We may at least add slaves.[411]PolVII4 § 6.[412]Aristotle, like most of the philosophers at Athens, was a metic. See Bernays’Phokionnote 8, in which the notable passagePolVII2 §§ 3-7 is discussed.[413]The author ofRevenues(πόροι).[414]PolII3 § 4, 5 § 8.[415]PolI7.[416]PolVII10 § 14,EconI5 § 5.[417]But perhaps to some extent by the author ofEconI6 § 9.[418]SeeEconI5 §§ 1, 2, 6 § 5.[419]PolII3 § 4, 5 § 4.[420]He only once (III5 § 2) in thePoliticsmentions ἀπελεύθεροι and once in theRhetoric(III8 § 1).[421]Too often asserted to need references. ButPolIII5 §§ 4-6 is notable as pointing out that τεχνῖται were generally well-to-do, but θῆτες poor.[422]PolVII6 §§ 3-8.[423]PolI8 §§ 3 foll.[424]PolI9.[425]PolI10, 11.[426]PolI11 § 1, and Mr Newman’s note.[427]PolI11 §§ 3-5.[428]RhetoricI9 § 27 πρὸς ἄλλον ζῆν, and Cope’s note.[429]PolVI8 § 3,VII6 §§ 1-5.[430]PolI2 § 5, 5 §§ 8, 9, cfEthicsVIII11 § 6.[431]PolI13 § 13, cfII5 § 28.[432]PolI5, 6.[433]PolVII6 §§ 7, 8.[434]PolVII15 §§ 1-6,VIII4 §§ 1-5, and a number of passages in theEthics.[435]Indeed inPolVII15 §§ 2-3 he practically says so.[436]PolVIII3 § 7.[437]PolVIII4.[438]PolII5 § 19.[439]PolII10 § 16.[440]PolVI2 § 3, cf 4 § 20, andEthicsX10 § 13.[441]PolVII12 §§ 3-6.[442]PolVII8 § 7.[443]II6 § 6 ἀργοί (in his criticism of Plato’sLaws).[444]RhetI12 § 25, cf PlatoRep565 α αὐτουργοί τε καὶ ἀπράγμονες.[445]RhetII4 § 9, cf EuripidesOrestes918-20.[446]de mundo6 §§ 4, 7, 13.[447]Even after the ruin of Phocis and the peace of 346BCthe old man wrote in the same strain. But it was to Philip, in whom he recognised the real master of Greece, that he now appealed.[448]References are too numerous to be given here. Alocus classicusis DemLept§§ 30-3 pp 466-7, on the case of Leucon the ruler of Bosporus. We hear also of corn imported from Sicily and Egypt, and even (Lycurg § 26 p 151) from Epirus to Corinth.[449]DemosthenesOlynthI§ 27 p 17.[450](Dem)c Polycl§§ 5, 6 pp 1207-8.[451]A good case of such investment by guardians is DemNausim§ 7 p 986.[452]DemF Leg§ 314 p 442, εἶτα γεωργεῖς ἐκ τούτων καὶ σεμνὸς γέγονας.[453]See cases in AeschinesTimarch§ 97 p 13, Dempro Phorm§§ 4, 5 p 945. The inheritance of Demosthenes himself included no landed property,c AphobI§§ 9-11 p 816.[454]DemF Leg§ 146 p 386, cf § 114 p 376, § 265 p 426,de cor§ 41 p 239.[455][Dem]c Phaenipp§§ 5-7 pp 1040-1.[456]Aeschines mentions two ἐσχατιαὶ in the estate of Timarchus.[457]The lack of ξύλα in Attica made timber, like wheat, a leading article of commerce, and dealing in it was a sign of a wealthy capitalist. Cf DemF Leg§ 114 p 376,Mid§ 167 p 568.[458]I suspect this is an exaggeration.[459][Dem]Lacrit§§ 31-3 p 933.