When the Marid heard Alaeddin's words, his face frowned and he was wroth and cried out with a terrible great voice, saying, "O denier of benefits, doth it not suffice thee that I and all the slaves of the Lamp are at thy service and wouldst thou eke have me bring thee our liege lady, for thy pleasure, and hang her in the dome of thy pavilion, to divert thee and thy wife? By Allah, ye deserve that I should forthright reduce you both to ashes and scatter you to the winds! But, inasmuch as ye are ignorant, thou and she, concerning this matter and know not its inward from its outward,660I excuse you, for that ye are innocent. As for the guilt, it lieth with the accursed one, the surviving661brother of the Maugrabin enchanter, who feigneth himself to be Fatimeh the Recluse; for lo, he hath slain Fatimeh in her cavern and hath donned her dress and disguised himself after her favour and fashion and is come hither, seeking thy destruction, so he may take vengeance on thee for his brother; and he it is who taught thy wife to seek this of thee."662Therewith he disappeared, and as for Alaeddin, when he heard this, his wit fled from his head and his joints trembled at the cry wherewith the Marid cried out at him; but he took heart and leaving his closet, went in straightway to his wife and feigned to her that his head irked him, of his knowledge that Fatimeh was renowned for the secret of healing663all aches and pains. When the Lady Bedrulbudour saw him put his hand to his head and complain of its aching,664she asked him what was the cause and he said, "I know not, except that my head irketh me sore." Accordingly she sent forthwith to fetch Fatimeh, so she might lay her hand on his head; whereupon quoth Alaeddin, "Who is this Fatimeh?" And the princess told him how she had lodged Fatimeh the recluse with her in the palace.665
Meanwhile the slave-girls went and fetched the accursed Maugrabin, and Alaeddin arose to him, feigning ignorance of his case, and saluted him, as he had been the true Fatimeh. Moreover he kissed the hem of his sleeve and welcomed him,666saying, "O my Lady Fatimeh, I beseech thee do me a kindness, since I know thy usances in the matter of the healing of pains, for that there hath betided me a sore pain in my head." The Maugrabin could scarce believe his ears of this speech,667for that this was what he sought; so he went up to Alaeddin, as he would lay his hand on his head, after the fashion of Fatimeh the recluse, and heal him of his pain. When he drew near-him, he laid one hand on his head and putting the other under his clothes, drew a dagger, so668he might slay him withal. But Alaeddin was watching him and waited till he had all to-drawn the dagger, when he gripped him by the hand and taking the knife from him, planted669it in his heart.
When the Lady Bedrulbudour saw this, she cried out and said to him, "What hath this holy anchoress done, that thou burthenest thyself with the sore burden of her blood? Hast thou no fear of God, that thou dost this and hast slain Fatimeh, who was a holy woman and whose divine gifts were renowned?" Quoth he to her, "I have not slain Fatimeh; nay, I have slain him who slew her; for that this is the brother of the accursed Maugrabin enchanter, who took thee and by his sorcery transported the palace with thee to the land of Africa. Yea, this accursed one was his brother and came to this country and wrought these frauds, slaying Fatimeh and donning her clothes and coming hither, so he might take vengeance on me for his brother. Moreover, it was he who taught thee to seek of me a Roc's egg, so my destruction should ensue thereof; and if thou misdoubt of my word, come and see whom I have slain." So saying, he did off the Maugrabin's chin veil and the Lady Bedrulbudour looked and saw a man whose beard covered his face; whereupon she at once knew the truth and said to Alaeddin, "O my beloved, twice have I cast thee into danger of death;" and he said to her, "O Lady Bedrulbudour, thanks to thine eyes,670no harm [hath betided me thereof; nay,] I accept with all joy everything that cometh to me through thee." When the princess heard this, she hastened to embrace him and kissed him, saying, "O my beloved, all this was of my love for thee and I knew not what I did;671nor indeed am I negligent of thy love."672Whereupon Alaeddin kissed her and strained her to his breast and love redoubled between them.
Presently, in came the Sultan; so they told him of all that had passed with the Maugrabin enchanter's brother and showed him the latter, as he lay dead; whereupon he bade burn him and scatter his ashes to the winds. Thenceforward Alaeddin abode with his wife the Lady Bedrulbudour in all peace and pleasure and was delivered from all perils. Then, after a while, the Sultan died and Alaeddin sat down on the throne of the kingdom and ruled and did justice among the people; and all the folk loved him and he lived with his wife, the Lady Bedrulbudour, in all cheer and solace and contentment till there came to them the Destroyer of Delights and the Sunderer of Societies.
