Fig.100.—Helmet of Hamelin, Earl of Surrey and Warenne (d.1202). (From MS. Cott., Julius, C. vii.)Fig.101.—From the seal of Hugh de Vere, Earl of Oxford (d.1263).Fig.102.—Interlinked chain mail showing method of construction.Fig.103.—Sir John de Bitton, Bitton Church, Somersetshire, 1227.Whatever doubts may exist respecting the presence of true chain mail in the early Norman period in conjunction with mascled, scale, leather, horn, and jazeraint work generally, no misconception can arise with respect to the epoch under consideration, where, together with the heaume and the plastron-de-fer, it formed the sole defence of the knight. Chain mail has existed from very remote antiquity, but owing to its nature is of such a perishable quality, exposing the maximum of surface to atmospheric oxidation, that practically no examples have come down to us of all the vast quantity fabricated in remote ages. There are in the British Museum some aggregations of iron rust brought from the excavations at Nineveh, which experts assert have once been hauberks of chain mail of the true pattern (so far as interlocking is concerned),and hence are credited with being the earliest examples in existence. That the Romans used rings, together with discs and plates, as defensive covering, backed by a substratum of a tough textile fabric, is well known; but whether these rings were so interlinked as to form a true chain mail has been much questioned. Discoveries have, however, been made from time to time which tend to prove that they were not unacquainted with it, and taking into consideration the extent of territory they possessed, and the number of nations owning their sway, it would be a matter for wonder if they were ignorant of its existence. Sculptures may be referred to which appear to indicate true chain mail, but so many conventional styles and methods were used by artists to indicate defensive equipment, that it is difficult to arrive at a definite settlement of the question. That this means of protection originated in the East is undoubted, where its coolness would be a great advantage; that it spread in some mysterious way to the Teutonic nations of the West is also certain, and we must look for its introduction there to an age long prior to the time of the Crusades. It was imitated, however, by the unskilful western artificers in such a manner that immense weight occurred and became an inseparable condition, and in this manner during the early Crusades it came into contact with the light chain mail, characteristic of Oriental workmanship, covering the nomadic cavalry of the East. These horsemen were enabled in consequence to move with a swiftness and freedom quite impossible to the crusading knights, thus being forcibly reminiscent of the ponderous Spanish galleons of the Armada, and thesmall but handy English vessels. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the cost of true chain mail was prohibitory to all but the very wealthy, in spite of great quantities which fell to the lot of the victors in Palestine. The manufacture varies under the conditions of time, place, and requirements. Wire, or what answered for wire, was made in the earlier periods of a very rough character, in the manufacture of which the hammer evidently played an important part; but later on, when the art of wire-drawing became known, the cross section of a link exhibits as perfect a circle as it would if of modern construction. This wire was wound tightly round an iron core of convenient size, cut off in rings, and each ring separately treated by flattening the overlapping ends, piercing them with a steel punch, and inserting a small rivet. This rivet was either hammered to flatten it, or it was finished off in a vice. The general method in almost every coat of mail was for one ring to interlink with four others; a few variations occur, however, such as rows of rings occasionally interlinking with other rows above and below, the use of alternate double rings, &c. From the foregoing it will readily be seen that the cost of production of chain mail in labour alone must have beenexcessive. The strengthening of the mail by insertion of leather straps was occasionally done, the straps being carried through the links in horizontal rows, while vertical rows of strapping in addition to the foregoing are not unknown. In the metalwork, also, the resistance of mail could be considerably augmented by enlarging the rivet joinings. Considering the intricate nature of mail, it is no matter for wonderment that neither in the centuries under consideration nor in those immediately following do we find the common soldier clad in true chain mail, as every portion, large or small, would be carefully retained by the knightly wearer. The incised slab of Sir John de Bitton, in Bitton Church, Somersetshire, 1227 (Fig. 103), may be taken as an excellent example of this early period preserved in a monumental effigy: the large shield covering the greater part of the body has no guige, and is necessarily quite flat, though doubtless convex in reality. The coif-demailles is separate from the hauberk, and has a lappet overlying the upper part of the gorget to protect the junction there. The length of the hauberk can only be surmised, inasmuch as the lower border is not shown, but from other examples we glean that it reached nearly to the knees. The mail gloves are also distinct from the hauberk, and bands, laces, or straps are used to protect the junctions with the sleeves: separate fingers are not shown, but the gloves are precisely similar to the mitten gauntlets of the end of the century. The chausses are of chain mail, and continuous with the covering for the feet. The heaume is not shown; it is probable that the flattish configuration of the upper part of the head indicates that a pot-de-fer of some kind was worn under the coif, as inFig. 104. The sword is long and broad, the hilt having short, straight quillons and a cylindrical grip, terminating in a circular pommel. The spurs are of the short pryck form. It should be noticed that the artist has drawn the figure too large for the slab, and has consequently been compelled to encroach upon the bevelled edges.Fig.104.—Rich. Wellesburn de Montfort,c.1270. Hitchenden Church, Bucks.The Surcoatis of the sleeveless variety, one of the distinguishing features of this period, and reaches nearly to the heels, being, as usual, split up in front and probably also behind, for convenience in riding. It wasintroduced in order to guard the mail from rain, and indirectly as some protection against the heat of the sun’s rays; but the chief reason for its adoption was that it afforded a means for recognising the wearer, whose features were now completely hidden by the heaume, thus rendering it impossible in the hurly-burly of battle to know friend from foe. Previous to this the nasal helmet, although covering but part of the features, had at times led to confusion, even as early as the battle of Hastings as previously stated. Thus heraldry, which up to this time had only been in an incipient condition, suddenly found itself of the highest importance, and developed in the course of succeeding centuries into a science, the study of which was deemed absolutely necessary for all pretending to the possession of gentle blood. The surcoat had its inception in the long, flowing tunic which during the last period dealt with had been worn underneath the hauberk, as shown upon the two great seals of King Richard I., and the suggestion would be natural to transfer the latter to the outermost position, leaving to the padded gambeson alone the duty of supporting the weight of the hauberk. The first English monarch to appear in this military attire as an outer garment was King John, and he is shown thus habited upon his great seal: while his rival, the Dauphin Louis, who proved such an unwelcome visitor in the latter part of his reign, is similarly represented upon the French seal, as may be seen in the Harl. MS. 43, B. VII., date 1216, to which it is appended. To the Cott. MS., XIX. 2, the seal of Alexander II. of Scotland, 1214-1249, is attached, and this also shows the surcoat. It was of white material or self-coloured, sometimes diapered, and generally bore heraldic charges. The length varied, and both long and short surcoats are seen of approximately the same date; the former reaching at times to the heels and the latter to the hem of the hauberk. The material varied with the means and taste of the wearer; the better descriptions were of silk, richly embroidered with gold and sometimes decorated with precious stones, cloth of gold of the richest quality being also used.Fig.105.—Taken from the tomb of Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of Anjou.The Crest.