[1146]InNHXVIII120 he cites Vergil as giving a piece of advice based on the usage of the Po country. Pliny as a Transpadane may have been prejudiced in Vergil’s favour and possibly jealous of the Spanish Columella.[1147]InNHXVIII170 he cites VergGI53, calling itoraculum illud, but with a textual slip.[1148]NHXVIII70.[1149]The passing mention inAnnalsXVI13 of the great mortality among theservitiaandingenua plebesin the plague of 65ADis a good specimen. The two classes are often thus spoken of together. Cf SuetonClaud22,Nero22.[1150]AnnalsIII54.[1151]This policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in the next period. See SpartSeverus8 § 5, 23 § 2.[1152]AnnalsIV27.[1153]AnnalsIV6infecunditati terrarum.[1154]AnnalsVI16, 17. Caesar’s law is described asde modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam. Nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law ofBC49, but must be an unknown law, not of temporary effect. See his note.[1155]Nipperdey’s restoration of this sentence with the help of SuetTib48 seems to me quite certain.[1156]si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset.The precedent of Augustus is mentioned in SuetonAug41.[1157]See Ciceroin CatilII§ 18.[1158]See the case of Sittius in Cicpro Sulla§§ 56-9. Such financial opportunities were evidently few in the later Empire.[1159]trepidique patres(neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus) ... etc.[1160]Germ26.[1161]See Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes, and cf the remarks of CaesarBGIV1,VI22.[1162]See PlinyNHXVIII259 and Conington’s notes on VergGI71-83. VarroI44 § 3.[1163]Germ24.[1164]servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant.[1165]Germ25frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret. Thecolonushere is clearly a tenant, his German analogue a serf.[1166]Agricola28.[1167]per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione ementium adductos.[1168]CILVIII18587, Ephem epigrVII788, where it is annotated by Mommsen and others.[1169]Mentioned in two routes of theItinerarium Antoninum.[1170]Cf GaiusII7, 21, and below,note on p 351.[1171]Cf DigestVIII6 § 7,XLIII20 §§ 2, 5.[1172]See MarquardtStvw1, index underLamasba.[1173]Were they perhapsveterani? That there were a number of these settled in Africa is attested by Cod ThXI1 § 28 (400), cfXII1 § 45 (358).[1174]Written 97AD, under Nerva.[1175]de aquis75. Formerly this offence was punished by confiscating the land so watered,ibid97.[1176]de aquis6.[1177]de aquis9.[1178]de aquis107-10. But according to DigestXLIII20 § 1³⁹⁻⁴³ (Ulpian) the grant was sometimes notpersonisbutpraediis, and so perpetual.[1179]de aquis105, 116-8.[1180]de aquis120, 124-8.[1181]impotentia possessorum.[1182]holitoresas in HoraceepistI18 36. Later calledhortulanias in ApuleiusmetamIX31-2, 39-42. Girard,textespartIIIch 4 § 1 e, gives an interesting case of acolonus hortorum olitoriorumbetween Rome and Ostia, belonging to acollegium. The man is probably a freedman.[1183]de aquis112-5.[1184]de aquis11, cf also 92.[1185]Wilmannsexempla2844-8.[1186]HermesXIXpp 393-416.[1187]PlinepistVII18.[1188]Mommsenop citp 410. See index underinstrumentum.[1189]Whether we have in Columella a direct reference to this method is a question I have discussed in the chapter onthat author. However answered, it does not affect the present passage. See the chapter onthe African inscriptions.[1190]See the case cited in the chapter onPliny the younger.[1191]By H Blümner in Müller’sHandbuched 3,IVii 2 p 544.[1192]Mommsenop citp 416. See the chapter onevidence from the Digest.[1193]Mommsenop citp 412.[1194]DigestXXXIII7 § 20¹non fide dominica sed mercede.ibid§ 12³qui quasi colonus in agro erat.[1195]DigXXXIII7 § 20³praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et peculiis et cum actore. Cf alsoXL7 § 40⁵.[1196]DigXXXIII7 § 20⁴.[1197]But thatuxorwas sometimes loosely used of a slave’scontubernalisis true. WallonII207, cf PaulusSentIII6 §§ 38, 40, DigXXXIII7 § 12⁷,³³.