Chapter 36

[840]OdesI1patrios ... agros, EpodeII3paterna rura bobus exercet suis.[841]EpodeIV13arat Falerni mille fundi iugera, etc.[842]OdesIII16quicquid arat impiger Apulus.[843]EpodeII39 foll.[844]A fact recognized by Horace himself in lines 14-16 ofOdesIII4, andSatI5 lines 77 foll.[845]OdesI35pauper ... ruris colonus,II14inopes coloni.SatII2 115, where the fact of expulsion in favour of a military pensioner is judiciously ignored. See below.[846]Thesecoloniof course owned their farms; that is, weredomini.OdesIII4 lines 37-8,SatII6 55-6.[847]OdesI1mercator ... indocilis pauperiem pati, cfIII2.[848]So Cicero’s estate at Arpinum is spoken ofad AttXIII9 § 2 aspraediolaand was perhaps let in the same way.[849]Cf Senecaepist47 § 14, 86 § 14.[850]The ownership of the slaves is another matter, for in letting farms thedominusoften supplied the slaves. See Index,instrumentum.[851]I find that Mr Warde Fowler,The death of Turnusp 105, also takes this view. But he understandspaterto imply that the man brought up a family, which I do not. I agree that it gives the idea of headship of a household.[852]Italische LandeskundeIIp 615.[853]The description of such anagellusin PlinepistI24 illustrates the wants of a literary landowner excellently.[854]TibullusII1 51agricola adsiduo ... satiatus aratro.[855]TibullusII6 25-6.[856]OvidfastiI207,III779-82,IV693-4.[857]OvidmetamI135-6, ManiliusI73-4.[858]VitruviusII1.[859]I cannot accept Prof. Richmond’s view (Inaugural lecture 1919 p 25) of theGeorgicsas ‘concerned with every side of husbandry.’[860]Whether Vergil suffered two expulsions, and what is the chronological order of ecloguesIandIX, are questions that do not affect my inquiry.[861]PlinyepistIII10 § 7.[862]AenVII641-817,IX603-13.[863]e.g.AenVI613.[864]Ellis on CatullusXXIII1.[865]See page 217.[866]SuetonVespasI.[867]Keightley includes Mago, whether rightly or not I am not sure. Conington’s Introduction treats this matter fully.[868]The futility of addressing rustic readers in polished literary language (diserte) is commented on by Palladius [4th centAD] in his opening sentences. He has been thought to have in view Columella, who by the by is Vergil’s great admirer. I cannot accept the views of Daubeny in hisLecturespp 3-5. It is possible that the use of fire in improving land may be a bit of Vergil’s own advice, but I doubt it. See Daubeny pp 91-4,georgI84 foll.[869]E MeyerKl Schrp 488 describing the hopeless task of Augustus in attempting the moral and physical regeneration of Italy makes the general remark ‘Nur an die höheren Stände, nur an die Elite, konnte Augustus sich wenden.’ This is a true picture of the situation as a whole. To have to begin building at the top was fatal.[870]Most clearly stated in ColumellaI7.[871]Forcoloniof Cicero’s time seeIIin VerrIII§ 55,pro Caecina§ 94,pro Cluent§§ 175, 182. The references in Horace are given below. That letting to tenants was practised about 100BCor earlier, appears certain from the reference to Saserna’s opinion on this policy in ColumellaI7 § 4.[872]VelleiusII88, and many passages in Seneca and other authors.[873]Dion CassLII27-8.[874]Compare SuetAug41 for the Emperor’s actual policy. It seems that the influx of specie captured at Alexandria sent the rate of interest down and the price of land up.[875]This is admirably dealt with in Sellar’sVirgil, and need not be reproduced here.[876]Mr T R Glover,Virgilp 14, reminds us that the poet’s father is said to have done some business in timber at one time.[877]When Cicerode oratIII§ 46 creditsmessoreswith a rustic brogue he can hardly be thinking of foreign slaves.[878]As in LucanVII402vincto fossore.[879]VarroRRII10.[880]See VarroRRII2 § 20, 5 § 18, 7 § 16, even for treatment ofhomines10 § 10. Written books of prescriptions were provided.[881]GeorgIII515-30.[882]tristissuggests the owner. A slave was not likely to care.