—Although much uncertainty exists among exponents of the art of heraldry upon the origin of the crest, yet a little investigation leads to the conclusion that it need not be a matter of speculation or conjecture. The first example of the nature of a crest appears upon the cap of Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, died 1150; his monumental slab in the museum at Le Mans, which stood formerly in the cathedral there, exhibits the figure of a lion (Fig. 105). The helmet of Philip d’Alsace, Count of Flanders (c.1181), shows a lion painted upon the side of the same character as another appearing upon his shield; but what is generally acknowledged to be the earliest authenticated example of a crest fulfilling all the desired conditions is that of Richard the Lion Heart, who upon his great seal shows a fan-shaped ornament surmounting the heaume, and upon the base is painted a lion passant (Fig. 106). One of the earliest instances of the use of a crest on the Continent is that afforded by a MS. in the Royal Library at Berlin, and belonging to the end of the twelfth century (Fig. 107). In this case an actual figure, that of a red lion, appears, and not paintings, as in the two examples previously cited. It is possible that the adoption of a crest upon the helmet may have been partly of a defensive character, for the effect of a sword-cut would be very materially modified after passing through a stiff erection of steel plate or of tough cuir-bouilli, while against the mace and the pole-axe it would also affordsome slight protection. In support of this conjecture it may be noticed that crests at first were ridged and serrated, somewhat after the style which distinguished the pike-guards of the fifteenth century in their embryonic stage, as if purposely designed to arrest the edge of a weapon. The many examples which occur in an undecorated form preclude the thought that they were invented in order to bear heraldic cognisances, although they were quickly seized upon to fulfil the duty hitherto borne by the shield and surcoat, namely, to afford means of identifying the wearer. Of course the fan-shaped ornament under consideration may have simply been the outcome of that instinct for personal adornment and decoration which appears to be inherent in the human race, and which manifested itself in the mediæval period much more than now; but when it is considered that many of these fans are carried forward well over the face and at the same time far backwards, the conclusion is almost compelled that they originated in an endeavour to secure more protection for the top of the head than the crown of the heaume afforded. The great crests of a subsequent period were never used in actual combat, but were reserved exclusively for tournament purposes.Fig.106.—Heaume, Cœur de Lion.Fig.107.—“Pot Helmet,” from theEneitof Heinrich von Veldeke.The Shieldduring this period was cut off as a rule in a straight line at the top, and was convex, so as to partially enclose the figure (seeFig. 108). It gradually decreased in size, until towards the close it became the small, well-known “heater-shaped” shield which remained in vogue for such a lengthy period. It was invariably decorated with the armorial bearings of the wearer, which in the early part of the chain mail period were mostly fanciful or devotional and of a transitory character, but became hereditary as itprogressed. The only weapon of importance introduced was the arbalest, which will be dealt with in the next period.Fig.108.—From the seal (1315) of John de Bretagne, Earl of Richmond.The equipment of the ordinary rank and file of the chain mail period did not vary in any essential features from that which preceded it. InFig. 88we have two foot soldiers from Harl. MS. Y6, one of whom wears the Norman helmet, now truncated, with a nasal, which apparently is very long and wide. A similar helmet, but minus the nasal, defends his companion. The usual hauberk of chain mail or a cheaper substitute covers the body, and the legs are undefended. The mode of wearing the stockings and the cross bar below the leaf-shaped head of one spear tends to the belief that the illuminator was of Saxon blood or depicting others of that descent. The shields are suspended by guiges in both cases, and the fanciful decorations illustrate the assertions previously made in this chapter. In woodcut No. 109 a very characteristic group of soldiery of about the year 1220 is shown, taken from Harl. MS. 4751. The heavily-armed arbalestier in pot-helm and mail is one of a force defending a castle, and has discharged a quarrel which transfixes an archer of the attacking party. Before him, and apparently without any defensive equipment other than a chapelle-de-fer, is a foot soldier with a military pick in his right hand and a sword of short dimensions in the left. An arbalestier is probably shown in the third position from the front, and an archer fourth, while the fifth is unmistakably a slinger. As was generally the rule, no protective covering was allowed the slingers—the one in question has not even a hat—who from the nature of their weapon were perforce compelled to be always in open order when in action and at a distance from the enemy, and presumably suffered less than the closely-packed bodies of men-at-arms, billmen, and even archers. His sling appears to be in no way different to the Saxon weapon shown inFig. 70. The last man is clad in a coif and hauberk of mail, and is armed with an axe. At this period a weapon appears in the illuminated MSS. which is apparently of recent introduction, namely the Staff Sling or Fustibal. It is generally shown in besieging operations pitted against the defenders on the walls, or in naval warfare as inFig. 110. The action of the sling is readily seen, the loop at the end allowing the bag to disengage itself automatically at the psychological moment, and to discharge the stone. In this case it seems to be charged with some combustible material to be hurled on board an opposing ship. The slinger is as usual bareheaded and devoid of bodily defences. With him is an archer also discharging combustibles affixed to the end of an arrow. He is habited in a sleeveless leather hauberk strengthened with round plates, presumably of metal; a coif of mail or leather covers his head. The third figure carries a sword, spear, and pole-axe, possibly his own, and also the close-quarter weapons of the projectile throwers.Fig.109.—Soldiers,c.1220. (Harl. MS., 4751.)Fig.110.—Staff-sling, &c. (MS. by Matthew Paris.)The equipment of a man-at-arms at the close of this period is well shown inFig. 111, from Auct. D. 4, 17, in the Bodleian Library. It dates from about 1250, and illustrates the defensive properties of leather in combination with iron. The steel chapelle-de-fer covers a chain mail coif which may be part of a continuous hauberk, as the arms and hands are covered with mail of the same description. Bands of leather round the throat afford the protection of a gorget: they are affixed to a hauberk composed of leather scales of large size and leaf-like shape showing the midrib, while a belt round the waist and pendent leaves on theskirt complete a most effective means of bodily defence. The legs are enclosed in soft leather chausses protected by metal studs, upon which is a cross-gartering of leather thongs. The only weapon shown is an axe of formidable proportions. A spearman ofc.1280 is shown in Add. MS., 11639, representing Goliath of Gath, in which a chapelle-de-fer is a feature (Fig. 112).Fig.111.—Armour of cuir-bouilli,c.1250.Fig.112.—Chapelle-de-fer,c.1280. Figure of Goliath from Add. MS., 11639.CHAPTER VIICHAIN MAIL REINFORCED, 1250-1325The special points which distinguish this period are:—1. The introduction of Banded Mail.2. The use of Ailettes.3. The invention of the Conical Heaume borne by the shoulders.4. The reinforcement of the Chain Mail by Plate.5. The development of the Crest.Fig.113.—Sir John d’Aubernoun, 1277. Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, Guildford, Surrey.One of the most remarkable brasses in existence is that of Sir John d’Aubernoun, in Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, near Guildford, Surrey (Fig. 113). It is the earliest known example of this form of monumental effigy either in the British Isles or on the Continent, and dates from about the year 1277, the fifth of Edward I. It is to be noted that it is unique among the brasses of this reign by reason of the knight being represented with straight lower limbs, the remainder all having the cross-legged position. Although the figure is somewhat disproportionate, and the partial covering up of the lower parts of the legs by the surcoat is unfortunate, yet as a work of art, and especially as an example of technique and patience on the part of the engraver, it is unrivalled. Every separate link of the mail is faithfully represented. The reinforcement of the chain mail by secondary defences is here exemplified in its primitive stage, a pair of genouillièresonly appearing, which from their ornamental appearance are presumably of cuir-bouilli, or of plate covered with cuir-bouilli. The reason for the introduction of this defence was not alone the protection afforded: the intolerable drag of chain mail upon the knee or elbow when flexed prevented freedom of action in either joint; but by the termination of the