Chapter 34

[526]PolybIV73. Theocritus had spoken of ἱππήλατος Ἆλις (XXII156). Keeping horses was a mark of wealth.[527]TheocritusXXII157 Ἀρκαδία τ’ εὔμαλος Ἀχαιῶν τε πτολίεθρα. PolybIX17, andIV3 (Messenia).[528]Eubulus fragm 12, 34, 39, 53, 66, Kock. Also other references in AthenaeusXpp 417 foll.[529]PolybXX6. Otherwise Mahaffy inGk Life and ThoughtchapterXIII.[530]FHGIIpp 254-64, formerly attributed to Dicaearchus. Cited by E MeyerKleine Schriftenp 137.[531]II62.[532]IV38.[533]IV73, 75.[534]XXIII1 § 11.[535]In the famous case of the siege of Rhodes in 305-4BC(DiodorusXX84, 100) freedom seems to have been areward, as has been pointed out by A Croiset.[536]IV20, 21. Compare VergilBucX32-3soli cantare periti Arcades,VII4-5.[537]In a fragment cited by Athenaeus p 272a, cf 264c. In Hultsch’s text PolybXII6.[538]Cited by DiodorusII39, and by ArrianIndica10 §§ 8, 9.[539]Calderinila manomissioneetc chapterV.[540]See table in CollitzDialectinschriftenIIpp 635-42.[541]παραμονά, παραμένειν.[542]In 432 acts of manumission given in Wescher and FoucartInscriptions de Delphes1863, I could not find one case of a rustic slave.[543]ArPolII3 § 4, cf saying of Diogenes in StobflorLXII47. Menander fragm 760 K εἷς ἐστι δοῦλος οἰκίας ὁ δεσπότης.[544]See above, chapterXIIIp 64.[545]So JovePoenulus944-5.[546]Casina97 foll,Poenulus170-1,Mostellaria1-83.[547]Mercator65 foll.[548]Mercatorpassim.[549]Trinummus508-61.[550]Vidularia31-2.[551]Vidularia21-55, text is fragmentary.[552]But not excluding it, since slaves were hired.[553]Hautontimorumenos62-74.[554]Hautont93-117.[555]Hautont142-4.[556]Phormio362-5, cfAdelphoe949.[557]Hecyra224-6.[558]Adelphoe45-6, cf 95, 401, 517-20, 845-9.[559]Adelphoe541-2.[560]CollitzINo. 345, Dittenberger 238-9. Mommsen’s notes in HermesXVII.[561]καὶ τὴν χώραν μᾶλλον ἐξεργασθήσεσθαι.[562]That this neglect was not a new thing seems shewn by the saying of Alexander that the Thessalians deserved no consideration, ὅτι τὴν ἀρίστην κεκτημένοι οὐ γεωργοῦσι. Plutapophth Alex22.[563]LivyXXXIV51 §§ 4-6.[564]PlutarchAratus5-8.[565]PlutDion27, 37, 48.[566]PlutTimoleon23, 36.[567]PlutAratus9, 12, 14.[568]PlutPhilopoemen3, 4.[569]In fact became an αὐτουργός.[570]Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Römischen Weltpp 156-8.[571]DiodorusXVIII70 § 1.[572]LivyXXXIV50, PlutFlamininus13.[573]PolybXXXIX8 §§ 1-5.[574]Only in AppiancivI8 § 2. The provision is ascribed by SuetJul42 to Julius Caesar. The two writers were contemporary. Whence did Appian get his story?[575]Case of Persia.[576]Cases of Messana, Syracuse, etc.[577]Case of Carthage.[578]LivyII23 etc.[579]Referred to in Iwan Müller’sHandbuchIVii 2, ed 3 pp 533 foll, article by H Blümner.[580]That the household as a vigorous unit outlived thegensis I think clear. I guess that this was because production for the supply of life-needs was more closely correlated with the former. Labour was more easily divorced from the clan-system than property was.[581]CicCato mai§ 56, LivIII26, DionysX8, 17, PlinNHXVIII20, Valer MaxIV7. The discrepancies in the versions do not concern us here.[582]LivIII13 §§ 8-10, DionysX8.[583]LivIII27 § 1.[584]LivX36 § 17, DionysVI3, etc.[585]LivII22 §§ 5-7.