[460]DemAndrot§ 65 p 613, repeated inTimocr§ 172 p 753.[461]DemAristocr§ 146 p 668.[462]Demc Calliclpassim.[463]ἀστικοῦ, DemCallicl§ 11 p 1274.[464][Dem]Nicostrpassim.[465][Dem]Nicostr§ 21 p 1253.[466]DemPantaen§ 45 p 979.[467]DemEubulid§ 65 p 1319.[468]AeschinTimarch§ 99 p 14.[469][Dem]Euerg Mnes§§ 52-3 p 1155.[470]Twice, §§ 53, 76.[471]Hyperidin Demosthfragm col 26.[472][Dem]c Timoth§ 11 p 1187.[473]Demde Cor§§ 51-2 p 242.[474][Dem]c Timoth§ 51 p 1199.[475]Ibid § 52.[476]Of course οἰκέτης is often loosely used as merely ‘slave.’ But here the antithesis seems to gain point from strict use.[477]I have not found this question distinctly stated anywhere. BeauchetDroit privéIV222 treats the μισθωτοὶ of this passage as freemen. But inII443 he says that slaves hired from their owners were generally designated μισθωτοί. Nor do I find the point touched in Meier-Schömann-Lipsius (edition 1883-7, pp 889 foll), or any evidence that the πρόκλησις could be addressed to others than parties in a case. WallonI322 foll also gives no help.[478]DemEubulid§ 63 p 1318.[479]Hyperidespro Euxen, fragm §§ 16, 17, col 12, 13.[480]DemOlynthI§ 27 p 17.[481][Dem]c Phaenipp§§ 5-7 pp 1040-1, §§ 19-21 pp 1044-5.[482]ὀπωρώνης, Demde Cor§ 262 p 314.[483]DemEubulid§ 45 p 1313, speaking of an old woman.[484]AeschinTimarch§ 27 p 4.[485]We have already seen the case of olive-pickers in AristophVesp712.[486]See DemMid§ 48 p 530, etc.[487]AeschinF Leg§ 156 p 59. The passage of DemF Lto which he refers is not in our text, for §§ 194-5 pp 401-2 is different.[488]See PlutAratus14, 25, 27, 36, 39, 40,Philopoemen7, 15.[489]Isocrpaneg§ 50 p 50.[490]V64-5, cfXVII9, 10.[491]XVI.[492]XVII.[493]XXII,XXV.[494]XXV.[495]XXV1, 51.[496]XXV27, cfXXIV137.[497]XXV86-152.[498]XXV47-8.[499]VII15-6.[500]III35, cfXV80.[501]X9, cf 1,XXI3.[502]XXIV136-7.[503]XX3, 4.[504]XVI34-5.[505]XXV56-9.[506]XIV58-9, cf 13, 56, where στρατιώτας is a professional soldier.[507]CharIV(XIVJebb).[508]See Plutarchde garrulitate18.[509]PlutAratus24,Philopoemen8.[510]PolybIV63.[511]IV66.[512]IV75,V1, 3, 19.[513]X42, etc.[514]XVIII20.[515]XVI24,XXI6, etc.[516]XXI34, 36, 43, 45.[517]V89.[518]XXVIII2.[519]V89, cfXXV4,XXI6.[520]This topic is well treated by MahaffyGreek Life and ThoughtchapterI.[521]The best treatment of this matter known to me is in Bernays’Phokionpp 78-85. See DiodorusXVIII18, PlutarchPhoc28.[522]According to PlutCleomenes18, Sparta was very helpless before that king’s reforms. The Aetolians in a raid carried off 50000 slaves, and an old Spartan declared that this was a relief.[523]Freeman’sFederal GovernmentchapterV.[524]II62.[525]See StraboVIII8 § 1 p 388, and cf PlutPhilopoemen13.