mail at the upper part of the genouillière to which it was affixed, and the continuation of it below, an advantage was gained which was fully appreciated. The coif-de-mailles upon the head descends to the shoulders on either side and covers part of the surcoat, while the hauberk has sleeves which are prolonged to cover the hand with mail gauntlets, not divided for the fingers. The mail chausses are continued like the sleeves of the hauberk, in order to protect the feet as well as the legs. Over the mail appears a loose surcoat reaching to below the knees and confined at the waist by a cord, from below which it opens in front and falls on either side in many folds, being also divided at the back to facilitate riding. It does not bear any ornament or design, but apparently is of rich material, and has a fringed border. The sword is long and straight, with short quillons drooping towards the blade; the grip is slightly swelling, and the circular pommel is enriched with a design. The method of suspending the sword is peculiar to the period: it grips the scabbard in two places, between which a small strap runs as a guide; the weapon thus hangs diagonally across the left front of the figure. The guige bearing the shield is enriched with roses alternating with the mystical cross (signifying good fortune and long life) termed the Fylfot, Gammadion, or Svastika, in which each arm of a Greek cross is continued at right angles; it passes over the right shoulder, and supports a small, flat, heater-shaped shield, upon which the arms appear (azure, a chevron,or). The spurs are the usual short ones of the pryck variety affixed by ornamental straps. The lance passes under the right arm, and displays a small fringed pennon charged with the same armorial insignia as the shield; it is shortened to permit of its introduction, and shows no grip for the hand. This is the only example of a brass in which the lance is introduced.Fig.114.—Sir Roger de Trumpington, 1289. Trumpington Church, Cambridge.Another celebrated brass exemplifying in a remarkable degree the military equipment of the period is that of Sir Roger de Trumpington, 1289, in Trumpington Church, near Cambridge (Fig. 114). This well-known monumental effigy is one of five brasses which portray knights in the cross-legged attitude, concerning which so much has been said and so much written. The popular idea is, that the cross-legged position denotes a pilgrimage, or else a participation in a Crusade, on the part of thedeceased, but this supposition is entirely negatived by the existence of monuments tobonâ-fideCrusaders, and to persons known to have visited the Holy Land, who are represented with the lower limbs not crossed. It is to be noted that this position is entirely confined to England with the exception of one at Dublin, and the generally accepted ideas are that these persons so represented were benefactors to the Church and died in the odour of sanctity. But it is perfectly admissible to suppose that, after all, this position was entirely an idea of the artist or the engraver, preventing as it did the ungainly stiffness in the d’Aubernoun brass. There are two examples of carved stone effigies both cross-armed and cross-legged—Sir Roger de Kerdeston, 1337, at Reepham, and Sir Oliver d’Ingham, 1343, at Ingham, Norfolk; but neither of these were Crusaders, while both were benefactors to their respective churches.Fig.115.—Heaume of Sir William de Staunton, 1312.The armour shown in the Trumpington brass is similar in general outline to the d’Aubernoun example, but is peculiar in manifesting nothing of an ornamental character. Two or three additions to the equipment, however, are shown which are important. The head rests upon the great heaume, which is of large proportions and conical, adapted for resting upon and being supported by the shoulders. At the apex is shown a staple for affixing either the contoise or the heraldic crest (to be alluded to later), and this feature is also shown upon the heaume of Sir William de Staunton, 1312, at Staunton, Notts (Fig. 115). From the lower part of the back of the heaume a chain depends which fastens to a narrow cord tied tightly round the waist; by this arrangement the knight was enabled to regain this most important part of his equipment in the event of his being unhelmed. Later on this chain was affixed to a staple riveted or welded to the plastron-de-fer, openings being made in the hauberk and surcoat to permit of this.Fig.116.—From the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, 1322.Fig.117.—Crest of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey (d.1344). (From his seal, 1329.)Ailettes.—This period might almost be termed the “ailette period,” but for the fact that this extraordinary adjunct only prevailed during a portion of the time. They were small shields or defences fastened at right angles across the shoulders, designed to lessen the effect of a sweeping cut from a sword or battle-axe, and were prototypes of the passe-gardes of the late fifteenth century, and of the epaulettes of the present day. The fact that a brass has necessarily a plane surface prevents these being seen in their proper place; a perspective representation would afford a vertical line only upon each shoulder,and in order to display the surfaces and avoid any foreshortening, the artist has turned them at right angles to their real positions. The usual mode of their adjustment may be plainly perceived from a representation of the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, 1322 (Fig. 116), where the stiff lower portion is bent upwards and downwards to prevent a lateral fall; at the same time it is shaped to the shoulder, and probably fixed tightly to the hauberk, or the coif-de-mailles, by rings or rivets. Another example from a seal is that of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, 1329 (Fig. 117). Here the ailettes are apparently fastened only by one of the points and the half of one of the sides, but undoubtedly the whole of it was concave to the helmet; if so delineated by the artist the remote point would have been invisible, and not proper for heraldic representation as required upon a seal.Ailettes are rarely shown upon brasses and effigies; possibly the Buslingthorpe, Chartham, Gorleston, and Clehongre examples are the only ones in addition to the Trumpington. Upon seals they occur fairly often, but not with any frequency until the commencement of the fourteenth century. An early notice of ailettes occurs in the Roll of Purchases for the great tournament held at Windsor in 1278, where they are stated to have been made of leather covered with a kind of cloth. Silk laces were supplied to fasten them, and it is remarkable, to say the least, that the brass of Sir Roger de Trumpington, who was one of the thirty-eight knights taking part in the tournament, should furnish one of the earliest and best examples which has come down to modern times. In the curious painted window at Tewkesbury representing Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who perished upon the field of Bannockburn in 1314, we have the best illustration of ailettes contributed by stained glass. Probably the windows were made not long after the event, judging from the armour, which would be designed of contemporary pattern. Hewitt engraves a figure of a knight in Ash-by-Sandwich Church in which the ailettes appear as square projections behind the shoulders. In illuminated MSS. of this period the ailettes are very frequently shown, and are figured with combatants in all positions, so that the nature of the defence can be very clearly seen. They are also shown of all shapes and sizes. A lozenge-shaped ailette is seen on the accompanying figure (No. 118) from Roy. MS. 14, E. III., in which the same device appears as upon the shield, thus proving that it is not a square one worn awry. At times one ailette only seems to havebeen used, and that upon the left side; it appears as a reinforcement to the shield in an illuminated MS. of Sir Launcelot (Add. MS. 10,293), date 1316 (Fig. 119). Sometimes the ailettes are so high and wide that they almost enclose the great heaume by forming a circle round it, being fixed behind where they meet, and only allowing a small opening in front for vision. The proper position is, as has been stated, upon the shoulders and at right angles to them, but when enlarged or of an inconvenient shape they were fixed upon the upper part of the arm or behind the shoulder. For example, inFig. 120, which is taken from a MS. in the Bodleian Library, the ailettes are shown of a circular form, which obviously would be awkward to fix upon the shoulder, hence we see them upon the upper part of the arm.Fig.118.—Lozenge-shaped ailette (Roy. MS. 14, E. III.),c.1280.Fig.119.—Soldier with one ailette (Roy. MS. 16, G. 6), 14th century.Fig.120.—Soldier with circular ailettes.Fig.121.