[586]Varrosat Menfr 59 and title of his satireMarcipor. QuintilianI4 § 26, Festus p 306 L = 257 MMarcipor Oppiiin title of PlautStichus. SallusthistfrIII99 Maurenbrecher. InscriptionsCILI1076, 1034, 1386, Dessau 7822-3. For Pliny see below.[587]Argument as in Luke’s gospel 17 §§ 7-9.[588]CicCato mai§§ 55-6, etc.[589]DionysXIX15.[590]Preserved in a fragment of Dion Cassius, fr 40 § 27.[591]ColumellaI4 § 2, PlinyNHXVIII§§ 27-8, cf Valer MaxIV4 § 4.[592]LivyepitXVIII.[593]Valer MaxIV4 § 6. The version given in Senecaad Helv12 § 5 is much the same, but ends characteristicallyfuitne tanti servum non habere, ut colonus eius populus Romanus esset?Herecolonus= tenant farmer.[594]colendum locari.[595]PlinNHXVIII§ 39.[596]PolybI31 § 4.[597]Cato 5 § 4 (of duties ofvilicus)operarium mercennarium politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die.[598]How far we can infer this from references to slaves such as LivyXXIII32 § 15 (215BC),XXV1 § 4 (213BC),XXVI35 § 5 (210BC), is not quite certain. The Licinian law to check the grabbing of state domain land certainly does not prove it, for that land was probably for the most part pasture.[599]LivXXVIII11 § 9.[600]Weissenborn’s note on the passage.[601]LivXXII57 § 11, and index to Livy undervolones.[602]LivXXIII49 §§ 1-4,XXIV18 § 11,XXV1 § 4, 3 § 8-4 § 11.[603]LivXXI63 §§ 3, 4, CicIIin VerrV§ 45.[604]LivXXVI36.[605]LivXXIX16 §§ 1-3.[606]LivXXXI13.[607]See Rudorffgromatische Institutionenpp 287-8.[608]LivXXXIII42 § 3.[609]lex agraria, line 31, in Bruns’fontesor Wordsworth’sSpecimens.[610]AppiancivI7 § 5. But the account given in this passage of the spread oflatifundiaand slave-gangs is too loose to be of much value. In particular, the assertion that slave-breeding was already common and lucrative is not to be believed. Appian was misled by the experience of his own day. See SallustIug41 § 8interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur.[611]The urban artisans engaged in the sedentary trades do not concern us here. See Weissenborn on LivVIII20 § 4opificum vulgus et sellularii.[612]DionysIII31,IV9, 13, etc.[613]DionysVI79, a passage much coloured by later notions.[614]LivVII4, 5. A slightly different and shorter version in Cicde offIII§ 112.[615]Cicpro Sex Roscio§ 46 recognizes this familiarity.[616]SallustCatil4 § 1.[617]Cicpro Sex Roscio§§ 39-51.[618]Cicpro Sex Roscio§§ 50-1.[619]LivyVI12 § 5, cfVII25 § 8.[620]DionysXVII[XVIII] 4. L Postumius Megellus was consul 305, 294, 291BC. The story relates to his third consulship. His earlier career may be followed in LivIX44,X26 § 15, 32 § 1, 37, 46 § 16.[621]LivepitXI.[622]See the precept of Mago cited by PlinyNHXVIII§ 35.[623]That is, on those possessed of a certain minimum of property, which was lowered in course of time. Originally reckoned on land only, thus reckoning only those settled on farms (adsidui). See MommsenStaatsrechtindex. The rise in the census numbers between 131 and 125BCis explained by GreenidgeHistoryp 150 as due to the increase ofadsiduithrough effect of Gracchan legislation.[624]See GreenidgeHistorypp 60-1, 424-5.[625]See Cato’s opinion cited by Cicde offII§ 89, ColumellaVIpraef§§ 3-5, PlinNHXVIII§§ 29, 30.[626]Cicin CatilII§ 18.[627]Cicin CatilII§ 20, cfde lege agrII§ 78fundos quorum subsidio familiarum magnitudines sustentare possint.[628]familiis magnis.[629]LivyVI12 § 5, cfVII25 § 8.[630]CairnesThe Slave PowerchIII. [1862, second edn. 1863.][631]Cicde republIII§ 16.