[360]Isocrde pace§§ 117-8 p 183.

[361]IsocrPaneg§§ 34-7 pp 47-8,de pace§ 24 p 164,Panathen§§ 13, 14, p 235, §§ 43-4 p 241, etc.

[362]IsocrPaneg§ 132 pp 67-8.

[363]IsocrAreopag§ 44 p 148.

[364]Isocrde pace§ 90 p 177,Areopag§§ 54-5 pp 150-1, § 83 p 156.

[365]IsaeusVIII§ 42 p 73, cf AristophanesNub71-2.

[366]Andocidesde pace§ 15 p 25, § 36 p 28.

[367]Isocrde pace§ 92 p 177.

[368]LysiasVIIespecially §§ 4-11 pp 108-9.

[369]LysiasVII§ 16 p 109.

[370]See especially theArchidamus§§ 8, 28, 87, 88, 96, 97.

[371]Isaeus fragm 3 Scheibe.

[372]IsaeusVI§ 33 σὺν τῷ αἰπόλῳ.

[373]See IsocratesPlataicus§ 48 p 306 (of Plataeans), and IsaeusV§ 39 with Wyse’s note.

[374]I should mention that for simplicity sake I refer to thePoliticsby the books in the old order. Also that I do not raise the question of the authorship of the first book of the so-calledEconomics, as the point does not affect the argument. In common with all students of thePoliticsI am greatly indebted to the edition of Mr W L Newman.

[375]This χορηγία includes a population limited in number and of appropriate qualities.PoliticsVII4, and 8 §§ 7-9.

[376]PolVII4 § 6.

[377]See the story of Peisistratus and the peasant in Ἀθην πολ c 16.

[378]EconomicsI5 § 1, 6 § 5,PolI7 § 5, and see the chapter onXenophon.

[379]PolVI4 §§ 8-10.

[380]We have a modern analogue in the recent legislative measures in New Zealand and Australia, not to speak of movements nearer home.

[381]Seenote on Plato,p 75.

[382]Ἀθην πολ cc 11, 12.

[383]A most interesting treatment of this topic is to be found in Bryce’sSouth America(1912) pp 330-1, 533, where we get it from the modern point of view, under representative systems.

[384]See the general remarksPolIV6 § 2,VI4 §§ 1, 2, 13, 14. For historical points Ἀθην πολ cc 16, 24.

[385]PolIII15 § 13.

[386]PolIV4 §§ 15, 18, cfVII9.

[387]PolVI4 §§ 1, 2, 13.

[388]PolVI4 § 11.

[389]Whether the πεπονημένη ἕξις (favourable to eugenic paternity) ofPolVII16 §§ 12, 13, may include this class, is not clear. In Roman opinion it certainly would.

[390]PolVII6 § 8. Xenophon (see p 53) records cases of seamen ashore and in straits working for hire on farms.

[391]See Sandys on Ἀθην πολ c 4.

[392]PolII7 § 12.

[393]PolII7 § 7.

[394]Severely criticized inPolII6 § 15, though adopted by himself. See below.

[395]SeePolVI5 §§ 8-10, on the measures that may be taken to secure lasting εὐπορία.

[396]CfIV15 § 6, etc.

[397]E BarkerThe political thought of Plato and Aristotle.

[398]EthicsII1 § 4.

[399]PolVII16.

[400]PolVII8, 9, etc.

[401]PolVII10.

[402]This adoption of the split land-lots (see abovep 91) is perhaps explained by the fact that the landowners are not αὐτουργοί, so the difficulty of dual residence does not arise.

[403]PolIV8 § 5, 9 § 4, etc.

[404]PolII6 § 17, 9 §§ 21-2,IV9 §§ 7-9. The same view is found in Isocrates.

[405]PolVII9 § 5.

[406]PolV6 §§ 12, 13.

[407]PolVII14, 15,VIII4, cfII9 § 34.

[408]EconomicsI5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή. Cf the saying about the ass,EthicsX5 § 8.

[409]Deinarchus refers (in Dem§ 69 p 99) to Demosthenes’ ownership of a house in Peiraeus, and goes on to denounce him as heaping up money and not holding real property, thus escaping taxation. Yet the laws enjoin that a man who is a political leader ought γῆν ἐντὸς ορων κεκτῆσθαι. This wild abuse at least is a sign of existent feelings.