—Knight (Roy. M.S. 2, A. 22),c.1290.The use of ailettes is somewhat perplexing, and antiquarians have held various theories respecting them. That they were not merely armorial is proved by many showing no designs upon them whatever; that they were not for the purpose of distinguishing leaders in a fray is negatived by the fact that a knight’s cognisance was much better recognised from his shield, surcoat, and crest; also, the ailettes appear in tournaments where there would be no necessity for recognition. The only supposition which appears to be defensible is that they were shields for the neck and shoulders, but more especially for the latter, as the great heaume protected the neck. In Germany they were called “tartschen,” or shields. The defence afforded by a thick piece of leather, quilted material, or steel in that position will be at once appreciated; so low did they reach at times that they covered the junction of the arm with the body at the back, and this is well exemplified in the Clehongre effigy, dating from 1320, in which they are attached to the shoulders by arming points, and are concave to the body. Occasionally for tournaments and pageant purposes ailettes appear to have been made most elaborately; thus we find in the inventory of Piers Gaveston in 1313 a mention of a pair garnished and fretted with pearls.Fig.122.—Figures from martyrdom of Thomas à Beckett (Harl. MS. 5102, Fo. 32),c.1220.There is a singular figure of a knight in an attitude of devotion illustrated in Roy. MS. 2, A. XXII., dating from about 1290, which has been ably reproduced in Shaw’s “Dresses and Decorations of the Middle Ages” (Fig. 121). Many little details of thirteenth-century armour are delineated, affording a valuable acquisition to our knowledge. The mode in which the coif-de-mailles is fastened up to the side of the head by an arming point is well shown; the same method has been illustratedinFig. 122on p.107, where two continuous hauberks are seen looped up in the same way. The palms of the hands are free from rings, in order to afford a better grasp of a weapon; this was the usual mode for constructingthe mail gauntlet, and is also shown inFig. 123. It also permitted the gauntlet being slipped off the hand when required. The gauntlets are continuous with the sleeves of the hauberk. Upon the shoulders are singularly small ailettes, consisting merely of a cross similar in design to those emblazoned upon the surcoat. The thighs are defended by chaussons or haut-de-chausses of mail, apparently with rings only upon the parts exposed. The chausses are of Bezanté armour, formed of small discs, each with a stud in the centre; these are sewn or riveted on to a pliable material, probably leather, which is fastened together by a series of points down the back of the leg.The chausses are prolonged to cover the feet, upon which are strapped the usual short pryck spur. The heaume is very much ornamented, and its general contour points to an earlier date thanc.1290, as does also the absence of genouillières. The lance and its pennon are shown. A leg protection of leather and highly ornamented was in use upon the Continent at this period; its form and dimensions may be gleaned fromFig. 125.Fig.123.—From “Lives of the Two Offas,” by M. Paris (Cott. MS., Nero, D. 1).Fig.124.—Circular ailettes. (MS. 211, Bod. Lib.)In a MS. in the Bodleian Library (No. 211) a knight or man-at-arms is represented carrying a shield and wearing ailettes of a circular pattern, which are fastened to his banded mail at the upper part of the arm (Fig. 124). He wears a hemispherical steel cap and is clothed in a voluminous surcoat. A similar example, but of later date, is shown in Roy. MS. 20, D. 2, British Museum, where a figure habited in banded mail and a conical pot-helm,with sword and shield, wears circular ailettes in precisely the same manner as the previous example (Fig. 126).Fig.125.—Leg defence (Italian),c.1289. Relief in Annunziata Convent.Fig.126.—Knight (Roy. MS. 2, D. 11), 13th century.THE BANNER, PENNON, AND PENNONÇELThe knightly Banner of the period was either square or oblong; in the latter case the height was invariably twice the width (seeFig. 127). It was the distinctive mark of the Knight Banneret, and always indicated superiority of command and importance, inasmuch as it required a retinue of at least fifty men-at-arms with their followers to adequately support the dignity. Thus it was a position of distinction which could only be enjoyed by the rich, and the chronicles of the mediæval period record instances of knights who, having specially distinguished themselves on the field of battle, declined the proffered honour of Knight Banneret on the score of insufficient means. If, on the other hand, it were accepted, it was usual to convert the pennon of the knight into a banner on the spot by simply cutting off the tail or tails. The simple knight, or Knight Bachelor as he was termed, carried a Pennon or Pavon, which was furnished with one or more tails, as inFig. 121, where it is represented with three; that of Henri de Perci, first Earl of Northumberland, with two (seeFig. 128); and in the d’Aubernoun brass, where one is depicted. He became eligible for knighthood at twenty-one, presuming that he had sufficient private property to support the dignity, but had to distinguish himself in the field or otherwise before the honour was conferred. It was not absolutely necessary to be of gentle birth, as many examples may be cited of knighthood being conferred upon those who could not claim such descent. The contingent he led into battle under his pennon varied in number according to his means. The Pennonçel or Pensil was a small, narrow streamer to which the Esquire, or aspirant to knighthood, was entitled. It was necessary for him to serve an apprenticeship in arms, and he generally attended the castle of a neighbouring baron, or the court of the king. Such was, briefly, the etiquette respecting the three different flags of knighthood, quite apart from those of the chief commanders and the great standards. There were, of course, variations introduced. Pennons shown in Figs.129and130from the Painted Chamber are triangular, and the banner inFig. 130is nearly three times as high as it is wide. Before quitting this subject it may be mentioned that knighthood was quite distinct from birth and social position, and was simply a scheme of military rank, the aspirants having absolutely equal opportunities for acquiring the dignity.Fig.127.—Banner of Knight Banneret.Fig.128.—Pennon of Henri de Perci, Earl of Northumberland.Fig.129.—Pavon, Painted Chamber.Fig.130.—Early heaume and helmets with nasals. Painted Chamber.The Heaume.—During the first thirty years of this period, that is until about 1280, the heaumes continued to be generally of the flat-topped variety not reaching to the shoulders, but having the addition of a movable visor. One, however, shown inFig. 131and dating fromc.1250, differs considerably, and shows a heaume approaching the dimensions and shape of a bascinet, while the visor is adapted for raising or for removal. An earlier example without a visor is one seen in a group from the Painted Chamber in conjunction with helmets having a nasal (Fig. 130). InFig. 132we have an example of one of the earliest and plainest of this variety, in which the ventaille could be removed at pleasure from the two projecting studs on the heaume which kept it in place.Fig. 133is of the same type, but furnished with a more elaborate visor, and with a crown surmounting it.Fig. 134is from the seal of Richard Plantagenet, King of the Romans and Earl of Cornwall, who died in 1272, andFig. 135from that of Robert de Ferrars, Earl of Derby, diedc.1279; in both we trace the tendency to alter the shape of the lower rim. The movable ventaille was not in all cases directly detachable from the heaume, butswung outwards upon a hinge on one side, similar to a wicket gate; as this hinge had a pin running through it which could be withdrawn, the visor was wholly removed if not required.Fig.131.—Helmet,c.1250.Fig.132.Fig.133.About 1270 the round-topped variety came into fashion, of which examples are found until the end of the century and even after it. The seal of Patrick Dunbar, 10th Earl of March, affords a good illustration of the heaume with a circular crown; it is furnished with a movable visor. Other examples are shown in groups in the Painted Chamber at Westminster, and two very late specimens are represented in Figs.116and117on p.102.
Fig.100.—Helmet of Hamelin, Earl of Surrey and Warenne (d.1202). (From MS. Cott., Julius, C. vii.)Fig.101.—From the seal of Hugh de Vere, Earl of Oxford (d.1263).
Fig.100.—Helmet of Hamelin, Earl of Surrey and Warenne (d.1202). (From MS. Cott., Julius, C. vii.)
Fig.100.—Helmet of Hamelin, Earl of Surrey and Warenne (d.1202). (From MS. Cott., Julius, C. vii.)
Fig.101.—From the seal of Hugh de Vere, Earl of Oxford (d.1263).
Fig.101.—From the seal of Hugh de Vere, Earl of Oxford (d.1263).
Fig.102.—Interlinked chain mail showing method of construction.
Fig.102.—Interlinked chain mail showing method of construction.
Fig.103.—Sir John de Bitton, Bitton Church, Somersetshire, 1227.
Fig.103.—Sir John de Bitton, Bitton Church, Somersetshire, 1227.