1 (return)[ i.e. (1) Zeyn Alasnam, (2) Codadad. (3) The Sleeper Awakened. (4) Aladdin. (5) Baba Abdallah. (6) Sidi Nouman. (7) Cogia Hassan Alhabbah (8) Ali Baba. (9) Ali Cogia. (10) Prince Ahmed and Pari-Banou. (11) The Sisters who envied their younger Sister.]
2 (return)[ "M. Galland was aware of the imperfection of the MS. used by him and (unable to obtain a more perfect copy) he seems to have endeavoured to supply the place of the missing portions by incorporating in his translation a number of Persian, Turkish and Arabic Tales, which had no connection with his original and for which it is generally supposed that he probably had recourse to Oriental MSS. (as yet unidentified) contained in the Royal Libraries of Paris." Vol. IX. p. 263. "Of these the Story of the Sleeper Awakened is the only one which has been traced to an Arabic original and is found in the Breslau edition of the complete work, printed by Dr. Habicht from a MS. of Tunisian origin, apparently of much later date than the other known copies.....Galland himself cautions us that the Stories of Zeyn Alasnam and Codadad do not belong to the Thousand and One Nights and were published (how he does not explain) without his authority." p. 264. "It is possible that an exhaustive examination of the various MS. copies of the Thousand and One Nights known to exist in the public libraries of Europe Might yet cast some light upon the origin of the interpolated tales; but, in view of the strong presumption afforded by internal evidence that they are of modern composition and form no part of the authentic text, it can hardly be expected, where the result and the value of that result are alike so doubtful, that any competent person will be found to undertake so heavy a task, except as incidental to some more general enquiry. The only one of the eleven which seems to me to bear any trace of possible connection with the Book of the Thousand Nights and One Night is Aladdin, and it may be that an examination of the MS. copies of the original work within my reach will yet enable me to trace the origin of that favourite story." pp. 268-9.]
3 (return)[ Histoire d' 'Ala Al-Din ou la Lampe Merveilleuse. Texte Arabe, Publie avec une notice de quelques Manuscrits des Mille et Une Nuits et la traduction de Galland. Par H. Zotenberg. Paris, Imprimerie Nationale, 1888.]
4 (return)[ For the sake of uniformity and convenience of reference, I use, throughout this Introduction, Galland's spelling of the names which occur in his translation, returning to my own system of transliteration in my rendering of the stories themselves.]
5 (return)[ i.e. God's.]
6 (return)[ "La suite des Mille et une Nuits, Contes Arabes trafluits par Dom Chavis et M. Cazotte. Paris 1788." The Edinburgh Review (July, 1886) gives the date of the first edition as 1785; but this is an error, probably founded upon the antedating of a copy of the Cabinet des Fees, certain sets of which (though not actually completed till 1793) are dated, for some publisher's reason, 1785. See also following note.]
7 (return)[ These four (supplemental) vols. of the Cabinet des Fees (printed in 1793, though antedated 1788 and 1789) do not form the first edition of Chavis and Cazotte's so-called Sequel, which was in 1793 added, by way of supplement, to the Cabinet des Fees, having been first published in 1788 (two years after the completion-in thirty-seven volumes-of that great storehouse of supernatural fiction) under the title of "Les Veillees Persanes" or "Les Veillees du Sultan Schahriar avec la Sultane Scheherazade, histoires incroyables, amusantes et morales, traduites par M. Cazotte et D. Chavis, faisant suite aux Mille et Une Nuits."]