[632]But see the oratorical picture of the bad steward, CicIIin VerremIII§ 119. That remarkable passage still leaves my questions unanswered, for the comparison with Verres is superficial and only serves a temporary purpose.[633]VarroI2 § 17, 17 §§ 5, 7.[634]Cato 2 § 7, cf MartialXI70.[635]As Cato 5 § 2 says,dominus inpune ne Sinat esse.[636]Foreshadowed in XenophonmemorII8.[637]Compare the case of themercennariusand Regulus referred to above.[638]ColumellaIpraef§§ 3, 12, 13, 20,XIIpraef§§ 8-10.[639]PlinyNHXVIII§§ 41-3 (of earlier times),XIV§§ 48-50 (speculations),XVIII§§ 273-4.[640]M WeberRömische Agrargeschichtepp 242 foll.[641]SuetonAug32,Tib8, cf Seneca the eldercontrX4 § 18. Later, SpartHadr18. In law, DigestXXXIX4 § 12².[642]Even avaletudinariumis provided. See ColumellaXI1 § 18,XII1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.[643]ColumellaI7.[644]Weberop citpp 244-5. See the chapter onColumellafor this interpretation. It can hardly be considered certain, but it is not vital to the argument.[645]VarroI17 § 2, cf ColumI3 § 12.[646]VarroI17 §§ 3-6.[647]PlatoLaws777d, AristPolVII10 § 13, [Ar]OecI5 § 6.[648]LivyXXXIII36 § 1.[649]LivyXXXIX29 §§ 8, 9, cf 41 § 6.[650]Diodorus bookXXXIV, and other authorities enumerated in myRoman Republic§ 683.[651]StraboXIV1 § 38 [p 646], DiodorusXXXIV2 § 26.[652]DiodorusXXXVI.[653]According to AppiancivI116 § 2 he was at first joined by some free rustics. The same seems to have been the case in Sicily and Asia.[654]SallustCatil44 §§ 5, 6, 56 § 5.[655]TacitusannIV27.[656]TacitusannIII53-5.[657]Text edited by Keil 1895.[658]PlutarchCato maior27.[659]Jordan’s edition of his remains, p 77, PlutCat mai23.[660]PlinyNHXVIII§§ 29, 30, and Cicerode offII§ 89, ColumellaVIpraef§§ 3-5.[661]Jordanop citp 43. PlutarchCat mai4.[662]PlutCat mai3-5, 20-1.[663]Catoagr3 § 1, PlinyNHXVIII§ 32.[664]Catoagr4.[665]Catoagr56-7.[666]Catoagr16, 136-7, 146.[667]In 147 theemptorof a season’s lambs seems to be bound to provide apastor, who is held as a pledge to secure the final settlement.[668]Catoagr praef.[669]Catoagr10 § 1, 11 § 1.[670]2 § 7patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet.[671]Catoagr1.[672]Mommsen inHermesXVp 408.[673]praef§ 2, 1 § 4. According to a speaker in SenecacontrovVII6 § 17 Cato’s later wife wascoloni sui filiam ... ingenuam. PlutCat mai24 makes her πελάτιν, that is daughter of a client. There seems to be no real contradiction. Thecliensmight be his patron’s tenant.[674]2 § 7boves vetulos ... servum senem, servum morbosum ... vendat. Cf PlutCat mai5, MartialXI70, JuvenalX268-70. In TerenceHautont142-4 the Old Man, on taking to farming, sells off all his household slaves save such as are able to pay for their keepopere rustico faciundo. His motive for giving up domestic comfort and taking to hard manual labour on the land is to punish himself. Soibid65-74 he appears as neglecting to keep his farm-hands at work.[675]PlutCat mai21.[676]PlinyNHXVIII§ 35.[677]PolybXXXII13 §§ 10, 11.[678]PlutCat mai21, 25, 4.[679]Jordanop citp 43.[680]Cf PlinepistIII19 § 5.[681]PlutCat mai21, 4.[682]PlutCat mai20.[683]Pliny even refers to his precepts asoracula.[684]Catoagr1 § 3operariorum copia siet.[685]Catoagr4operas facilius locabis, operarios facilius conduces.