[1198]Mommsenop citp 409.[1199]ColumellaI9 § 4.[1200]Plutde defectu oraculorum8.[1201]oratioVII,Euboicus seu venator.[1202]A contemporary of the younger Pliny, flourished about 100AD.[1203]I think Nero is meant here.[1204]Mahaffy,Silver Agep 329, thinks Carystos is meant, though it might be Chalcis.[1205]ἀφορμῆς. This passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous competition of slave labour under capitalists, which the single artisan was unable to face. The admission is so far as I know very rare in ancient writers. That Dion’s mind was greatly exercised on the subject of slavery in general, is shewn by OrationsX,XIV,XV, and many scattered references elsewhere.[1206]See the chapter onMusonius.[1207]As in Archbishop Trench’s charmingLectures on Plutarchpp 10, 77 foll.[1208]Matt 21 §§ 28-30. I cannot feel sure of this general inference.[1209]Matt 21 §§ 33-41, Mar 12 §§ 1-9, Luk 20 §§ 9-16.[1210]ICor 9 §§ 7-10,ITim 5 § 18,IITim 2 § 6.[1211]Luk 12 §§ 16-9, etc.[1212]οἰκονόμος, Luk 12 §§ 42-8, 16 §§ 1-12,ICor 4 § 2.[1213][Aristotle]Econ1 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή.[1214]James 5 § 4.[1215]Rom 4 § 4.[1216]Matt 20 §§ 1-16. Abp Trench,Notes on the Parables, has cleared away a mass of perverse interpretations.[1217]Matt 6 § 12, Luk 7 § 41, 16 § 5.[1218]Matt 25 §§ 14-30, Luk 19 §§ 12-26.[1219]Acts 1 § 18, 4 §§ 34-7.[1220]Often referred to. See Friedländer’s index underNomentanus, and cfVIII61,IX18, 97.[1221]I55,X48.[1222]III47 etc. CfVII31,XII72.[1223]II11nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit. This may imply that thevilicuswas aservus quasi colonusliable to a rent and in arrears. See notes pp299,311. But I do not venture to draw this inference.[1224]VII31.[1225]X87. Cf JuvIV25-6, DigestXXXII§ 99,XXXIII7 § 12¹²,¹³, etc.[1226]XII59.[1227]IV66.[1228]VI73,X92.[1229]IX2haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat.[1230]XII57.[1231]V35,X14, etc.[1232]PlinNHXVIII§ 35.[1233]IX35.[1234]See JuvXIV267-302 on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne commerce.[1235]III58.[1236]III47.[1237]dona matrum‘presents from their mothers.’ Eggs, I think. CfVII31 and JuvXI70-1. The conjectureova matrum(Paley) is good.[1238]The story of the Usipian deserters who found their way back into Roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of 83AD. TacAgr28. See the chapter onTacitus.[1239]VII80.[1240]X30, of a charming seasidevillaat Formiae.o ianitores vilicique felices, dominis parantur ista, serviunt vobis.In DigXXXIII7 § 15² we hear ofmulier villae custos perpetua.[1241]The note of Mommsen,HermesXIX412, deals with the case ofservi quasi colonifarming parcels of land, recognized in the writings of jurists. It seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for owner’s account [fide dominica]. In the former case they could have a tenant’s agreement like the freecoloni. In the latter they were onlyviliciand therefore part of theinstrumentum. Here I think we may see beginnings of the unfree colonate. But Mommsen does not touch the point of manumission. It seems to me that an agreement with a slave must at first have been revocable at the pleasure of thedominus, and its growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with manumission.[1242]I55hoc petit, esse sui nec magni ruris arator, sordidaque in parvis otia rebus amat. And often.[1243]VII36,XI34.[1244]I85,X85. Cf PlinyepistVIII17.[1245]X61,XI48. The titlede sepulchro violato, DigXLVII12, will illustrate this.[1246]The form HNS (heredem non sequitur) is common in sepulchral inscriptions.[1247]X92.[1248]JuvXIV161-71.[1249]XI86-9.[1250]XIV179-81.[1251]XIV159-63.[1252]II73-4.[1253]XIV70-2.[1254]VIII245 foll. For the error in this tradition see Madvig,kleine philologische SchriftenNo 10.[1255]III223-9.[1256]VI287-95, cfXI77-131.