Whatever doubts may exist respecting the presence of true chain mail in the early Norman period in conjunction with mascled, scale, leather, horn, and jazeraint work generally, no misconception can arise with respect to the epoch under consideration, where, together with the heaume and the plastron-de-fer, it formed the sole defence of the knight. Chain mail has existed from very remote antiquity, but owing to its nature is of such a perishable quality, exposing the maximum of surface to atmospheric oxidation, that practically no examples have come down to us of all the vast quantity fabricated in remote ages. There are in the British Museum some aggregations of iron rust brought from the excavations at Nineveh, which experts assert have once been hauberks of chain mail of the true pattern (so far as interlocking is concerned),and hence are credited with being the earliest examples in existence. That the Romans used rings, together with discs and plates, as defensive covering, backed by a substratum of a tough textile fabric, is well known; but whether these rings were so interlinked as to form a true chain mail has been much questioned. Discoveries have, however, been made from time to time which tend to prove that they were not unacquainted with it, and taking into consideration the extent of territory they possessed, and the number of nations owning their sway, it would be a matter for wonder if they were ignorant of its existence. Sculptures may be referred to which appear to indicate true chain mail, but so many conventional styles and methods were used by artists to indicate defensive equipment, that it is difficult to arrive at a definite settlement of the question. That this means of protection originated in the East is undoubted, where its coolness would be a great advantage; that it spread in some mysterious way to the Teutonic nations of the West is also certain, and we must look for its introduction there to an age long prior to the time of the Crusades. It was imitated, however, by the unskilful western artificers in such a manner that immense weight occurred and became an inseparable condition, and in this manner during the early Crusades it came into contact with the light chain mail, characteristic of Oriental workmanship, covering the nomadic cavalry of the East. These horsemen were enabled in consequence to move with a swiftness and freedom quite impossible to the crusading knights, thus being forcibly reminiscent of the ponderous Spanish galleons of the Armada, and thesmall but handy English vessels. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the cost of true chain mail was prohibitory to all but the very wealthy, in spite of great quantities which fell to the lot of the victors in Palestine. The manufacture varies under the conditions of time, place, and requirements. Wire, or what answered for wire, was made in the earlier periods of a very rough character, in the manufacture of which the hammer evidently played an important part; but later on, when the art of wire-drawing became known, the cross section of a link exhibits as perfect a circle as it would if of modern construction. This wire was wound tightly round an iron core of convenient size, cut off in rings, and each ring separately treated by flattening the overlapping ends, piercing them with a steel punch, and inserting a small rivet. This rivet was either hammered to flatten it, or it was finished off in a vice. The general method in almost every coat of mail was for one ring to interlink with four others; a few variations occur, however, such as rows of rings occasionally interlinking with other rows above and below, the use of alternate double rings, &c. From the foregoing it will readily be seen that the cost of production of chain mail in labour alone must have beenexcessive. The strengthening of the mail by insertion of leather straps was occasionally done, the straps being carried through the links in horizontal rows, while vertical rows of strapping in addition to the foregoing are not unknown. In the metalwork, also, the resistance of mail could be considerably augmented by enlarging the rivet joinings. Considering the intricate nature of mail, it is no matter for wonderment that neither in the centuries under consideration nor in those immediately following do we find the common soldier clad in true chain mail, as every portion, large or small, would be carefully retained by the knightly wearer. The incised slab of Sir John de Bitton, in Bitton Church, Somersetshire, 1227 (Fig. 103), may be taken as an excellent example of this early period preserved in a monumental effigy: the large shield covering the greater part of the body has no guige, and is necessarily quite flat, though doubtless convex in reality. The coif-demailles is separate from the hauberk, and has a lappet overlying the upper part of the gorget to protect the junction there. The length of the hauberk can only be surmised, inasmuch as the lower border is not shown, but from other examples we glean that it reached nearly to the knees. The mail gloves are also distinct from the hauberk, and bands, laces, or straps are used to protect the junctions with the sleeves: separate fingers are not shown, but the gloves are precisely similar to the mitten gauntlets of the end of the century. The chausses are of chain mail, and continuous with the covering for the feet. The heaume is not shown; it is probable that the flattish configuration of the upper part of the head indicates that a pot-de-fer of some kind was worn under the coif, as inFig. 104. The sword is long and broad, the hilt having short, straight quillons and a cylindrical grip, terminating in a circular pommel. The spurs are of the short pryck form. It should be noticed that the artist has drawn the figure too large for the slab, and has consequently been compelled to encroach upon the bevelled edges.
Fig.104.—Rich. Wellesburn de Montfort,c.1270. Hitchenden Church, Bucks.
Fig.104.—Rich. Wellesburn de Montfort,c.1270. Hitchenden Church, Bucks.
The Surcoatis of the sleeveless variety, one of the distinguishing features of this period, and reaches nearly to the heels, being, as usual, split up in front and probably also behind, for convenience in riding. It wasintroduced in order to guard the mail from rain, and indirectly as some protection against the heat of the sun’s rays; but the chief reason for its adoption was that it afforded a means for recognising the wearer, whose features were now completely hidden by the heaume, thus rendering it impossible in the hurly-burly of battle to know friend from foe. Previous to this the nasal helmet, although covering but part of the features, had at times led to confusion, even as early as the battle of Hastings as previously stated. Thus heraldry, which up to this time had only been in an incipient condition, suddenly found itself of the highest importance, and developed in the course of succeeding centuries into a science, the study of which was deemed absolutely necessary for all pretending to the possession of gentle blood. The surcoat had its inception in the long, flowing tunic which during the last period dealt with had been worn underneath the hauberk, as shown upon the two great seals of King Richard I., and the suggestion would be natural to transfer the latter to the outermost position, leaving to the padded gambeson alone the duty of supporting the weight of the hauberk. The first English monarch to appear in this military attire as an outer garment was King John, and he is shown thus habited upon his great seal: while his rival, the Dauphin Louis, who proved such an unwelcome visitor in the latter part of his reign, is similarly represented upon the French seal, as may be seen in the Harl. MS. 43, B. VII., date 1216, to which it is appended. To the Cott. MS., XIX. 2, the seal of Alexander II. of Scotland, 1214-1249, is attached, and this also shows the surcoat. It was of white material or self-coloured, sometimes diapered, and generally bore heraldic charges. The length varied, and both long and short surcoats are seen of approximately the same date; the former reaching at times to the heels and the latter to the hem of the hauberk. The material varied with the means and taste of the wearer; the better descriptions were of silk, richly embroidered with gold and sometimes decorated with precious stones, cloth of gold of the richest quality being also used.
Fig.105.—Taken from the tomb of Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of Anjou.
Fig.105.—Taken from the tomb of Geoffrey Plantagenet, Count of Anjou.
The Crest.—Although much uncertainty exists among exponents of the art of heraldry upon the origin of the crest, yet a little investigation leads to the conclusion that it need not be a matter of speculation or conjecture. The first example of the nature of a crest appears upon the cap of Geoffrey, Count of Anjou, died 1150; his monumental slab in the museum at Le Mans, which stood formerly in the cathedral there, exhibits the figure of a lion (Fig. 105). The helmet of Philip d’Alsace, Count of Flanders (c.1181), shows a lion painted upon the side of the same character as another appearing upon his shield; but what is generally acknowledged to be the earliest authenticated example of a crest fulfilling all the desired conditions is that of Richard the Lion Heart, who upon his great seal shows a fan-shaped ornament surmounting the heaume, and upon the base is painted a lion passant (Fig. 106). One of the earliest instances of the use of a crest on the Continent is that afforded by a MS. in the Royal Library at Berlin, and belonging to the end of the twelfth century (Fig. 107). In this case an actual figure, that of a red lion, appears, and not paintings, as in the two examples previously cited. It is possible that the adoption of a crest upon the helmet may have been partly of a defensive character, for the effect of a sword-cut would be very materially modified after passing through a stiff erection of steel plate or of tough cuir-bouilli, while against the mace and the pole-axe it would also affordsome slight protection. In support of this conjecture it may be noticed that crests at first were ridged and serrated, somewhat after the style which distinguished the pike-guards of the fifteenth century in their embryonic stage, as if purposely designed to arrest the edge of a weapon. The many examples which occur in an undecorated form preclude the thought that they were invented in order to bear heraldic cognisances, although they were quickly seized upon to fulfil the duty hitherto borne by the shield and surcoat, namely, to afford means of identifying the wearer. Of course the fan-shaped ornament under consideration may have simply been the outcome of that instinct for personal adornment and decoration which appears to be inherent in the human race, and which manifested itself in the mediæval period much more than now; but when it is considered that many of these fans are carried forward well over the face and at the same time far backwards, the conclusion is almost compelled that they originated in an endeavour to secure more protection for the top of the head than the crown of the heaume afforded. The great crests of a subsequent period were never used in actual combat, but were reserved exclusively for tournament purposes.