[526]PolybIV73. Theocritus had spoken of ἱππήλατος Ἆλις (XXII156). Keeping horses was a mark of wealth.

[527]TheocritusXXII157 Ἀρκαδία τ’ εὔμαλος Ἀχαιῶν τε πτολίεθρα. PolybIX17, andIV3 (Messenia).

[528]Eubulus fragm 12, 34, 39, 53, 66, Kock. Also other references in AthenaeusXpp 417 foll.

[529]PolybXX6. Otherwise Mahaffy inGk Life and ThoughtchapterXIII.

[530]FHGIIpp 254-64, formerly attributed to Dicaearchus. Cited by E MeyerKleine Schriftenp 137.

[531]II62.

[532]IV38.

[533]IV73, 75.

[534]XXIII1 § 11.

[535]In the famous case of the siege of Rhodes in 305-4BC(DiodorusXX84, 100) freedom seems to have been areward, as has been pointed out by A Croiset.

[536]IV20, 21. Compare VergilBucX32-3soli cantare periti Arcades,VII4-5.

[537]In a fragment cited by Athenaeus p 272a, cf 264c. In Hultsch’s text PolybXII6.

[538]Cited by DiodorusII39, and by ArrianIndica10 §§ 8, 9.

[539]Calderinila manomissioneetc chapterV.

[540]See table in CollitzDialectinschriftenIIpp 635-42.

[541]παραμονά, παραμένειν.

[542]In 432 acts of manumission given in Wescher and FoucartInscriptions de Delphes1863, I could not find one case of a rustic slave.

[543]ArPolII3 § 4, cf saying of Diogenes in StobflorLXII47. Menander fragm 760 K εἷς ἐστι δοῦλος οἰκίας ὁ δεσπότης.

[544]See above, chapterXIIIp 64.

[545]So JovePoenulus944-5.

[546]Casina97 foll,Poenulus170-1,Mostellaria1-83.

[547]Mercator65 foll.

[548]Mercatorpassim.

[549]Trinummus508-61.

[550]Vidularia31-2.

[551]Vidularia21-55, text is fragmentary.

[552]But not excluding it, since slaves were hired.

[553]Hautontimorumenos62-74.

[554]Hautont93-117.

[555]Hautont142-4.

[556]Phormio362-5, cfAdelphoe949.

[557]Hecyra224-6.

[558]Adelphoe45-6, cf 95, 401, 517-20, 845-9.

[559]Adelphoe541-2.

[560]CollitzINo. 345, Dittenberger 238-9. Mommsen’s notes in HermesXVII.

[561]καὶ τὴν χώραν μᾶλλον ἐξεργασθήσεσθαι.

[562]That this neglect was not a new thing seems shewn by the saying of Alexander that the Thessalians deserved no consideration, ὅτι τὴν ἀρίστην κεκτημένοι οὐ γεωργοῦσι. Plutapophth Alex22.

[563]LivyXXXIV51 §§ 4-6.

[564]PlutarchAratus5-8.

[565]PlutDion27, 37, 48.

[566]PlutTimoleon23, 36.

[567]PlutAratus9, 12, 14.

[568]PlutPhilopoemen3, 4.

[569]In fact became an αὐτουργός.

[570]Bevölkerung der Griechisch-Römischen Weltpp 156-8.

[571]DiodorusXVIII70 § 1.

[572]LivyXXXIV50, PlutFlamininus13.

[573]PolybXXXIX8 §§ 1-5.

[574]Only in AppiancivI8 § 2. The provision is ascribed by SuetJul42 to Julius Caesar. The two writers were contemporary. Whence did Appian get his story?

[575]Case of Persia.

[576]Cases of Messana, Syracuse, etc.

[577]Case of Carthage.

[578]LivyII23 etc.

[579]Referred to in Iwan Müller’sHandbuchIVii 2, ed 3 pp 533 foll, article by H Blümner.

[580]That the household as a vigorous unit outlived thegensis I think clear. I guess that this was because production for the supply of life-needs was more closely correlated with the former. Labour was more easily divorced from the clan-system than property was.

[581]CicCato mai§ 56, LivIII26, DionysX8, 17, PlinNHXVIII20, Valer MaxIV7. The discrepancies in the versions do not concern us here.

[582]LivIII13 §§ 8-10, DionysX8.

[583]LivIII27 § 1.

[584]LivX36 § 17, DionysVI3, etc.

[585]LivII22 §§ 5-7.