[1257]XVI32-4. See Hardy on PlinepistX86 B, Shuckburgh on SuetonAug27, TachistIII24vos, nisi vincitis, pagani. This use is common in the Digest.[1258]VI1-18,XV147-58.[1259]X356-66.[1260]VII188-9,IX54-5, etc.[1261]IX59-62.[1262]VII188-9, case of Quintilian.[1263]XIV86-95, 140 foll, 274-5. CfX225-6 etc.[1264]XIV140-55,XVI36-9. Cf Senecaepist90 § 39.[1265]XI151 foll.[1266]VI149-52,IX59-62.[1267]I107-8.[1268]X356.[1269]III223-9,bidentis amans.[1270]MartXIV49exercet melius vinea fossa viros.[1271]See his use ofingenuus= not fit for hard work,III46,X47, following Ovid, and cf the lines to a slaveIX92.[1272]JuvXI77-81.[1273]SeeepistIV10,VII16, 32,VIII16.[1274]Cf MartialI101,VI29.[1275]An important limitation, on which see WallonIII55.[1276]VII11, 14.[1277]VI3.[1278]VI19.[1279]si paenitet te Italicorum praediorum.[1280]III19.[1281]sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere.Theactoresseem to be =vilici, under the newer name.procuratora much more important person. Seepaneg36 for the two as grades in the imperial private service. Cf chapter on Columellap 264.[1282]atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum, atque etiam venatorii instrumenti.[1283]sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur.No doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant.[1284]See DigestXX2 §§ 4, 7, forpignoraon farms.[1285]reliqua colonorum.[1286]sunt ergo instruendi eo pluris quod frugi mancipiis: nam nec ipse usquam vinctos habeo nec ibi quisquam.I takeinstruendias referring toagrijust above. The slaves are a normal part ofinstrumentum fundi.[1287]hac paenuria colonorum.Not the tenants’ poverty. CfVII30 § 3.[1288]sum quidem prope totus in praediis.[1289]Daubeny,Lecturesp 147, regards this great variation as normal in modern experience, and vineyards as the least lucrative kind of husbandry.[1290]VIII15,IX28,IV6,X8 § 5.[1291]II4 § 3.[1292]querellae rusticorum,V14 § 8,VII30 § 3,IX36 § 6.[1293]remissiones,IX37 § 2,X8 § 5.[1294]As de Coulanges remarks pp 17-8, Pliny does not propose to get rid of them, but to keep them as partiary tenants. They would be in his debt. He uses the expressionaeris alieniIX37 § 2. He would have to findinstrumentumfor them.[1295]IX20 § 2.[1296]IX16.[1297]IX20 § 2obrepere urbanis qui nunc rusticis praesunt.[1298]IX37.
[1146]InNHXVIII120 he cites Vergil as giving a piece of advice based on the usage of the Po country. Pliny as a Transpadane may have been prejudiced in Vergil’s favour and possibly jealous of the Spanish Columella.
[1146]InNHXVIII120 he cites Vergil as giving a piece of advice based on the usage of the Po country. Pliny as a Transpadane may have been prejudiced in Vergil’s favour and possibly jealous of the Spanish Columella.
[1147]InNHXVIII170 he cites VergGI53, calling itoraculum illud, but with a textual slip.
[1147]InNHXVIII170 he cites VergGI53, calling itoraculum illud, but with a textual slip.
[1148]NHXVIII70.
[1148]NHXVIII70.
[1149]The passing mention inAnnalsXVI13 of the great mortality among theservitiaandingenua plebesin the plague of 65ADis a good specimen. The two classes are often thus spoken of together. Cf SuetonClaud22,Nero22.
[1149]The passing mention inAnnalsXVI13 of the great mortality among theservitiaandingenua plebesin the plague of 65ADis a good specimen. The two classes are often thus spoken of together. Cf SuetonClaud22,Nero22.
[1150]AnnalsIII54.
[1150]AnnalsIII54.
[1151]This policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in the next period. See SpartSeverus8 § 5, 23 § 2.
[1151]This policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in the next period. See SpartSeverus8 § 5, 23 § 2.
[1152]AnnalsIV27.
[1152]AnnalsIV27.
[1153]AnnalsIV6infecunditati terrarum.
[1153]AnnalsIV6infecunditati terrarum.
[1154]AnnalsVI16, 17. Caesar’s law is described asde modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam. Nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law ofBC49, but must be an unknown law, not of temporary effect. See his note.