[410]We may at least add slaves.

[411]PolVII4 § 6.

[412]Aristotle, like most of the philosophers at Athens, was a metic. See Bernays’Phokionnote 8, in which the notable passagePolVII2 §§ 3-7 is discussed.

[413]The author ofRevenues(πόροι).

[414]PolII3 § 4, 5 § 8.

[415]PolI7.

[416]PolVII10 § 14,EconI5 § 5.

[417]But perhaps to some extent by the author ofEconI6 § 9.

[418]SeeEconI5 §§ 1, 2, 6 § 5.

[419]PolII3 § 4, 5 § 4.

[420]He only once (III5 § 2) in thePoliticsmentions ἀπελεύθεροι and once in theRhetoric(III8 § 1).

[421]Too often asserted to need references. ButPolIII5 §§ 4-6 is notable as pointing out that τεχνῖται were generally well-to-do, but θῆτες poor.

[422]PolVII6 §§ 3-8.

[423]PolI8 §§ 3 foll.

[424]PolI9.

[425]PolI10, 11.

[426]PolI11 § 1, and Mr Newman’s note.

[427]PolI11 §§ 3-5.

[428]RhetoricI9 § 27 πρὸς ἄλλον ζῆν, and Cope’s note.

[429]PolVI8 § 3,VII6 §§ 1-5.

[430]PolI2 § 5, 5 §§ 8, 9, cfEthicsVIII11 § 6.

[431]PolI13 § 13, cfII5 § 28.

[432]PolI5, 6.

[433]PolVII6 §§ 7, 8.

[434]PolVII15 §§ 1-6,VIII4 §§ 1-5, and a number of passages in theEthics.

[435]Indeed inPolVII15 §§ 2-3 he practically says so.

[436]PolVIII3 § 7.

[437]PolVIII4.

[438]PolII5 § 19.

[439]PolII10 § 16.

[440]PolVI2 § 3, cf 4 § 20, andEthicsX10 § 13.

[441]PolVII12 §§ 3-6.

[442]PolVII8 § 7.

[443]II6 § 6 ἀργοί (in his criticism of Plato’sLaws).

[444]RhetI12 § 25, cf PlatoRep565 α αὐτουργοί τε καὶ ἀπράγμονες.

[445]RhetII4 § 9, cf EuripidesOrestes918-20.

[446]de mundo6 §§ 4, 7, 13.

[447]Even after the ruin of Phocis and the peace of 346BCthe old man wrote in the same strain. But it was to Philip, in whom he recognised the real master of Greece, that he now appealed.

[448]References are too numerous to be given here. Alocus classicusis DemLept§§ 30-3 pp 466-7, on the case of Leucon the ruler of Bosporus. We hear also of corn imported from Sicily and Egypt, and even (Lycurg § 26 p 151) from Epirus to Corinth.

[449]DemosthenesOlynthI§ 27 p 17.

[450](Dem)c Polycl§§ 5, 6 pp 1207-8.

[451]A good case of such investment by guardians is DemNausim§ 7 p 986.

[452]DemF Leg§ 314 p 442, εἶτα γεωργεῖς ἐκ τούτων καὶ σεμνὸς γέγονας.

[453]See cases in AeschinesTimarch§ 97 p 13, Dempro Phorm§§ 4, 5 p 945. The inheritance of Demosthenes himself included no landed property,c AphobI§§ 9-11 p 816.

[454]DemF Leg§ 146 p 386, cf § 114 p 376, § 265 p 426,de cor§ 41 p 239.

[455][Dem]c Phaenipp§§ 5-7 pp 1040-1.

[456]Aeschines mentions two ἐσχατιαὶ in the estate of Timarchus.

[457]The lack of ξύλα in Attica made timber, like wheat, a leading article of commerce, and dealing in it was a sign of a wealthy capitalist. Cf DemF Leg§ 114 p 376,Mid§ 167 p 568.

[458]I suspect this is an exaggeration.

[459][Dem]Lacrit§§ 31-3 p 933.