[586]Varrosat Menfr 59 and title of his satireMarcipor. QuintilianI4 § 26, Festus p 306 L = 257 MMarcipor Oppiiin title of PlautStichus. SallusthistfrIII99 Maurenbrecher. InscriptionsCILI1076, 1034, 1386, Dessau 7822-3. For Pliny see below.

[587]Argument as in Luke’s gospel 17 §§ 7-9.

[588]CicCato mai§§ 55-6, etc.

[589]DionysXIX15.

[590]Preserved in a fragment of Dion Cassius, fr 40 § 27.

[591]ColumellaI4 § 2, PlinyNHXVIII§§ 27-8, cf Valer MaxIV4 § 4.

[592]LivyepitXVIII.

[593]Valer MaxIV4 § 6. The version given in Senecaad Helv12 § 5 is much the same, but ends characteristicallyfuitne tanti servum non habere, ut colonus eius populus Romanus esset?Herecolonus= tenant farmer.

[594]colendum locari.

[595]PlinNHXVIII§ 39.

[596]PolybI31 § 4.

[597]Cato 5 § 4 (of duties ofvilicus)operarium mercennarium politorem diutius eundem ne habeat die.

[598]How far we can infer this from references to slaves such as LivyXXIII32 § 15 (215BC),XXV1 § 4 (213BC),XXVI35 § 5 (210BC), is not quite certain. The Licinian law to check the grabbing of state domain land certainly does not prove it, for that land was probably for the most part pasture.

[599]LivXXVIII11 § 9.

[600]Weissenborn’s note on the passage.

[601]LivXXII57 § 11, and index to Livy undervolones.

[602]LivXXIII49 §§ 1-4,XXIV18 § 11,XXV1 § 4, 3 § 8-4 § 11.

[603]LivXXI63 §§ 3, 4, CicIIin VerrV§ 45.

[604]LivXXVI36.

[605]LivXXIX16 §§ 1-3.

[606]LivXXXI13.

[607]See Rudorffgromatische Institutionenpp 287-8.

[608]LivXXXIII42 § 3.

[609]lex agraria, line 31, in Bruns’fontesor Wordsworth’sSpecimens.

[610]AppiancivI7 § 5. But the account given in this passage of the spread oflatifundiaand slave-gangs is too loose to be of much value. In particular, the assertion that slave-breeding was already common and lucrative is not to be believed. Appian was misled by the experience of his own day. See SallustIug41 § 8interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur.

[611]The urban artisans engaged in the sedentary trades do not concern us here. See Weissenborn on LivVIII20 § 4opificum vulgus et sellularii.

[612]DionysIII31,IV9, 13, etc.

[613]DionysVI79, a passage much coloured by later notions.

[614]LivVII4, 5. A slightly different and shorter version in Cicde offIII§ 112.

[615]Cicpro Sex Roscio§ 46 recognizes this familiarity.

[616]SallustCatil4 § 1.

[617]Cicpro Sex Roscio§§ 39-51.

[618]Cicpro Sex Roscio§§ 50-1.

[619]LivyVI12 § 5, cfVII25 § 8.

[620]DionysXVII[XVIII] 4. L Postumius Megellus was consul 305, 294, 291BC. The story relates to his third consulship. His earlier career may be followed in LivIX44,X26 § 15, 32 § 1, 37, 46 § 16.

[621]LivepitXI.

[622]See the precept of Mago cited by PlinyNHXVIII§ 35.

[623]That is, on those possessed of a certain minimum of property, which was lowered in course of time. Originally reckoned on land only, thus reckoning only those settled on farms (adsidui). See MommsenStaatsrechtindex. The rise in the census numbers between 131 and 125BCis explained by GreenidgeHistoryp 150 as due to the increase ofadsiduithrough effect of Gracchan legislation.

[624]See GreenidgeHistorypp 60-1, 424-5.

[625]See Cato’s opinion cited by Cicde offII§ 89, ColumellaVIpraef§§ 3-5, PlinNHXVIII§§ 29, 30.

[626]Cicin CatilII§ 18.

[627]Cicin CatilII§ 20, cfde lege agrII§ 78fundos quorum subsidio familiarum magnitudines sustentare possint.

[628]familiis magnis.

[629]LivyVI12 § 5, cfVII25 § 8.

[630]CairnesThe Slave PowerchIII. [1862, second edn. 1863.]

[631]Cicde republIII§ 16.