[1154]AnnalsVI16, 17. Caesar’s law is described asde modo credendi possidendique intra Italiam. Nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law ofBC49, but must be an unknown law, not of temporary effect. See his note.
[1155]Nipperdey’s restoration of this sentence with the help of SuetTib48 seems to me quite certain.
[1155]Nipperdey’s restoration of this sentence with the help of SuetTib48 seems to me quite certain.
[1156]si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset.The precedent of Augustus is mentioned in SuetonAug41.
[1156]si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset.The precedent of Augustus is mentioned in SuetonAug41.
[1157]See Ciceroin CatilII§ 18.
[1157]See Ciceroin CatilII§ 18.
[1158]See the case of Sittius in Cicpro Sulla§§ 56-9. Such financial opportunities were evidently few in the later Empire.
[1158]See the case of Sittius in Cicpro Sulla§§ 56-9. Such financial opportunities were evidently few in the later Empire.
[1159]trepidique patres(neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus) ... etc.
[1159]trepidique patres(neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus) ... etc.
[1160]Germ26.
[1160]Germ26.
[1161]See Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes, and cf the remarks of CaesarBGIV1,VI22.
[1161]See Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes, and cf the remarks of CaesarBGIV1,VI22.
[1162]See PlinyNHXVIII259 and Conington’s notes on VergGI71-83. VarroI44 § 3.
[1162]See PlinyNHXVIII259 and Conington’s notes on VergGI71-83. VarroI44 § 3.
[1163]Germ24.
[1163]Germ24.
[1164]servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant.
[1164]servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque pudore victoriae exsolvant.
[1165]Germ25frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret. Thecolonushere is clearly a tenant, his German analogue a serf.
[1165]Germ25frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono iniungit, et servus hactenus paret. Thecolonushere is clearly a tenant, his German analogue a serf.
[1166]Agricola28.
[1166]Agricola28.
[1167]per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione ementium adductos.
[1167]per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione ementium adductos.
[1168]CILVIII18587, Ephem epigrVII788, where it is annotated by Mommsen and others.
[1168]CILVIII18587, Ephem epigrVII788, where it is annotated by Mommsen and others.
[1169]Mentioned in two routes of theItinerarium Antoninum.
[1169]Mentioned in two routes of theItinerarium Antoninum.
[1170]Cf GaiusII7, 21, and below,note on p 351.
[1170]Cf GaiusII7, 21, and below,note on p 351.
[1171]Cf DigestVIII6 § 7,XLIII20 §§ 2, 5.
[1171]Cf DigestVIII6 § 7,XLIII20 §§ 2, 5.
[1172]See MarquardtStvw1, index underLamasba.
[1172]See MarquardtStvw1, index underLamasba.
[1173]Were they perhapsveterani? That there were a number of these settled in Africa is attested by Cod ThXI1 § 28 (400), cfXII1 § 45 (358).
[1173]Were they perhapsveterani? That there were a number of these settled in Africa is attested by Cod ThXI1 § 28 (400), cfXII1 § 45 (358).
[1174]Written 97AD, under Nerva.
[1174]Written 97AD, under Nerva.
[1175]de aquis75. Formerly this offence was punished by confiscating the land so watered,ibid97.
[1175]de aquis75. Formerly this offence was punished by confiscating the land so watered,ibid97.
[1176]de aquis6.
[1176]de aquis6.
[1177]de aquis9.
[1177]de aquis9.
[1178]de aquis107-10. But according to DigestXLIII20 § 1³⁹⁻⁴³ (Ulpian) the grant was sometimes notpersonisbutpraediis, and so perpetual.
[1178]de aquis107-10. But according to DigestXLIII20 § 1³⁹⁻⁴³ (Ulpian) the grant was sometimes notpersonisbutpraediis, and so perpetual.
[1179]de aquis105, 116-8.
[1179]de aquis105, 116-8.
[1180]de aquis120, 124-8.
[1180]de aquis120, 124-8.
[1181]impotentia possessorum.
[1181]impotentia possessorum.
[1182]holitoresas in HoraceepistI18 36. Later calledhortulanias in ApuleiusmetamIX31-2, 39-42. Girard,textespartIIIch 4 § 1 e, gives an interesting case of acolonus hortorum olitoriorumbetween Rome and Ostia, belonging to acollegium. The man is probably a freedman.