8 (return)[ I cannot agree with my friend Sir R. F. Burton in his estimate of these tales, which seem to me, even in Caussin de Perceval's corrector rendering and in his own brilliant and masterly version, very inferior, in style, conduct and diction, to those of "the old Arabian Nights," whilst I think "Chavis and Cazotte's Continuation" utterly unworthy of republication, whether in part or "in its entirety." Indeed, I confess the latter version seems to me so curiously and perversely and unutterably bad that I cannot conceive how Cazotte can have perpetrated it and can only regard it as a bad joke on his part. As Caussin de Perceval remarks, it is evident that Shawish (whether from ignorance or carelessness) must, in many instances, have utterly misled his French coadjutor (who had no knowledge of Arabic) as to the meaning of the original, whilst it is much to be regretted that a writer of exquisite genius and one of the first stylists of the 18th century, such as the author of the Diable Amoureux, (a masterpiece to be ranked with Manon Lescaut and Le Neveu de Rameau,) should have stooped to the commission of the flagrant offences against good taste and artistic morality which disfigure well nigh every line of the so-called "Sequel to the 1001 Nights." "Far be it" (as the Arabs say) that we should do so cruel a wrong to so well and justly beloved a memory as that of Jacques Cazotte as to attempt to perpetuate the remembrance of a literary crime which one can hardly believe him to have committed in sober earnest! Rather let us seek to bury in oblivion this his one offence and suffer kind Lethe with its beneficent waters to wash this "adulterous blot" from his else unsullied name.]
9 (return)[ Lit. "Servants" (ibad) i.e. of God.]
10 (return)[ i.e. he who most stands in need of God's mercy.]
11 (return)[ Kebikej is the name of the genie set over the insect kingdom. Scribes occasionally invoke him to preserve their manuscripts from worms.-Note by M. Zotenberg.]
12 (return)[ Galland calls him "Hanna, c'est... dire Jean Baptiste," the Arabic Christian equivalent of which is Youhenna and the Muslim Yehya, "surnomme Diab." Diary, October 25, 1709.]
13 (return)[ At this date Galland had already published the first six (of twelve) volumes of his translation (1704-5) and as far as I can ascertain, in the absence of a reference copy (the British Museum possessing no copy of the original edition), the 7th and 8th volumes were either published or in the press. Vol. viii. was certainly published before the end of the year 1709, by which time the whole of vol. ix. was ready for printing.]
14 (return)[ i.e. Aladdin.]
15 (return)[ Galland died in 1715, leaving the last two volumes of his translation (which appear by the Diary to have been ready for the prep on the 8th June, 1713) to be published in 1717.]
16 (return)[ Aleppo.]
17 (return)[ i.e. Yonhenna Diab.]
18 (return)[ For "Persian." Galland evidently supposed, in error, that Petis de la Croix's forthcoming work was a continuation of his "Contes Turcs" published in 1707, a partial translation (never completed) of the Turkish version of "The Forty Viziers," otherwise "The Malice of Women," for which see Le Cabinet des Fees, vol. xvi. where the work is, curiously enough, attributed (by the Table of Contents) to Galland himself.]
19 (return)[ See my terminal essay. My conclusions there stated as to the probable date of the original work have since been completely confirmed by the fact that experts assign Galland's original (imperfect) copy of the Arabic text to the latter part of the fourteenth century, on the evidence of the handwriting, etc.]
20 (return)[ In M. Zotenberg's notes to Aladdin.]
21 (return)[ Night CCCCXCVII.]
22 (return)[ Khelifeh.]
23 (return)[ Or "favourites" (auliya), i.e. holy men, devotees, saints.]
24 (return)[ i.e. the geomancers. For a detailed description of this magical process, (which is known as "sand-tracing," Kharu 'r reml,) see posl, p. 199, note 2.{see FN#548}]
25 (return)[ i.e. "What it will do in the course of its life"]
26 (return)[ Or "ascendants" (tewali).]
27 (return)[ i.e. "Adornment of the Images." This is an evident mistake (due to some ignorant copyist or reciter of the story) of the same kind as that to be found at the commencement of the story of Ghanim ben Eyoub, (see my Book of the Thousand Nights and One Night, Vol I. p. 363 et seq.), where the hero is absurdly stated to have been surnamed at birth the "Slave of Love," a sobriquet which could only have attached itself to him in after-life and as a consequence of his passion for Fitoeh. Sir R. F. Burton suggests, with great probability, that the name, as it stands in the text, is a contraction, by a common elliptical process, of the more acceptable, form Zein-ud-din ul Asnam, i.e. Zein-ud-din (Adornment of the Faith) [he] of the Images, Zein (adornment) not being a name used by the Arabic-speaking races, unless with some such addition as ud-Din ("of the Faith"), and the affix ul Asnam ( "[He] of the Images") being a sobriquet arising from the circumstances of the hero's after-life, unless its addition, as recommended by the astrologers, is meant as an indication of the latter's fore-knowledge of what was to befall him thereafter. This noted, I leave the name as I find it in the Arabic MS.]