[632]But see the oratorical picture of the bad steward, CicIIin VerremIII§ 119. That remarkable passage still leaves my questions unanswered, for the comparison with Verres is superficial and only serves a temporary purpose.

[633]VarroI2 § 17, 17 §§ 5, 7.

[634]Cato 2 § 7, cf MartialXI70.

[635]As Cato 5 § 2 says,dominus inpune ne Sinat esse.

[636]Foreshadowed in XenophonmemorII8.

[637]Compare the case of themercennariusand Regulus referred to above.

[638]ColumellaIpraef§§ 3, 12, 13, 20,XIIpraef§§ 8-10.

[639]PlinyNHXVIII§§ 41-3 (of earlier times),XIV§§ 48-50 (speculations),XVIII§§ 273-4.

[640]M WeberRömische Agrargeschichtepp 242 foll.

[641]SuetonAug32,Tib8, cf Seneca the eldercontrX4 § 18. Later, SpartHadr18. In law, DigestXXXIX4 § 12².

[642]Even avaletudinariumis provided. See ColumellaXI1 § 18,XII1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.

[643]ColumellaI7.

[644]Weberop citpp 244-5. See the chapter onColumellafor this interpretation. It can hardly be considered certain, but it is not vital to the argument.

[645]VarroI17 § 2, cf ColumI3 § 12.

[646]VarroI17 §§ 3-6.

[647]PlatoLaws777d, AristPolVII10 § 13, [Ar]OecI5 § 6.

[648]LivyXXXIII36 § 1.

[649]LivyXXXIX29 §§ 8, 9, cf 41 § 6.

[650]Diodorus bookXXXIV, and other authorities enumerated in myRoman Republic§ 683.

[651]StraboXIV1 § 38 [p 646], DiodorusXXXIV2 § 26.

[652]DiodorusXXXVI.

[653]According to AppiancivI116 § 2 he was at first joined by some free rustics. The same seems to have been the case in Sicily and Asia.

[654]SallustCatil44 §§ 5, 6, 56 § 5.

[655]TacitusannIV27.

[656]TacitusannIII53-5.

[657]Text edited by Keil 1895.

[658]PlutarchCato maior27.

[659]Jordan’s edition of his remains, p 77, PlutCat mai23.

[660]PlinyNHXVIII§§ 29, 30, and Cicerode offII§ 89, ColumellaVIpraef§§ 3-5.

[661]Jordanop citp 43. PlutarchCat mai4.

[662]PlutCat mai3-5, 20-1.

[663]Catoagr3 § 1, PlinyNHXVIII§ 32.

[664]Catoagr4.

[665]Catoagr56-7.

[666]Catoagr16, 136-7, 146.

[667]In 147 theemptorof a season’s lambs seems to be bound to provide apastor, who is held as a pledge to secure the final settlement.

[668]Catoagr praef.

[669]Catoagr10 § 1, 11 § 1.

[670]2 § 7patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet.

[671]Catoagr1.

[672]Mommsen inHermesXVp 408.

[673]praef§ 2, 1 § 4. According to a speaker in SenecacontrovVII6 § 17 Cato’s later wife wascoloni sui filiam ... ingenuam. PlutCat mai24 makes her πελάτιν, that is daughter of a client. There seems to be no real contradiction. Thecliensmight be his patron’s tenant.

[674]2 § 7boves vetulos ... servum senem, servum morbosum ... vendat. Cf PlutCat mai5, MartialXI70, JuvenalX268-70. In TerenceHautont142-4 the Old Man, on taking to farming, sells off all his household slaves save such as are able to pay for their keepopere rustico faciundo. His motive for giving up domestic comfort and taking to hard manual labour on the land is to punish himself. Soibid65-74 he appears as neglecting to keep his farm-hands at work.

[675]PlutCat mai21.

[676]PlinyNHXVIII§ 35.

[677]PolybXXXII13 §§ 10, 11.

[678]PlutCat mai21, 25, 4.

[679]Jordanop citp 43.

[680]Cf PlinepistIII19 § 5.

[681]PlutCat mai21, 4.

[682]PlutCat mai20.

[683]Pliny even refers to his precepts asoracula.

[684]Catoagr1 § 3operariorum copia siet.

[685]Catoagr4operas facilius locabis, operarios facilius conduces.

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