[883]In Sellar’sVirgilchapterVI§ 5 there is an excellent treatment of this episode, with a discussion of V’s relation to Lucretius and a most apposite quotation from G Sand.[884]VarroII5 § 4, ColumellaVIpraef§ 7, PlinNHVIII§ 180.[885]Themolle atque facetumattributed to V by Horace is I think rightly explained by QuintilianVI3 § 20, and amounts to easy and fastidious taste, of course the result of careful revision, his practice of which is attested in the Suetonian biography.[886]So TibullusII1 41-2.[887]Cf Cicde offI§§ 41, 150, passages in which the growth of the technical sense is seen.[888]See the interesting story of the bee-farm in VarroRRIII16 §§ 10, 11.[889]PlinyNHXIX§§ 50-1.[890]II412-3laudato ingentia rura, exiguum colito. Not found in surviving text of Cato.[891]II532.[892]I125-8,II336-42.[893]II136-76.[894]DionysHalI36-7, StraboVI4 § 1, p 286, VarroRRI2 §§ 1-7.[895]HoraceOdesIV5, 15, published about 14BC. So MartialV4 declares that Domitian has made Romepudica.[896]SuetonAug32 (cfTib8), and the elder SenecacontrX4 § 18. Even in the second centuryAD, SpartHadr18 § 9ergastula servorum et liberorum tulit. Perhaps theergastulain ColumellaI3 § 12 refer to the same practice.[897]H Blümner in Müller’sHandbuchIV2 2 p 543 says that Varro does not refer to theKolonat als Pacht. But that sense seems clearly implied inI2 § 17,II3 § 4in lege locationis fundi. InI16 § 4 it surely includes tenants, even if the application is more general. InIIpraef§ 5colonusis simply =arator, opposed topastor.[898]ColumellaI7.[899]PlinyepistIII19,IX37.[900]This reminds us of Varro’s words, speaking (I17 § 2) of free workers ...cum ipsi colunt, ut plerique pauperculi cum sua progenie.[901]Cf TibullusII1 23turbaque vernarum saturi bona signa coloni.[902]See above,p 216.[903]HorepistI14 39, cfII2 184-6.[904]HorSatI3 99 foll, whereanimaliaseems to mean little more thanhomines.[905]HorSatII6 55-6,OdesIII4 37-40.[906]The one reference to the assignations [GII198] only speaks of the misfortune of Mantua, not of his own.[907]HorEpistI16 69-72.[908]HorSatI1 28, 32.[909]For the story of the φιάλη (freedman’s offering) sent yearly by Maecenas to Augustus as a recognition of his restoration of Roman freedom, see GardthausenAugustusVII7 and notes.[910]Monum Ancyred Mommsen,I16-9,III22-8.[911]TacitusannXIV53.[912]GardthausenAugustusVII7, pp 768-9. He quotes Schol ad JuvenalV3 (Maecenas)ad quem sectio bonorum Favoni pertinuerat.[913]VarroRRI17, a notable chapter.[914]LivyVI12,VII25.[915]PlinNHXXXVII§§ 201-3.[916]AugustusVI3, p 547.[917]MacrobSatI11 § 22.[918]Dion CassXLVIII6 § 3.[919]The words of Donatus (after Suetonius) in his life of Vergil. Reifferscheid’s Suetonius p 59.[920]Keightley (1846) says the same.[921]With much respect and regret, I cannot accept the views of Prof Conway in his inaugural lecture of 1903.[922]The absence of reference to Cicero has of course been noted. But this was general in the Augustan age.[923]Senecaepist86 § 15.[924]SenecacontroversiaeII1 § 26.[925]Senecaexcerpt contrV5[926]Compare the reference to unrulyservorum agminain Calabria, TacannXII65, in the time of Claudius.[927]Senecaexcerpt contrVI2.[928]SenecacontrII1 § 5.[929]SenecacontrVII6 § 18.[930]SenecacontrX4 § 18solitudines suas isti beati ingenuorum ergastulis excolunt. See abovep 233and below on Columellap 263.[931]SenecacontrVII6 § 17, cf PlutCat mai24.[932]Val MaxIV4 § 6.[933]Val MaxIV3 § 5, cf 4 § 7, 8 § 1.[934]Val MaxVII5 § 2.[935]PhaedrIV5,II8.[936]Such as Polybius the influential freedman of Claudius, to whom Seneca addressed aconsolatio.[937]Epist77 § 7 is a notable passage.[938]Cfde benefIII26.[939]As by the younger Plinypaneg42 on Trajan.[940]de benefV18 § 2, 19 § 1,VII4 § 4.[941]de clementI18,nat quaestI16 § 1.[942]de benefIII22 § 1, cf Athenaeus 276 b.[943]de benefV19 § 9,epist12 § 3.