28 (return)[ Sheji nebih. Burton, "Valiant and intelligent."]
29 (return)[ Syn. "his describers" (wasifihi).]
30 (return)[ Wa huwa hema caiou fihi bads wasifihi shiran. Burton (apparently from a different text), "and presently he became even as the poets sang of one of his fellows in semblance."]
31 (return)[ Milah, plural of melih, a fair one.]
32 (return)[ Khemseh senin. Burton, "fifteen."]
33 (return)[ Shabb, adult, man between sixteen and thirty.]
34 (return)[ Femu ghefir min el aalem. Burton, "All the defenders of the realm."]
35 (return)[ Night CCCCXCVIII.]
36 (return)[ Syn. "depose."]
37 (return)[ Lit. "that which proceeded from him."]
38 (return)[ See ante, p. 3, note.{see FN#23}]
39 (return)[ Night CCCCXCIX.]
40 (return)[ i.e. imposed on me the toil, caused me undertake the weariness, of coming to Cairo for nothing.]
41 (return)[ Forgetting his mother.]
42 (return)[ i.e. no mortal.]
43 (return)[ Keszr abouka 'l fulani (vulg. for abika'l fulan). Burton, "Such a palace of thy sire."]
44 (return)[ i.e. it is not like the journey to Cairo and back.]
45 (return)[ i.e. in God grant thou mayst.]
46 (return)[ Or "jade" (yeshm).]
47 (return)[ Night D.]
48 (return)[ "Edh dheheb el atic." Burton, "antique golden pieces"; but there is nothing to show that the gold was coined.]
49 (return)[ The "also" in this clause seems to refer to the old man of the dream.]
50 (return)[ Keszr, lit. palace, but commonly meaning, in modern Arabic, an upper story or detached corps de logis (pavilion in the French sense, an evident misnomer in the present case).]
51 (return)[ Lit. "put the key in the lock and opened it and behold, the door of a palace (hall) opened."]
52 (return)[ Takeli, sing. form of tac, a window. Burton, "recess for lamps."]
53 (return)[ Lit. "till he join thee with."]
54 (return)[ Or "Cairo," the name Misr being common to the country and its capital.]
55 (return)[ Badki tecouli[na]. Badki (lit. after thee) is here used in the modern sense of "still" or "yet." The interrogative prefix A appears to have dropped out, as is not uncommon in manuscripts of this kind. Burton, "After thou assuredst me, saying, &c."]
56 (return)[ Here she adopts her son's previous idea that the old man of the dream was the Prophet in person.]
57 (return)[ Night DI.]
58 (return)[ Cudoum. The common form of welcome to a guest.]
59 (return)[ Or "upper room" (keszr).]
60 (return)[ Eight; see ante, p. 14. {see FN#46}]
61 (return)[ Edh dheheb el kedim.]
62 (return)[ Edh dhelieb er yemli, lit. sand. (i.e. alluvial) gold, gold in its native state, needing no smelting to extract it. This, by the way, is the first mention of the thrones or pedestals of the images.]
63 (return)[ Lit. "[With] love and honour" (hubban wa kerametan). a familar phrase implying complete assent to any request. It is by some lexicologists supposed to have arisen from the circumstance of a man answering another, who begged of him a wine-jar (hubb), with the words, "Ay, I will give thee a jar and a cover (kerameh) also," and to have thus become a tropical expression of ready compliance with a petition, as who should say, "I will give thee what thou askest and more."]
64 (return)[ The slave's attitude before his master.]
65 (return)[ The like.]
66 (return)[ Night DII.]
67 (return)[ i.e. invoked blessings upon him in the manner familiar to readers of the Nights.]
68 (return)[ Lit. thou [art] indulged therein (ent musamih fiha).]
69 (return)[ Mehmy (vulg. for mehma, whatsoever) telebtaha minni min en miam. Burton, "whatso of importance thou wouldst have of me."]
70 (return)[ Lit. "in a seeking (request) ever or at all" (fi tilbeti abdan). Burton, "in thy requiring it."]
71 (return)[ "Tal aleyya" wect, i.e. I am weary of waiting. Burton, "My tarrying with thee hath been long."]
72 (return)[ Or "difficult" (aziz); Burton, "singular-fare."]