[1182]holitoresas in HoraceepistI18 36. Later calledhortulanias in ApuleiusmetamIX31-2, 39-42. Girard,textespartIIIch 4 § 1 e, gives an interesting case of acolonus hortorum olitoriorumbetween Rome and Ostia, belonging to acollegium. The man is probably a freedman.
[1183]de aquis112-5.
[1183]de aquis112-5.
[1184]de aquis11, cf also 92.
[1184]de aquis11, cf also 92.
[1185]Wilmannsexempla2844-8.
[1185]Wilmannsexempla2844-8.
[1186]HermesXIXpp 393-416.
[1186]HermesXIXpp 393-416.
[1187]PlinepistVII18.
[1187]PlinepistVII18.
[1188]Mommsenop citp 410. See index underinstrumentum.
[1188]Mommsenop citp 410. See index underinstrumentum.
[1189]Whether we have in Columella a direct reference to this method is a question I have discussed in the chapter onthat author. However answered, it does not affect the present passage. See the chapter onthe African inscriptions.
[1189]Whether we have in Columella a direct reference to this method is a question I have discussed in the chapter onthat author. However answered, it does not affect the present passage. See the chapter onthe African inscriptions.
[1190]See the case cited in the chapter onPliny the younger.
[1190]See the case cited in the chapter onPliny the younger.
[1191]By H Blümner in Müller’sHandbuched 3,IVii 2 p 544.
[1191]By H Blümner in Müller’sHandbuched 3,IVii 2 p 544.
[1192]Mommsenop citp 416. See the chapter onevidence from the Digest.
[1192]Mommsenop citp 416. See the chapter onevidence from the Digest.
[1193]Mommsenop citp 412.
[1193]Mommsenop citp 412.
[1194]DigestXXXIII7 § 20¹non fide dominica sed mercede.ibid§ 12³qui quasi colonus in agro erat.
[1194]DigestXXXIII7 § 20¹non fide dominica sed mercede.ibid§ 12³qui quasi colonus in agro erat.
[1195]DigXXXIII7 § 20³praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et peculiis et cum actore. Cf alsoXL7 § 40⁵.
[1195]DigXXXIII7 § 20³praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et peculiis et cum actore. Cf alsoXL7 § 40⁵.
[1196]DigXXXIII7 § 20⁴.
[1196]DigXXXIII7 § 20⁴.
[1197]But thatuxorwas sometimes loosely used of a slave’scontubernalisis true. WallonII207, cf PaulusSentIII6 §§ 38, 40, DigXXXIII7 § 12⁷,³³.
[1197]But thatuxorwas sometimes loosely used of a slave’scontubernalisis true. WallonII207, cf PaulusSentIII6 §§ 38, 40, DigXXXIII7 § 12⁷,³³.
[1198]Mommsenop citp 409.
[1198]Mommsenop citp 409.
[1199]ColumellaI9 § 4.
[1199]ColumellaI9 § 4.
[1200]Plutde defectu oraculorum8.
[1200]Plutde defectu oraculorum8.
[1201]oratioVII,Euboicus seu venator.
[1201]oratioVII,Euboicus seu venator.
[1202]A contemporary of the younger Pliny, flourished about 100AD.
[1202]A contemporary of the younger Pliny, flourished about 100AD.
[1203]I think Nero is meant here.
[1203]I think Nero is meant here.
[1204]Mahaffy,Silver Agep 329, thinks Carystos is meant, though it might be Chalcis.
[1204]Mahaffy,Silver Agep 329, thinks Carystos is meant, though it might be Chalcis.
[1205]ἀφορμῆς. This passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous competition of slave labour under capitalists, which the single artisan was unable to face. The admission is so far as I know very rare in ancient writers. That Dion’s mind was greatly exercised on the subject of slavery in general, is shewn by OrationsX,XIV,XV, and many scattered references elsewhere.
[1205]ἀφορμῆς. This passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous competition of slave labour under capitalists, which the single artisan was unable to face. The admission is so far as I know very rare in ancient writers. That Dion’s mind was greatly exercised on the subject of slavery in general, is shewn by OrationsX,XIV,XV, and many scattered references elsewhere.
[1206]See the chapter onMusonius.
[1206]See the chapter onMusonius.
[1207]As in Archbishop Trench’s charmingLectures on Plutarchpp 10, 77 foll.