[944]de constant(ad Serenum) 5 § 1.[945]epist47 § 14.[946]epist90 § 27,artificem vides vitaeetc.[947]epist65 § 6.[948]epist88 § 21. The contrast ofliberalisandsordidusoften occurs.[949]epist90 § 15.[950]epist44 § 3aquam traxit et rigando horto locavit manus.[951]epist114 § 26quot millia colonorum arent fodiant... etc.[952]epist123 § 2non habet panem meus pistor: sed habet vilicus, sed habet atriensis, sed habet colonus.atriensis= head of domestics, porter or butler.[953]de benefVI4 § 4colonum suum non tenet, quamvis tabellis manentibus, qui segetem eius proculcavit, qui succidit arbusta, non quia recepit quod pepigerat sed quia ne reciperet effecit. Sic debitori suo creditor saepe damnatur, ubi plus ex alia causa abstulit quam ex crediti petit.[954]Thepactumimplied inpepigerat.[955]de benefVII5 §§ 2, 3,conduxi domum a te; in hac aliquid tuum est, aliquid meum; res tua est, usus rei tuae meus est. itaque nec fructus tanges colono tuo prohibente, quamvis in tua possessione nascantur ... nec conductum meum, quamquam sis dominus, intrabis, nec servum tuum, mercennarium meum, abduces... etc. See the chapter onthe Jurists of the Digest.[956]epist90 § 39licet itaque nunc conetur reparare quod perdidit, licet agros agris adiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel iniuria, licet in provinciarum spatium rura dilatet et possessionem vocet per sua longam peregrinationem... etc. Foriniuriacf ColumellaI3 §§ 6, 7. The violent expulsion of poor farmers by the rich is an old topic. Cf SallustIug41 § 8, AppiancivI7 § 5 and seeindex.[957]epist87 § 7quia in omnibus provinciis arat ... quia tantum suburbani agri possidet quantum invidiose in desertis Apuliae possideret.[958]de iraIII29 § 1.[959]LucanVII387-439.[960]vincto fossore coluntur Hesperiae vegetes.[961]I158-82.[962]longa sub ignotis extendere rura colonis.Cf Senecade vita beata17 § 2cur trans mare possides? cur plura quam nosti?and Petron 37.[963]VI152o famuli turpes, servum pecus.[964]CalpurneclIV118.[965]Petron § 37fundos habet qua milvi volant. A proverbial phrase, cf PersiusIV26dives arat ... quantum non milvus oberret, JuvenalIX55.[966]Petron § 53.[967]edicta aedilium.[968]saltuariorum testamenta.They were evidently slaves and could only make wills by leave of their owner. See DigXXXIII7 § 12⁴.[969]Many times referred to in the book.[970]I3 §§ 8-13.[971]Cf PlinepistIII19 § 2pulchritudo iungendi, and Mayor’s note. Petron § 77.[972]I3 §§ 6, 7, where he even refers to a very disobliging neighbour of his own estate.[973]I1 § 20longinqua ne dicam transmarina rura... etc.[974]Ipraef§§ 13-15,XIIpraef§§ 8-10.[975]Ipraef§ 12.[976]I7passim.[977]If we are to hold thatopushere refers only to work on the particular farm hired by the tenant, I presume it includes improvements, as in DigestXIX2 § 24³.[978]remissionem petere non audet.[979]felicissimum fundum esse qui colonos indigenas haberet et tamquam in paterna possessione natos iam inde a cunabulis longa familiaritate retineret.[980]urbanum colonum, qui per familiam mavult agrum quam per se colere.[981]rusticos et eosdem adsiduos colonos.[982]in his regionibus quae gravitate caeli solique sterilitate vastantur.CfI5 § 5,gravibus, and VarroI17 § 2.[983]By H. Blümner in Müller’sHandbuch. So also Gummerus inKlio1906 pp 85-6.[984]domini praesentia cariturum.[985]DigXXXIII7 § 25¹,XIX2 § 24, § 25³.[986]M WeberRöm Agrargeschichtep 244. Of courseopusis a general term, not technical asoperae(= labour units) often is. See VinogradoffGrowth of the Manornote 94 on p 110. From HoraceepistI1 21opus debentibusI can get no help.[987]See below, in the chapter onthe African inscriptions.[988]CaesarcivI34, 56.[989]Wallon,EsclavageII99, 100, refers to the long leasing of municipal estates, held in virtual perpetuity so long as the rent was paid. He cites GaiusIII145. So too estates of temples, and later of thefiscus.