Fig.106.—Heaume, Cœur de Lion.Fig.107.—“Pot Helmet,” from theEneitof Heinrich von Veldeke.
Fig.106.—Heaume, Cœur de Lion.
Fig.106.—Heaume, Cœur de Lion.
Fig.107.—“Pot Helmet,” from theEneitof Heinrich von Veldeke.
Fig.107.—“Pot Helmet,” from theEneitof Heinrich von Veldeke.
The Shieldduring this period was cut off as a rule in a straight line at the top, and was convex, so as to partially enclose the figure (seeFig. 108). It gradually decreased in size, until towards the close it became the small, well-known “heater-shaped” shield which remained in vogue for such a lengthy period. It was invariably decorated with the armorial bearings of the wearer, which in the early part of the chain mail period were mostly fanciful or devotional and of a transitory character, but became hereditary as itprogressed. The only weapon of importance introduced was the arbalest, which will be dealt with in the next period.
Fig.108.—From the seal (1315) of John de Bretagne, Earl of Richmond.
Fig.108.—From the seal (1315) of John de Bretagne, Earl of Richmond.
The equipment of the ordinary rank and file of the chain mail period did not vary in any essential features from that which preceded it. InFig. 88we have two foot soldiers from Harl. MS. Y6, one of whom wears the Norman helmet, now truncated, with a nasal, which apparently is very long and wide. A similar helmet, but minus the nasal, defends his companion. The usual hauberk of chain mail or a cheaper substitute covers the body, and the legs are undefended. The mode of wearing the stockings and the cross bar below the leaf-shaped head of one spear tends to the belief that the illuminator was of Saxon blood or depicting others of that descent. The shields are suspended by guiges in both cases, and the fanciful decorations illustrate the assertions previously made in this chapter. In woodcut No. 109 a very characteristic group of soldiery of about the year 1220 is shown, taken from Harl. MS. 4751. The heavily-armed arbalestier in pot-helm and mail is one of a force defending a castle, and has discharged a quarrel which transfixes an archer of the attacking party. Before him, and apparently without any defensive equipment other than a chapelle-de-fer, is a foot soldier with a military pick in his right hand and a sword of short dimensions in the left. An arbalestier is probably shown in the third position from the front, and an archer fourth, while the fifth is unmistakably a slinger. As was generally the rule, no protective covering was allowed the slingers—the one in question has not even a hat—who from the nature of their weapon were perforce compelled to be always in open order when in action and at a distance from the enemy, and presumably suffered less than the closely-packed bodies of men-at-arms, billmen, and even archers. His sling appears to be in no way different to the Saxon weapon shown inFig. 70. The last man is clad in a coif and hauberk of mail, and is armed with an axe. At this period a weapon appears in the illuminated MSS. which is apparently of recent introduction, namely the Staff Sling or Fustibal. It is generally shown in besieging operations pitted against the defenders on the walls, or in naval warfare as inFig. 110. The action of the sling is readily seen, the loop at the end allowing the bag to disengage itself automatically at the psychological moment, and to discharge the stone. In this case it seems to be charged with some combustible material to be hurled on board an opposing ship. The slinger is as usual bareheaded and devoid of bodily defences. With him is an archer also discharging combustibles affixed to the end of an arrow. He is habited in a sleeveless leather hauberk strengthened with round plates, presumably of metal; a coif of mail or leather covers his head. The third figure carries a sword, spear, and pole-axe, possibly his own, and also the close-quarter weapons of the projectile throwers.
Fig.109.—Soldiers,c.1220. (Harl. MS., 4751.)
Fig.109.—Soldiers,c.1220. (Harl. MS., 4751.)
Fig.110.—Staff-sling, &c. (MS. by Matthew Paris.)
Fig.110.—Staff-sling, &c. (MS. by Matthew Paris.)
The equipment of a man-at-arms at the close of this period is well shown inFig. 111, from Auct. D. 4, 17, in the Bodleian Library. It dates from about 1250, and illustrates the defensive properties of leather in combination with iron. The steel chapelle-de-fer covers a chain mail coif which may be part of a continuous hauberk, as the arms and hands are covered with mail of the same description. Bands of leather round the throat afford the protection of a gorget: they are affixed to a hauberk composed of leather scales of large size and leaf-like shape showing the midrib, while a belt round the waist and pendent leaves on theskirt complete a most effective means of bodily defence. The legs are enclosed in soft leather chausses protected by metal studs, upon which is a cross-gartering of leather thongs. The only weapon shown is an axe of formidable proportions. A spearman ofc.1280 is shown in Add. MS., 11639, representing Goliath of Gath, in which a chapelle-de-fer is a feature (Fig. 112).
Fig.111.—Armour of cuir-bouilli,c.1250.Fig.112.—Chapelle-de-fer,c.1280. Figure of Goliath from Add. MS., 11639.
Fig.111.—Armour of cuir-bouilli,c.1250.
Fig.111.—Armour of cuir-bouilli,c.1250.
Fig.112.—Chapelle-de-fer,c.1280. Figure of Goliath from Add. MS., 11639.
Fig.112.—Chapelle-de-fer,c.1280. Figure of Goliath from Add. MS., 11639.
The special points which distinguish this period are:—
1. The introduction of Banded Mail.
2. The use of Ailettes.
3. The invention of the Conical Heaume borne by the shoulders.
4. The reinforcement of the Chain Mail by Plate.
5. The development of the Crest.
Fig.113.—Sir John d’Aubernoun, 1277. Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, Guildford, Surrey.
Fig.113.—Sir John d’Aubernoun, 1277. Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, Guildford, Surrey.
One of the most remarkable brasses in existence is that of Sir John d’Aubernoun, in Stoke d’Aubernoun Church, near Guildford, Surrey (Fig. 113). It is the earliest known example of this form of monumental effigy either in the British Isles or on the Continent, and dates from about the year 1277, the fifth of Edward I. It is to be noted that it is unique among the brasses of this reign by reason of the knight being represented with straight lower limbs, the remainder all having the cross-legged position. Although the figure is somewhat disproportionate, and the partial covering up of the lower parts of the legs by the surcoat is unfortunate, yet as a work of art, and especially as an example of technique and patience on the part of the engraver, it is unrivalled. Every separate link of the mail is faithfully represented. The reinforcement of the chain mail by secondary defences is here exemplified in its primitive stage, a pair of genouillièresonly appearing, which from their ornamental appearance are presumably of cuir-bouilli, or of plate covered with cuir-bouilli. The reason for the introduction of this defence was not alone the protection afforded: the intolerable drag of chain mail upon the knee or elbow when flexed prevented freedom of action in either joint; but by the termination of the mail at the upper part of the genouillière to which it was affixed, and the continuation of it below, an advantage was gained which was fully appreciated. The coif-de-mailles upon the head descends to the shoulders on either side and covers part of the surcoat, while the hauberk has sleeves which are prolonged to cover the hand with mail gauntlets, not divided for the fingers. The mail chausses are continued like the sleeves of the hauberk, in order to protect the feet as well as the legs. Over the mail appears a loose surcoat reaching to below the knees and confined at the waist by a cord, from below which it opens in front and falls on either side in many folds, being also divided at the back to facilitate riding. It does not bear any ornament or design, but apparently is of rich material, and has a fringed border. The sword is long and straight, with short quillons drooping towards the blade; the grip is slightly swelling, and the circular pommel is enriched with a design. The method of suspending the sword is peculiar to the period: it grips the scabbard in two places, between which a small strap runs as a guide; the weapon thus hangs diagonally across the left front of the figure. The guige bearing the shield is enriched with roses alternating with the mystical cross (signifying good fortune and long life) termed the Fylfot, Gammadion, or Svastika, in which each arm of a Greek cross is continued at right angles; it passes over the right shoulder, and supports a small, flat, heater-shaped shield, upon which the arms appear (azure, a chevron,or). The spurs are the usual short ones of the pryck variety affixed by ornamental straps. The lance passes under the right arm, and displays a small fringed pennon charged with the same armorial insignia as the shield; it is shortened to permit of its introduction, and shows no grip for the hand. This is the only example of a brass in which the lance is introduced.