[1207]As in Archbishop Trench’s charmingLectures on Plutarchpp 10, 77 foll.
[1208]Matt 21 §§ 28-30. I cannot feel sure of this general inference.
[1208]Matt 21 §§ 28-30. I cannot feel sure of this general inference.
[1209]Matt 21 §§ 33-41, Mar 12 §§ 1-9, Luk 20 §§ 9-16.
[1209]Matt 21 §§ 33-41, Mar 12 §§ 1-9, Luk 20 §§ 9-16.
[1210]ICor 9 §§ 7-10,ITim 5 § 18,IITim 2 § 6.
[1210]ICor 9 §§ 7-10,ITim 5 § 18,IITim 2 § 6.
[1211]Luk 12 §§ 16-9, etc.
[1211]Luk 12 §§ 16-9, etc.
[1212]οἰκονόμος, Luk 12 §§ 42-8, 16 §§ 1-12,ICor 4 § 2.
[1212]οἰκονόμος, Luk 12 §§ 42-8, 16 §§ 1-12,ICor 4 § 2.
[1213][Aristotle]Econ1 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή.
[1213][Aristotle]Econ1 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή.
[1214]James 5 § 4.
[1214]James 5 § 4.
[1215]Rom 4 § 4.
[1215]Rom 4 § 4.
[1216]Matt 20 §§ 1-16. Abp Trench,Notes on the Parables, has cleared away a mass of perverse interpretations.
[1216]Matt 20 §§ 1-16. Abp Trench,Notes on the Parables, has cleared away a mass of perverse interpretations.
[1217]Matt 6 § 12, Luk 7 § 41, 16 § 5.
[1217]Matt 6 § 12, Luk 7 § 41, 16 § 5.
[1218]Matt 25 §§ 14-30, Luk 19 §§ 12-26.
[1218]Matt 25 §§ 14-30, Luk 19 §§ 12-26.
[1219]Acts 1 § 18, 4 §§ 34-7.
[1219]Acts 1 § 18, 4 §§ 34-7.
[1220]Often referred to. See Friedländer’s index underNomentanus, and cfVIII61,IX18, 97.
[1220]Often referred to. See Friedländer’s index underNomentanus, and cfVIII61,IX18, 97.
[1221]I55,X48.
[1221]I55,X48.
[1222]III47 etc. CfVII31,XII72.
[1222]III47 etc. CfVII31,XII72.
[1223]II11nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit. This may imply that thevilicuswas aservus quasi colonusliable to a rent and in arrears. See notes pp299,311. But I do not venture to draw this inference.
[1223]II11nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit. This may imply that thevilicuswas aservus quasi colonusliable to a rent and in arrears. See notes pp299,311. But I do not venture to draw this inference.
[1224]VII31.
[1224]VII31.
[1225]X87. Cf JuvIV25-6, DigestXXXII§ 99,XXXIII7 § 12¹²,¹³, etc.
[1225]X87. Cf JuvIV25-6, DigestXXXII§ 99,XXXIII7 § 12¹²,¹³, etc.
[1226]XII59.
[1226]XII59.
[1227]IV66.
[1227]IV66.
[1228]VI73,X92.
[1228]VI73,X92.
[1229]IX2haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat.
[1229]IX2haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat.
[1230]XII57.
[1230]XII57.
[1231]V35,X14, etc.
[1231]V35,X14, etc.
[1232]PlinNHXVIII§ 35.
[1232]PlinNHXVIII§ 35.
[1233]IX35.
[1233]IX35.
[1234]See JuvXIV267-302 on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne commerce.
[1234]See JuvXIV267-302 on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne commerce.
[1235]III58.
[1235]III58.
[1236]III47.
[1236]III47.
[1237]dona matrum‘presents from their mothers.’ Eggs, I think. CfVII31 and JuvXI70-1. The conjectureova matrum(Paley) is good.
[1237]dona matrum‘presents from their mothers.’ Eggs, I think. CfVII31 and JuvXI70-1. The conjectureova matrum(Paley) is good.
[1238]The story of the Usipian deserters who found their way back into Roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of 83AD. TacAgr28. See the chapter onTacitus.
[1238]The story of the Usipian deserters who found their way back into Roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of 83AD. TacAgr28. See the chapter onTacitus.
[1239]VII80.