[840]OdesI1patrios ... agros, EpodeII3paterna rura bobus exercet suis.

[841]EpodeIV13arat Falerni mille fundi iugera, etc.

[842]OdesIII16quicquid arat impiger Apulus.

[843]EpodeII39 foll.

[844]A fact recognized by Horace himself in lines 14-16 ofOdesIII4, andSatI5 lines 77 foll.

[845]OdesI35pauper ... ruris colonus,II14inopes coloni.SatII2 115, where the fact of expulsion in favour of a military pensioner is judiciously ignored. See below.

[846]Thesecoloniof course owned their farms; that is, weredomini.OdesIII4 lines 37-8,SatII6 55-6.

[847]OdesI1mercator ... indocilis pauperiem pati, cfIII2.

[848]So Cicero’s estate at Arpinum is spoken ofad AttXIII9 § 2 aspraediolaand was perhaps let in the same way.

[849]Cf Senecaepist47 § 14, 86 § 14.

[850]The ownership of the slaves is another matter, for in letting farms thedominusoften supplied the slaves. See Index,instrumentum.

[851]I find that Mr Warde Fowler,The death of Turnusp 105, also takes this view. But he understandspaterto imply that the man brought up a family, which I do not. I agree that it gives the idea of headship of a household.

[852]Italische LandeskundeIIp 615.

[853]The description of such anagellusin PlinepistI24 illustrates the wants of a literary landowner excellently.

[854]TibullusII1 51agricola adsiduo ... satiatus aratro.

[855]TibullusII6 25-6.

[856]OvidfastiI207,III779-82,IV693-4.

[857]OvidmetamI135-6, ManiliusI73-4.

[858]VitruviusII1.

[859]I cannot accept Prof. Richmond’s view (Inaugural lecture 1919 p 25) of theGeorgicsas ‘concerned with every side of husbandry.’

[860]Whether Vergil suffered two expulsions, and what is the chronological order of ecloguesIandIX, are questions that do not affect my inquiry.

[861]PlinyepistIII10 § 7.

[862]AenVII641-817,IX603-13.

[863]e.g.AenVI613.

[864]Ellis on CatullusXXIII1.