73 (return)[ Lit. "If the achievement thereof (or attainment thereunto) will be possible unto thee [by or by dint of] fortitude,"]
74 (return)[ Lit. "Wealth [is] in (or by) blood."]
75 (return)[ El berr el atfer. Burton translates, "the wildest of wolds," apparently supposing atfer to be a mistranscription for aefer, which is very possible.]
76 (return)[ Kewaribji, a word formed by adding the Turkish affix ji to the Arabic kewarib, plural of carib, a small boat. The common form of the word is caribji. Burton reads it, "Kewariji, one who uses the paddle."]
77 (return)[ Lit "inverted" (mecloubeh). Burton, "the reverse of man's."]
78 (return)[ Night DIII.]
79 (return)[ Wehsh. Burton, "a lion."]
80 (return)[ Lit. "then they passed on till" (thumma fatou ila [an]).]
81 (return)[ Sic (ashjar anber); though what the Arabic author meant by "trees of ambergris" is more than I can say. The word anber (pro. pounced amber) signifies also "saffron"; but the obbligato juxtaposition of aloes and sandal-wood tends to show that what is meant is the well-known product of the sperm-whale. It is possible that the mention of this latter may be an interpolation by some ignorant copyist, who, seeing two only of the three favourite Oriental scents named, took upon himself to complete the odoriferous trinity, so dear to Arab writers, by the addition of ambergris.]
82 (return)[ Yas, Persian form of yasm, yasmin or yasimin. Sir R. F. Burton reads yamin and supposes it to be a copyist's error for yasmin, but this is a mistake; the word in the text is clearly yas, though the final s, being somewhat carelessly written in the Arabic MS, might easily be mistaken for mn with an undotted noun.]
83 (return)[ Lit. "perfect or complete (kamil) of fruits and flowers."]
84 (return)[ Lit. "many armies" (asakir, pl. of asker, an army), but asker is constantly used in post-classical Arabic (and notably in the Nights) for "a single soldier," and still more generally the plural (asakir), as here, for "soldiers."]
85 (return)[ Syn. "the gleaming of a brasier" (berc kanoun). Kanoun is the Syrian name of two winter months, December (Kanoun el awwal or first) and January (Kanoun eth thani or second).]
86 (return)[ So as to form a magic barrier against the Jinn, after the fashion of the mystical circles used by European necromancers.]
87 (return)[ Night DIV.]
88 (return)[ Fe-halan tuata, the time-honoured "Ask and it shall be given unto thee."]
89 (return)[ Sic (berec ed dunya); but dunya (the world) is perhaps meant to be taken here by synecdoche m the sense of "sky."]
90 (return)[ Syn. "darkness was let down like a curtain."]
91 (return)[ Lit. "like an earthquake like the earthquakes"; but the second "like" (mithl) is certainly a mistranscription for "of" (min).]
92 (return)[ Night DV.]
93 (return)[ Night DVI.]
94 (return)[ Here we have the word mithl (as or like) which I supplied upon conjecture in the former description of the genie; see ante, p. 24, note.]
95 (return)[ Medinetu 'l meda'n wa ujoubetu 'l aalem. It is well known (see the Nights passim) that the Egyptians considered Cairo the city of cities and the wonder of the world.]
96 (return)[ Lit. "How [is] the contrivance and the way the which we shall attain by (or with) it to...."]
97 (return)[ I.a tehtenim; but the text may also be read la tehettem and this latter reading is adopted by Burton, who translates, "Be not beaten and broken down."]
98 (return)[ Or "in brief" (bi-tejewwuz). Burton translates, "who maketh marriages," apparently reading bi-tejewwuz as a mistranscription for tetejewwez, a vulgar Syrian corruption of tetezewwej.]
99 (return)[ Said in a quasi-complimentary sense, as we say, "Confound him, what a clever rascal he is!" See the Nights passim for numerous instances of this.]
100 (return)[ Quoth Shehrzad to Shehriyar.]
101 (return)[ Syn. "to work upon her traces or course" (tesaa ala menakibiha).]
102 (return)[ Night DVII.]