[1239]VII80.
[1240]X30, of a charming seasidevillaat Formiae.o ianitores vilicique felices, dominis parantur ista, serviunt vobis.In DigXXXIII7 § 15² we hear ofmulier villae custos perpetua.
[1240]X30, of a charming seasidevillaat Formiae.o ianitores vilicique felices, dominis parantur ista, serviunt vobis.In DigXXXIII7 § 15² we hear ofmulier villae custos perpetua.
[1241]The note of Mommsen,HermesXIX412, deals with the case ofservi quasi colonifarming parcels of land, recognized in the writings of jurists. It seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for owner’s account [fide dominica]. In the former case they could have a tenant’s agreement like the freecoloni. In the latter they were onlyviliciand therefore part of theinstrumentum. Here I think we may see beginnings of the unfree colonate. But Mommsen does not touch the point of manumission. It seems to me that an agreement with a slave must at first have been revocable at the pleasure of thedominus, and its growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with manumission.
[1241]The note of Mommsen,HermesXIX412, deals with the case ofservi quasi colonifarming parcels of land, recognized in the writings of jurists. It seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for owner’s account [fide dominica]. In the former case they could have a tenant’s agreement like the freecoloni. In the latter they were onlyviliciand therefore part of theinstrumentum. Here I think we may see beginnings of the unfree colonate. But Mommsen does not touch the point of manumission. It seems to me that an agreement with a slave must at first have been revocable at the pleasure of thedominus, and its growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with manumission.
[1242]I55hoc petit, esse sui nec magni ruris arator, sordidaque in parvis otia rebus amat. And often.
[1242]I55hoc petit, esse sui nec magni ruris arator, sordidaque in parvis otia rebus amat. And often.
[1243]VII36,XI34.
[1243]VII36,XI34.
[1244]I85,X85. Cf PlinyepistVIII17.
[1244]I85,X85. Cf PlinyepistVIII17.
[1245]X61,XI48. The titlede sepulchro violato, DigXLVII12, will illustrate this.
[1245]X61,XI48. The titlede sepulchro violato, DigXLVII12, will illustrate this.
[1246]The form HNS (heredem non sequitur) is common in sepulchral inscriptions.
[1246]The form HNS (heredem non sequitur) is common in sepulchral inscriptions.
[1247]X92.
[1247]X92.
[1248]JuvXIV161-71.
[1248]JuvXIV161-71.
[1249]XI86-9.
[1249]XI86-9.
[1250]XIV179-81.
[1250]XIV179-81.
[1251]XIV159-63.
[1251]XIV159-63.
[1252]II73-4.
[1252]II73-4.
[1253]XIV70-2.
[1253]XIV70-2.
[1254]VIII245 foll. For the error in this tradition see Madvig,kleine philologische SchriftenNo 10.
[1254]VIII245 foll. For the error in this tradition see Madvig,kleine philologische SchriftenNo 10.
[1255]III223-9.
[1255]III223-9.
[1256]VI287-95, cfXI77-131.
[1256]VI287-95, cfXI77-131.
[1257]XVI32-4. See Hardy on PlinepistX86 B, Shuckburgh on SuetonAug27, TachistIII24vos, nisi vincitis, pagani. This use is common in the Digest.
[1257]XVI32-4. See Hardy on PlinepistX86 B, Shuckburgh on SuetonAug27, TachistIII24vos, nisi vincitis, pagani. This use is common in the Digest.
[1258]VI1-18,XV147-58.
[1258]VI1-18,XV147-58.
[1259]X356-66.
[1259]X356-66.
[1260]VII188-9,IX54-5, etc.
[1260]VII188-9,IX54-5, etc.
[1261]IX59-62.
[1261]IX59-62.
[1262]VII188-9, case of Quintilian.
[1262]VII188-9, case of Quintilian.
[1263]XIV86-95, 140 foll, 274-5. CfX225-6 etc.
[1263]XIV86-95, 140 foll, 274-5. CfX225-6 etc.
[1264]XIV140-55,XVI36-9. Cf Senecaepist90 § 39.
[1264]XIV140-55,XVI36-9. Cf Senecaepist90 § 39.
[1265]XI151 foll.
[1265]XI151 foll.
[1266]VI149-52,IX59-62.
[1266]VI149-52,IX59-62.
[1267]I107-8.
[1267]I107-8.
[1268]X356.