[865]See page 217.

[866]SuetonVespasI.

[867]Keightley includes Mago, whether rightly or not I am not sure. Conington’s Introduction treats this matter fully.

[868]The futility of addressing rustic readers in polished literary language (diserte) is commented on by Palladius [4th centAD] in his opening sentences. He has been thought to have in view Columella, who by the by is Vergil’s great admirer. I cannot accept the views of Daubeny in hisLecturespp 3-5. It is possible that the use of fire in improving land may be a bit of Vergil’s own advice, but I doubt it. See Daubeny pp 91-4,georgI84 foll.

[869]E MeyerKl Schrp 488 describing the hopeless task of Augustus in attempting the moral and physical regeneration of Italy makes the general remark ‘Nur an die höheren Stände, nur an die Elite, konnte Augustus sich wenden.’ This is a true picture of the situation as a whole. To have to begin building at the top was fatal.

[870]Most clearly stated in ColumellaI7.

[871]Forcoloniof Cicero’s time seeIIin VerrIII§ 55,pro Caecina§ 94,pro Cluent§§ 175, 182. The references in Horace are given below. That letting to tenants was practised about 100BCor earlier, appears certain from the reference to Saserna’s opinion on this policy in ColumellaI7 § 4.

[872]VelleiusII88, and many passages in Seneca and other authors.

[873]Dion CassLII27-8.

[874]Compare SuetAug41 for the Emperor’s actual policy. It seems that the influx of specie captured at Alexandria sent the rate of interest down and the price of land up.

[875]This is admirably dealt with in Sellar’sVirgil, and need not be reproduced here.

[876]Mr T R Glover,Virgilp 14, reminds us that the poet’s father is said to have done some business in timber at one time.

[877]When Cicerode oratIII§ 46 creditsmessoreswith a rustic brogue he can hardly be thinking of foreign slaves.

[878]As in LucanVII402vincto fossore.

[879]VarroRRII10.

[880]See VarroRRII2 § 20, 5 § 18, 7 § 16, even for treatment ofhomines10 § 10. Written books of prescriptions were provided.

[881]GeorgIII515-30.

[882]tristissuggests the owner. A slave was not likely to care.

[883]In Sellar’sVirgilchapterVI§ 5 there is an excellent treatment of this episode, with a discussion of V’s relation to Lucretius and a most apposite quotation from G Sand.

[884]VarroII5 § 4, ColumellaVIpraef§ 7, PlinNHVIII§ 180.

[885]Themolle atque facetumattributed to V by Horace is I think rightly explained by QuintilianVI3 § 20, and amounts to easy and fastidious taste, of course the result of careful revision, his practice of which is attested in the Suetonian biography.

[886]So TibullusII1 41-2.

[887]Cf Cicde offI§§ 41, 150, passages in which the growth of the technical sense is seen.

[888]See the interesting story of the bee-farm in VarroRRIII16 §§ 10, 11.

[889]PlinyNHXIX§§ 50-1.

[890]II412-3laudato ingentia rura, exiguum colito. Not found in surviving text of Cato.

[891]II532.

[892]I125-8,II336-42.

[893]II136-76.

[894]DionysHalI36-7, StraboVI4 § 1, p 286, VarroRRI2 §§ 1-7.

[895]HoraceOdesIV5, 15, published about 14BC. So MartialV4 declares that Domitian has made Romepudica.

[896]SuetonAug32 (cfTib8), and the elder SenecacontrX4 § 18. Even in the second centuryAD, SpartHadr18 § 9ergastula servorum et liberorum tulit. Perhaps theergastulain ColumellaI3 § 12 refer to the same practice.

[897]H Blümner in Müller’sHandbuchIV2 2 p 543 says that Varro does not refer to theKolonat als Pacht. But that sense seems clearly implied inI2 § 17,II3 § 4in lege locationis fundi. InI16 § 4 it surely includes tenants, even if the application is more general. InIIpraef§ 5colonusis simply =arator, opposed topastor.