[460]DemAndrot§ 65 p 613, repeated inTimocr§ 172 p 753.

[461]DemAristocr§ 146 p 668.

[462]Demc Calliclpassim.

[463]ἀστικοῦ, DemCallicl§ 11 p 1274.

[464][Dem]Nicostrpassim.

[465][Dem]Nicostr§ 21 p 1253.

[466]DemPantaen§ 45 p 979.

[467]DemEubulid§ 65 p 1319.

[468]AeschinTimarch§ 99 p 14.

[469][Dem]Euerg Mnes§§ 52-3 p 1155.

[470]Twice, §§ 53, 76.

[471]Hyperidin Demosthfragm col 26.

[472][Dem]c Timoth§ 11 p 1187.

[473]Demde Cor§§ 51-2 p 242.

[474][Dem]c Timoth§ 51 p 1199.

[475]Ibid § 52.

[476]Of course οἰκέτης is often loosely used as merely ‘slave.’ But here the antithesis seems to gain point from strict use.

[477]I have not found this question distinctly stated anywhere. BeauchetDroit privéIV222 treats the μισθωτοὶ of this passage as freemen. But inII443 he says that slaves hired from their owners were generally designated μισθωτοί. Nor do I find the point touched in Meier-Schömann-Lipsius (edition 1883-7, pp 889 foll), or any evidence that the πρόκλησις could be addressed to others than parties in a case. WallonI322 foll also gives no help.

[478]DemEubulid§ 63 p 1318.

[479]Hyperidespro Euxen, fragm §§ 16, 17, col 12, 13.

[480]DemOlynthI§ 27 p 17.

[481][Dem]c Phaenipp§§ 5-7 pp 1040-1, §§ 19-21 pp 1044-5.

[482]ὀπωρώνης, Demde Cor§ 262 p 314.

[483]DemEubulid§ 45 p 1313, speaking of an old woman.

[484]AeschinTimarch§ 27 p 4.

[485]We have already seen the case of olive-pickers in AristophVesp712.

[486]See DemMid§ 48 p 530, etc.

[487]AeschinF Leg§ 156 p 59. The passage of DemF Lto which he refers is not in our text, for §§ 194-5 pp 401-2 is different.

[488]See PlutAratus14, 25, 27, 36, 39, 40,Philopoemen7, 15.

[489]Isocrpaneg§ 50 p 50.

[490]V64-5, cfXVII9, 10.

[491]XVI.

[492]XVII.

[493]XXII,XXV.

[494]XXV.

[495]XXV1, 51.

[496]XXV27, cfXXIV137.

[497]XXV86-152.

[498]XXV47-8.

[499]VII15-6.

[500]III35, cfXV80.

[501]X9, cf 1,XXI3.

[502]XXIV136-7.

[503]XX3, 4.

[504]XVI34-5.

[505]XXV56-9.

[506]XIV58-9, cf 13, 56, where στρατιώτας is a professional soldier.

[507]CharIV(XIVJebb).

[508]See Plutarchde garrulitate18.

[509]PlutAratus24,Philopoemen8.

[510]PolybIV63.

[511]IV66.

[512]IV75,V1, 3, 19.

[513]X42, etc.

[514]XVIII20.

[515]XVI24,XXI6, etc.

[516]XXI34, 36, 43, 45.

[517]V89.

[518]XXVIII2.

[519]V89, cfXXV4,XXI6.

[520]This topic is well treated by MahaffyGreek Life and ThoughtchapterI.

[521]The best treatment of this matter known to me is in Bernays’Phokionpp 78-85. See DiodorusXVIII18, PlutarchPhoc28.

[522]According to PlutCleomenes18, Sparta was very helpless before that king’s reforms. The Aetolians in a raid carried off 50000 slaves, and an old Spartan declared that this was a relief.

[523]Freeman’sFederal GovernmentchapterV.

[524]II62.

[525]See StraboVIII8 § 1 p 388, and cf PlutPhilopoemen13.

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