Fig.114.—Sir Roger de Trumpington, 1289. Trumpington Church, Cambridge.
Fig.114.—Sir Roger de Trumpington, 1289. Trumpington Church, Cambridge.
Another celebrated brass exemplifying in a remarkable degree the military equipment of the period is that of Sir Roger de Trumpington, 1289, in Trumpington Church, near Cambridge (Fig. 114). This well-known monumental effigy is one of five brasses which portray knights in the cross-legged attitude, concerning which so much has been said and so much written. The popular idea is, that the cross-legged position denotes a pilgrimage, or else a participation in a Crusade, on the part of thedeceased, but this supposition is entirely negatived by the existence of monuments tobonâ-fideCrusaders, and to persons known to have visited the Holy Land, who are represented with the lower limbs not crossed. It is to be noted that this position is entirely confined to England with the exception of one at Dublin, and the generally accepted ideas are that these persons so represented were benefactors to the Church and died in the odour of sanctity. But it is perfectly admissible to suppose that, after all, this position was entirely an idea of the artist or the engraver, preventing as it did the ungainly stiffness in the d’Aubernoun brass. There are two examples of carved stone effigies both cross-armed and cross-legged—Sir Roger de Kerdeston, 1337, at Reepham, and Sir Oliver d’Ingham, 1343, at Ingham, Norfolk; but neither of these were Crusaders, while both were benefactors to their respective churches.
Fig.115.—Heaume of Sir William de Staunton, 1312.
Fig.115.—Heaume of Sir William de Staunton, 1312.
The armour shown in the Trumpington brass is similar in general outline to the d’Aubernoun example, but is peculiar in manifesting nothing of an ornamental character. Two or three additions to the equipment, however, are shown which are important. The head rests upon the great heaume, which is of large proportions and conical, adapted for resting upon and being supported by the shoulders. At the apex is shown a staple for affixing either the contoise or the heraldic crest (to be alluded to later), and this feature is also shown upon the heaume of Sir William de Staunton, 1312, at Staunton, Notts (Fig. 115). From the lower part of the back of the heaume a chain depends which fastens to a narrow cord tied tightly round the waist; by this arrangement the knight was enabled to regain this most important part of his equipment in the event of his being unhelmed. Later on this chain was affixed to a staple riveted or welded to the plastron-de-fer, openings being made in the hauberk and surcoat to permit of this.
Fig.116.—From the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, 1322.Fig.117.—Crest of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey (d.1344). (From his seal, 1329.)
Fig.116.—From the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, 1322.
Fig.116.—From the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, 1322.
Fig.117.—Crest of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey (d.1344). (From his seal, 1329.)
Fig.117.—Crest of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey (d.1344). (From his seal, 1329.)
Ailettes.—This period might almost be termed the “ailette period,” but for the fact that this extraordinary adjunct only prevailed during a portion of the time. They were small shields or defences fastened at right angles across the shoulders, designed to lessen the effect of a sweeping cut from a sword or battle-axe, and were prototypes of the passe-gardes of the late fifteenth century, and of the epaulettes of the present day. The fact that a brass has necessarily a plane surface prevents these being seen in their proper place; a perspective representation would afford a vertical line only upon each shoulder,and in order to display the surfaces and avoid any foreshortening, the artist has turned them at right angles to their real positions. The usual mode of their adjustment may be plainly perceived from a representation of the seal of Henry de Beaumont, Earl of Buchan, 1322 (Fig. 116), where the stiff lower portion is bent upwards and downwards to prevent a lateral fall; at the same time it is shaped to the shoulder, and probably fixed tightly to the hauberk, or the coif-de-mailles, by rings or rivets. Another example from a seal is that of John de Warenne, Earl of Surrey, 1329 (Fig. 117). Here the ailettes are apparently fastened only by one of the points and the half of one of the sides, but undoubtedly the whole of it was concave to the helmet; if so delineated by the artist the remote point would have been invisible, and not proper for heraldic representation as required upon a seal.Ailettes are rarely shown upon brasses and effigies; possibly the Buslingthorpe, Chartham, Gorleston, and Clehongre examples are the only ones in addition to the Trumpington. Upon seals they occur fairly often, but not with any frequency until the commencement of the fourteenth century. An early notice of ailettes occurs in the Roll of Purchases for the great tournament held at Windsor in 1278, where they are stated to have been made of leather covered with a kind of cloth. Silk laces were supplied to fasten them, and it is remarkable, to say the least, that the brass of Sir Roger de Trumpington, who was one of the thirty-eight knights taking part in the tournament, should furnish one of the earliest and best examples which has come down to modern times. In the curious painted window at Tewkesbury representing Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who perished upon the field of Bannockburn in 1314, we have the best illustration of ailettes contributed by stained glass. Probably the windows were made not long after the event, judging from the armour, which would be designed of contemporary pattern. Hewitt engraves a figure of a knight in Ash-by-Sandwich Church in which the ailettes appear as square projections behind the shoulders. In illuminated MSS. of this period the ailettes are very frequently shown, and are figured with combatants in all positions, so that the nature of the defence can be very clearly seen. They are also shown of all shapes and sizes. A lozenge-shaped ailette is seen on the accompanying figure (No. 118) from Roy. MS. 14, E. III., in which the same device appears as upon the shield, thus proving that it is not a square one worn awry. At times one ailette only seems to havebeen used, and that upon the left side; it appears as a reinforcement to the shield in an illuminated MS. of Sir Launcelot (Add. MS. 10,293), date 1316 (Fig. 119). Sometimes the ailettes are so high and wide that they almost enclose the great heaume by forming a circle round it, being fixed behind where they meet, and only allowing a small opening in front for vision. The proper position is, as has been stated, upon the shoulders and at right angles to them, but when enlarged or of an inconvenient shape they were fixed upon the upper part of the arm or behind the shoulder. For example, inFig. 120, which is taken from a MS. in the Bodleian Library, the ailettes are shown of a circular form, which obviously would be awkward to fix upon the shoulder, hence we see them upon the upper part of the arm.
Fig.118.—Lozenge-shaped ailette (Roy. MS. 14, E. III.),c.1280.Fig.119.—Soldier with one ailette (Roy. MS. 16, G. 6), 14th century.Fig.120.—Soldier with circular ailettes.
Fig.118.—Lozenge-shaped ailette (Roy. MS. 14, E. III.),c.1280.
Fig.118.—Lozenge-shaped ailette (Roy. MS. 14, E. III.),c.1280.
Fig.119.—Soldier with one ailette (Roy. MS. 16, G. 6), 14th century.
Fig.119.—Soldier with one ailette (Roy. MS. 16, G. 6), 14th century.
Fig.120.—Soldier with circular ailettes.
Fig.120.—Soldier with circular ailettes.
Fig.121.—Knight (Roy. M.S. 2, A. 22),c.1290.
Fig.121.—Knight (Roy. M.S. 2, A. 22),c.1290.