[898]ColumellaI7.

[899]PlinyepistIII19,IX37.

[900]This reminds us of Varro’s words, speaking (I17 § 2) of free workers ...cum ipsi colunt, ut plerique pauperculi cum sua progenie.

[901]Cf TibullusII1 23turbaque vernarum saturi bona signa coloni.

[902]See above,p 216.

[903]HorepistI14 39, cfII2 184-6.

[904]HorSatI3 99 foll, whereanimaliaseems to mean little more thanhomines.

[905]HorSatII6 55-6,OdesIII4 37-40.

[906]The one reference to the assignations [GII198] only speaks of the misfortune of Mantua, not of his own.

[907]HorEpistI16 69-72.

[908]HorSatI1 28, 32.

[909]For the story of the φιάλη (freedman’s offering) sent yearly by Maecenas to Augustus as a recognition of his restoration of Roman freedom, see GardthausenAugustusVII7 and notes.

[910]Monum Ancyred Mommsen,I16-9,III22-8.

[911]TacitusannXIV53.

[912]GardthausenAugustusVII7, pp 768-9. He quotes Schol ad JuvenalV3 (Maecenas)ad quem sectio bonorum Favoni pertinuerat.

[913]VarroRRI17, a notable chapter.

[914]LivyVI12,VII25.

[915]PlinNHXXXVII§§ 201-3.

[916]AugustusVI3, p 547.

[917]MacrobSatI11 § 22.

[918]Dion CassXLVIII6 § 3.

[919]The words of Donatus (after Suetonius) in his life of Vergil. Reifferscheid’s Suetonius p 59.

[920]Keightley (1846) says the same.

[921]With much respect and regret, I cannot accept the views of Prof Conway in his inaugural lecture of 1903.

[922]The absence of reference to Cicero has of course been noted. But this was general in the Augustan age.

[923]Senecaepist86 § 15.

[924]SenecacontroversiaeII1 § 26.

[925]Senecaexcerpt contrV5

[926]Compare the reference to unrulyservorum agminain Calabria, TacannXII65, in the time of Claudius.

[927]Senecaexcerpt contrVI2.

[928]SenecacontrII1 § 5.

[929]SenecacontrVII6 § 18.

[930]SenecacontrX4 § 18solitudines suas isti beati ingenuorum ergastulis excolunt. See abovep 233and below on Columellap 263.

[931]SenecacontrVII6 § 17, cf PlutCat mai24.

[932]Val MaxIV4 § 6.

[933]Val MaxIV3 § 5, cf 4 § 7, 8 § 1.

[934]Val MaxVII5 § 2.

[935]PhaedrIV5,II8.

[936]Such as Polybius the influential freedman of Claudius, to whom Seneca addressed aconsolatio.

[937]Epist77 § 7 is a notable passage.

[938]Cfde benefIII26.

[939]As by the younger Plinypaneg42 on Trajan.

[940]de benefV18 § 2, 19 § 1,VII4 § 4.

[941]de clementI18,nat quaestI16 § 1.

[942]de benefIII22 § 1, cf Athenaeus 276 b.

[943]de benefV19 § 9,epist12 § 3.

[944]de constant(ad Serenum) 5 § 1.

[945]epist47 § 14.

[946]epist90 § 27,artificem vides vitaeetc.

[947]epist65 § 6.

[948]epist88 § 21. The contrast ofliberalisandsordidusoften occurs.

[949]epist90 § 15.

[950]epist44 § 3aquam traxit et rigando horto locavit manus.

[951]epist114 § 26quot millia colonorum arent fodiant... etc.

[952]epist123 § 2non habet panem meus pistor: sed habet vilicus, sed habet atriensis, sed habet colonus.atriensis= head of domestics, porter or butler.