[1268]X356.
[1269]III223-9,bidentis amans.
[1269]III223-9,bidentis amans.
[1270]MartXIV49exercet melius vinea fossa viros.
[1270]MartXIV49exercet melius vinea fossa viros.
[1271]See his use ofingenuus= not fit for hard work,III46,X47, following Ovid, and cf the lines to a slaveIX92.
[1271]See his use ofingenuus= not fit for hard work,III46,X47, following Ovid, and cf the lines to a slaveIX92.
[1272]JuvXI77-81.
[1272]JuvXI77-81.
[1273]SeeepistIV10,VII16, 32,VIII16.
[1273]SeeepistIV10,VII16, 32,VIII16.
[1274]Cf MartialI101,VI29.
[1274]Cf MartialI101,VI29.
[1275]An important limitation, on which see WallonIII55.
[1275]An important limitation, on which see WallonIII55.
[1276]VII11, 14.
[1276]VII11, 14.
[1277]VI3.
[1277]VI3.
[1278]VI19.
[1278]VI19.
[1279]si paenitet te Italicorum praediorum.
[1279]si paenitet te Italicorum praediorum.
[1280]III19.
[1280]III19.
[1281]sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere.Theactoresseem to be =vilici, under the newer name.procuratora much more important person. Seepaneg36 for the two as grades in the imperial private service. Cf chapter on Columellap 264.
[1281]sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere.Theactoresseem to be =vilici, under the newer name.procuratora much more important person. Seepaneg36 for the two as grades in the imperial private service. Cf chapter on Columellap 264.
[1282]atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum, atque etiam venatorii instrumenti.
[1282]atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum, atque etiam venatorii instrumenti.
[1283]sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur.No doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant.
[1283]sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur.No doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant.
[1284]See DigestXX2 §§ 4, 7, forpignoraon farms.
[1284]See DigestXX2 §§ 4, 7, forpignoraon farms.
[1285]reliqua colonorum.
[1285]reliqua colonorum.
[1286]sunt ergo instruendi eo pluris quod frugi mancipiis: nam nec ipse usquam vinctos habeo nec ibi quisquam.I takeinstruendias referring toagrijust above. The slaves are a normal part ofinstrumentum fundi.
[1286]sunt ergo instruendi eo pluris quod frugi mancipiis: nam nec ipse usquam vinctos habeo nec ibi quisquam.I takeinstruendias referring toagrijust above. The slaves are a normal part ofinstrumentum fundi.
[1287]hac paenuria colonorum.Not the tenants’ poverty. CfVII30 § 3.
[1287]hac paenuria colonorum.Not the tenants’ poverty. CfVII30 § 3.
[1288]sum quidem prope totus in praediis.
[1288]sum quidem prope totus in praediis.
[1289]Daubeny,Lecturesp 147, regards this great variation as normal in modern experience, and vineyards as the least lucrative kind of husbandry.
[1289]Daubeny,Lecturesp 147, regards this great variation as normal in modern experience, and vineyards as the least lucrative kind of husbandry.
[1290]VIII15,IX28,IV6,X8 § 5.
[1290]VIII15,IX28,IV6,X8 § 5.
[1291]II4 § 3.
[1291]II4 § 3.
[1292]querellae rusticorum,V14 § 8,VII30 § 3,IX36 § 6.
[1292]querellae rusticorum,V14 § 8,VII30 § 3,IX36 § 6.
[1293]remissiones,IX37 § 2,X8 § 5.
[1293]remissiones,IX37 § 2,X8 § 5.
[1294]As de Coulanges remarks pp 17-8, Pliny does not propose to get rid of them, but to keep them as partiary tenants. They would be in his debt. He uses the expressionaeris alieniIX37 § 2. He would have to findinstrumentumfor them.
[1294]As de Coulanges remarks pp 17-8, Pliny does not propose to get rid of them, but to keep them as partiary tenants. They would be in his debt. He uses the expressionaeris alieniIX37 § 2. He would have to findinstrumentumfor them.
[1295]IX20 § 2.
[1295]IX20 § 2.
[1296]IX16.
[1296]IX16.
[1297]IX20 § 2obrepere urbanis qui nunc rusticis praesunt.
[1297]IX20 § 2obrepere urbanis qui nunc rusticis praesunt.
[1298]IX37.
[1298]IX37.