103 (return)[ Lit. "the thirsty one (es szadi) and the goer-forth by day or in the morning" (el ghadi); but this is most probably a mistranscription for the common phrase es sari (the goer by night) wa 'l ghadi, often used in the sense of "comers and goers" simply. This would be quite in character with the style of our present manuscript, which constantly substitutes sz (sad) for s (sin), e.g. szerai for serai (palace), szufreh, for sufreh (meal-tray), for hheresza for hheresa(he guarded), etc., etc., whilst no one acquainted with the Arabic written character need be reminded how easy it is to mistake a carelessly written-r (ra) for d (dal) or vice-versa]
104 (return)[ The mosque being the caravanserai of the penniless stranger.]
105 (return)[ The person specially appointed to lead the prayers of the congregation and paid out of the endowed revenues of the mosque to which he is attached.]
106 (return)[ Night DVIII.]
107 (return)[ Burton translates, "these accurseds," reading melaa'n (pl. of melaoun, accursed); but the word in the text is plainly mulaa'bein (objective dual of mulaa'b, a trickster, malicious joker, hence, by analogy, sharper).]
108 (return)[ Eth thiyab el heririyeh. Burton "silver-wrought."]
109 (return)[ Netser ila necshetihim (lit. their image, cf. Scriptural "image and presentment") wa szufretihim, i.e. he satisfied himself by the impress and the colour that they were diners, i.e. gold.]
110 (return)[ Lit. I am now become in confusion of or at him (lianneni alan szirtu fi khejaleh (properly khejleh) minhu). Burton, "for that I have been ashamed of waiting upon him."]
111 (return)[ Lit. "That which was incumbent on me to him."]
112 (return)[ Lit. "go to (or for) his service," or, as we should say, "attend him."]
113 (return)[ Burton, "one of the envious;" but the verb is in the plural.]
114 (return)[ Night DIX.]
115 (return)[ Et tsenn er redi. Burton, "the evil."]
116 (return)[ So that they might hang down and hide his feet and hands, it being a point of Arab etiquette for an inferior scrupulously to avoid showing either of these members in presenting himself (especially for the first time) before his superior.]
117 (return)[ Lit., "religiousness or devoutness (diyaneh) was by nature in him," i.e. he was naturally inclined to respect religion and honour its professors. Burton, "He was by nature conscientious," which does not quite express the meaning of the text; conscientiousness being hardly an Oriental virtue.]
118 (return)[ Lit, "I may (or shall) ransom him with m' life till I (or so that I may) unite him therewith."]
119 (return)[ Iftekeret fi rejul.]
120 (return)[ Terbiyeh. This word is not sufficiently rendered by "education," which modern use has practically restricted to scholastic teaching, though the good old English phrase "to bring up" is of course a literal translation of the Latin educare.]
121 (return)[ i.e. "I shall owe it to thee."]
122 (return)[ Lit. "It is certain to me," Constat mihi, fe-meikeni (vulg. for fe-yekin) indi.]
123 (return)[ Night DX.]
124 (return)[ Or perhaps "Would I might."]
125 (return)[ i.e. the contract of marriage.]
126 (return)[ See my "Book of the Thousand Nights and One Night" passim, especially Vol. I pp. 190 et seq.]
127 (return)[ Miheffeh, a kind of howdah with a flat roof or top.]
128 (return)[ Tekht-rewan, a sort of palanquin drawn or carried by mules or camels wherein she could recline at length. Burton renders Miheffeh bi-tekhtrewan "a covered litter to be carried by camels."]
129 (return)[ Burton adds here, "Thou wouldst feel ruth for me."]
130 (return)[ Lit. profit, gain (meksib), i.e. the ninth image, which he was to receive as a reward for the faithful execution of his commission.]
131 (return)[ Night DXI.]
132 (return)[ [A] nehnu bedna baud an hukm. The word hukm, which commonly signifies the exercise of government or judicial power, is here used metonymically in the sense of the place of dominion, the seat of government. Burton, "Have we fared this far distance by commandment of my bridegroom?"]
133 (return)[ Or "God forbid!" (Hhasha), a common interjection, implying unconditional denial.]
134 (return)[ Lit. "The writing of (or he wrote) his writ upon thee" (ketb kitabiki aleiki).]
135 (return)[ i.e.. at the Last Day, when men will be questioned of their actions.]
136 (return)[ Night DXII.]
137 (return)[ Sic (tentsur), but this is probably a copyist's error for "we may see" (nentsur), the difference being only a question of one or two diacritical points over the initial letter.]
138 (return)[ Here Burton adds, "Indeed I had well nigh determined to forfeit all my profit of the Ninth Statue and to bear thee away to Bassorah as my own bride, when my comrade and councillor dissuaded me from so doing, lest I should bring about my death."]