[953]de benefVI4 § 4colonum suum non tenet, quamvis tabellis manentibus, qui segetem eius proculcavit, qui succidit arbusta, non quia recepit quod pepigerat sed quia ne reciperet effecit. Sic debitori suo creditor saepe damnatur, ubi plus ex alia causa abstulit quam ex crediti petit.

[954]Thepactumimplied inpepigerat.

[955]de benefVII5 §§ 2, 3,conduxi domum a te; in hac aliquid tuum est, aliquid meum; res tua est, usus rei tuae meus est. itaque nec fructus tanges colono tuo prohibente, quamvis in tua possessione nascantur ... nec conductum meum, quamquam sis dominus, intrabis, nec servum tuum, mercennarium meum, abduces... etc. See the chapter onthe Jurists of the Digest.

[956]epist90 § 39licet itaque nunc conetur reparare quod perdidit, licet agros agris adiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel iniuria, licet in provinciarum spatium rura dilatet et possessionem vocet per sua longam peregrinationem... etc. Foriniuriacf ColumellaI3 §§ 6, 7. The violent expulsion of poor farmers by the rich is an old topic. Cf SallustIug41 § 8, AppiancivI7 § 5 and seeindex.

[957]epist87 § 7quia in omnibus provinciis arat ... quia tantum suburbani agri possidet quantum invidiose in desertis Apuliae possideret.

[958]de iraIII29 § 1.

[959]LucanVII387-439.

[960]vincto fossore coluntur Hesperiae vegetes.

[961]I158-82.

[962]longa sub ignotis extendere rura colonis.Cf Senecade vita beata17 § 2cur trans mare possides? cur plura quam nosti?and Petron 37.

[963]VI152o famuli turpes, servum pecus.

[964]CalpurneclIV118.

[965]Petron § 37fundos habet qua milvi volant. A proverbial phrase, cf PersiusIV26dives arat ... quantum non milvus oberret, JuvenalIX55.

[966]Petron § 53.

[967]edicta aedilium.

[968]saltuariorum testamenta.They were evidently slaves and could only make wills by leave of their owner. See DigXXXIII7 § 12⁴.

[969]Many times referred to in the book.

[970]I3 §§ 8-13.

[971]Cf PlinepistIII19 § 2pulchritudo iungendi, and Mayor’s note. Petron § 77.

[972]I3 §§ 6, 7, where he even refers to a very disobliging neighbour of his own estate.

[973]I1 § 20longinqua ne dicam transmarina rura... etc.

[974]Ipraef§§ 13-15,XIIpraef§§ 8-10.

[975]Ipraef§ 12.

[976]I7passim.

[977]If we are to hold thatopushere refers only to work on the particular farm hired by the tenant, I presume it includes improvements, as in DigestXIX2 § 24³.

[978]remissionem petere non audet.

[979]felicissimum fundum esse qui colonos indigenas haberet et tamquam in paterna possessione natos iam inde a cunabulis longa familiaritate retineret.

[980]urbanum colonum, qui per familiam mavult agrum quam per se colere.

[981]rusticos et eosdem adsiduos colonos.

[982]in his regionibus quae gravitate caeli solique sterilitate vastantur.CfI5 § 5,gravibus, and VarroI17 § 2.

[983]By H. Blümner in Müller’sHandbuch. So also Gummerus inKlio1906 pp 85-6.

[984]domini praesentia cariturum.

[985]DigXXXIII7 § 25¹,XIX2 § 24, § 25³.

[986]M WeberRöm Agrargeschichtep 244. Of courseopusis a general term, not technical asoperae(= labour units) often is. See VinogradoffGrowth of the Manornote 94 on p 110. From HoraceepistI1 21opus debentibusI can get no help.

[987]See below, in the chapter onthe African inscriptions.

[988]CaesarcivI34, 56.

[989]Wallon,EsclavageII99, 100, refers to the long leasing of municipal estates, held in virtual perpetuity so long as the rent was paid. He cites GaiusIII145. So too estates of temples, and later of thefiscus.

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