139 (return)[ Night DXIII.]
140 (return)[ Or (vulg.) "I thank him, etc." (istekthertu aleihi elladhi hefitsaha wa sanaha wa hejeba rouhaku anha). Burton, "Albeit I repeatedly enjoined him to defend and protect her until he concealed from her his face."]
141 (return)[ Or we may read "went out, glad and rejoicing, with (bi) the young lady;" but the reading in the test is more consonant with the general style of the Nights.]
142 (return)[ Azaa, strictly the formal sitting in state to receive visits of condolence for the death of a relation, but in modern parlance commonly applied, by extension, to the funeral ceremonies themselves.]
143 (return)[ El kendil el meshhour. The lamp is however more than once mentioned in the course of the tale by the name of "wonderful" (ajib, see post, p. 88, note 4) so familiar to the readers of the old version.]
144 (return)[ Night DXIV.]
145 (return)[ Khilafahu, lit. "the contrary thereof;" but the expression is constantly used (instead of the more correct gheirahu) in the sense of "other than it," "the take," etc.]
146 (return)[ Or "street-boys" (auladu 'l hhareh).]
147 (return)[ Zeboun.]
148 (return)[ Burton adds here, "Counsel and castigation were of no avail."]
149 (return)[ Lit. "had been recalled" (tuwouffia), i.e. by God to Himself.]
150 (return)[ This old English and Shakspearean expression is the exact equivalent of the Arabic phrase Khelesza min sherr walidihi. Burton, "freed from [bearing] the severities of his sire."]
151 (return)[ Kanet wayyishuhu. Burton, "lived only by."]
152 (return)[ Night DXV.]
153 (return)[ I prefer this old English form of the Arabic word Meghrebiy (a native of El Meghreb or North-Western Africa) to "Moor," as the latter conveys a false impression to the modern reader, who would naturally suppose him to be a native of Morocco, whereas the enchanter came, as will presently appear, from biladu 'l gherbi 'l jewwaniy, otherwise Ifrikiyeh, i.e. "the land of the Inner West" or Africa proper, comprising Tunis, Tripoli and part of A]geria.]
154 (return)[ Min biladi 'l gherbi 'l jewwaniy. The Muslim provinces of North-Western Africa, extending from the north-western boundary of Egypt to Cape Nun on the Mogador Coast, were known under the general name of El Meghreb (modern Barbary) and were divided into three parts, to wit (1) El Meghreb el Jewwaniy, Inner, i.e. Hither or Nearer (to Egypt) Barbary or Ifrikiyeh, comprising Tripoli, Tunis and Constantine (part of Algeria), (2) El Meghreb el Aouset, Central Barbary. comprising the rest of Algeria, and (3) El Meghreb el Acszaa, Farther or Outer Barbary, comprising the modern empire of Morocco.]
155 (return)[ El hieh. Burton translates, "astrology," and astrology (or astronomy); is the classical meaning of the word; but the common meaning in modern Arabic is "the science of physiognomy," cf. the Nights passim. See especially ante, p. 42.]
156 (return)[ Bi-szaut hezin meksour. Burton, "in a soft voice saddened by emotion."]
157 (return)[ Burton, "brother-german."]
158 (return)[ Or "comfort myself in him" (ateazza bihi). Burton "condole with him [over the past]."]
159 (return)[ Lit. "hid not unto me that" (ma ekhfa aleyya an).]
160 (return)[ Night DXVI.]
161 (return)[ Teaziyeti. Burton, "I have now railed in the mourning ceremonies."]
162 (return)[ El bein ked efjaani fihi, i e. "I have been stricken with separation from him." Burton, "Far distance wrought me this trouble."]
163 (return)[ Lit. "the being (el ka'n, i.e. that which is, the accomplished fact) there is not from it a refuge or place of fleeing" (mehreb). Burton, "nor hath the creature aught of asylum from the Creator."]
164 (return)[ Or "consolation" (azaa).]
165 (return)[ Burton, "I have none to condole with now save thyself"]
166 (return)[ Night DXVII.]
167 (return)[ Burton, "finding out."]
168 (return)[ Lit. "He had no longer a heart to part with him," i.e.. he could not bear him out of his sight, Alaeddin being necessary for the achievement of the adventure of the lamp. See post.]