The use of ailettes is somewhat perplexing, and antiquarians have held various theories respecting them. That they were not merely armorial is proved by many showing no designs upon them whatever; that they were not for the purpose of distinguishing leaders in a fray is negatived by the fact that a knight’s cognisance was much better recognised from his shield, surcoat, and crest; also, the ailettes appear in tournaments where there would be no necessity for recognition. The only supposition which appears to be defensible is that they were shields for the neck and shoulders, but more especially for the latter, as the great heaume protected the neck. In Germany they were called “tartschen,” or shields. The defence afforded by a thick piece of leather, quilted material, or steel in that position will be at once appreciated; so low did they reach at times that they covered the junction of the arm with the body at the back, and this is well exemplified in the Clehongre effigy, dating from 1320, in which they are attached to the shoulders by arming points, and are concave to the body. Occasionally for tournaments and pageant purposes ailettes appear to have been made most elaborately; thus we find in the inventory of Piers Gaveston in 1313 a mention of a pair garnished and fretted with pearls.
Fig.122.—Figures from martyrdom of Thomas à Beckett (Harl. MS. 5102, Fo. 32),c.1220.
Fig.122.—Figures from martyrdom of Thomas à Beckett (Harl. MS. 5102, Fo. 32),c.1220.
There is a singular figure of a knight in an attitude of devotion illustrated in Roy. MS. 2, A. XXII., dating from about 1290, which has been ably reproduced in Shaw’s “Dresses and Decorations of the Middle Ages” (Fig. 121). Many little details of thirteenth-century armour are delineated, affording a valuable acquisition to our knowledge. The mode in which the coif-de-mailles is fastened up to the side of the head by an arming point is well shown; the same method has been illustratedinFig. 122on p.107, where two continuous hauberks are seen looped up in the same way. The palms of the hands are free from rings, in order to afford a better grasp of a weapon; this was the usual mode for constructingthe mail gauntlet, and is also shown inFig. 123. It also permitted the gauntlet being slipped off the hand when required. The gauntlets are continuous with the sleeves of the hauberk. Upon the shoulders are singularly small ailettes, consisting merely of a cross similar in design to those emblazoned upon the surcoat. The thighs are defended by chaussons or haut-de-chausses of mail, apparently with rings only upon the parts exposed. The chausses are of Bezanté armour, formed of small discs, each with a stud in the centre; these are sewn or riveted on to a pliable material, probably leather, which is fastened together by a series of points down the back of the leg.The chausses are prolonged to cover the feet, upon which are strapped the usual short pryck spur. The heaume is very much ornamented, and its general contour points to an earlier date thanc.1290, as does also the absence of genouillières. The lance and its pennon are shown. A leg protection of leather and highly ornamented was in use upon the Continent at this period; its form and dimensions may be gleaned fromFig. 125.
Fig.123.—From “Lives of the Two Offas,” by M. Paris (Cott. MS., Nero, D. 1).
Fig.123.—From “Lives of the Two Offas,” by M. Paris (Cott. MS., Nero, D. 1).
Fig.124.—Circular ailettes. (MS. 211, Bod. Lib.)
Fig.124.—Circular ailettes. (MS. 211, Bod. Lib.)
In a MS. in the Bodleian Library (No. 211) a knight or man-at-arms is represented carrying a shield and wearing ailettes of a circular pattern, which are fastened to his banded mail at the upper part of the arm (Fig. 124). He wears a hemispherical steel cap and is clothed in a voluminous surcoat. A similar example, but of later date, is shown in Roy. MS. 20, D. 2, British Museum, where a figure habited in banded mail and a conical pot-helm,with sword and shield, wears circular ailettes in precisely the same manner as the previous example (Fig. 126).
Fig.125.—Leg defence (Italian),c.1289. Relief in Annunziata Convent.Fig.126.—Knight (Roy. MS. 2, D. 11), 13th century.
Fig.125.—Leg defence (Italian),c.1289. Relief in Annunziata Convent.
Fig.125.—Leg defence (Italian),c.1289. Relief in Annunziata Convent.
Fig.126.—Knight (Roy. MS. 2, D. 11), 13th century.
Fig.126.—Knight (Roy. MS. 2, D. 11), 13th century.
The knightly Banner of the period was either square or oblong; in the latter case the height was invariably twice the width (seeFig. 127). It was the distinctive mark of the Knight Banneret, and always indicated superiority of command and importance, inasmuch as it required a retinue of at least fifty men-at-arms with their followers to adequately support the dignity. Thus it was a position of distinction which could only be enjoyed by the rich, and the chronicles of the mediæval period record instances of knights who, having specially distinguished themselves on the field of battle, declined the proffered honour of Knight Banneret on the score of insufficient means. If, on the other hand, it were accepted, it was usual to convert the pennon of the knight into a banner on the spot by simply cutting off the tail or tails. The simple knight, or Knight Bachelor as he was termed, carried a Pennon or Pavon, which was furnished with one or more tails, as inFig. 121, where it is represented with three; that of Henri de Perci, first Earl of Northumberland, with two (seeFig. 128); and in the d’Aubernoun brass, where one is depicted. He became eligible for knighthood at twenty-one, presuming that he had sufficient private property to support the dignity, but had to distinguish himself in the field or otherwise before the honour was conferred. It was not absolutely necessary to be of gentle birth, as many examples may be cited of knighthood being conferred upon those who could not claim such descent. The contingent he led into battle under his pennon varied in number according to his means. The Pennonçel or Pensil was a small, narrow streamer to which the Esquire, or aspirant to knighthood, was entitled. It was necessary for him to serve an apprenticeship in arms, and he generally attended the castle of a neighbouring baron, or the court of the king. Such was, briefly, the etiquette respecting the three different flags of knighthood, quite apart from those of the chief commanders and the great standards. There were, of course, variations introduced. Pennons shown in Figs.129and130from the Painted Chamber are triangular, and the banner inFig. 130is nearly three times as high as it is wide. Before quitting this subject it may be mentioned that knighthood was quite distinct from birth and social position, and was simply a scheme of military rank, the aspirants having absolutely equal opportunities for acquiring the dignity.
Fig.127.—Banner of Knight Banneret.Fig.128.—Pennon of Henri de Perci, Earl of Northumberland.Fig.129.—Pavon, Painted Chamber.
Fig.127.—Banner of Knight Banneret.
Fig.127.—Banner of Knight Banneret.
Fig.128.—Pennon of Henri de Perci, Earl of Northumberland.
Fig.128.—Pennon of Henri de Perci, Earl of Northumberland.
Fig.129.—Pavon, Painted Chamber.
Fig.129.—Pavon, Painted Chamber.
Fig.130.—Early heaume and helmets with nasals. Painted Chamber.
Fig.130.—Early heaume and helmets with nasals. Painted Chamber.
The Heaume.—During the first thirty years of this period, that is until about 1280, the heaumes continued to be generally of the flat-topped variety not reaching to the shoulders, but having the addition of a movable visor. One, however, shown inFig. 131and dating fromc.1250, differs considerably, and shows a heaume approaching the dimensions and shape of a bascinet, while the visor is adapted for raising or for removal. An earlier example without a visor is one seen in a group from the Painted Chamber in conjunction with helmets having a nasal (Fig. 130). InFig. 132we have an example of one of the earliest and plainest of this variety, in which the ventaille could be removed at pleasure from the two projecting studs on the heaume which kept it in place.Fig. 133is of the same type, but furnished with a more elaborate visor, and with a crown surmounting it.Fig. 134is from the seal of Richard Plantagenet, King of the Romans and Earl of Cornwall, who died in 1272, andFig. 135from that of Robert de Ferrars, Earl of Derby, diedc.1279; in both we trace the tendency to alter the shape of the lower rim. The movable ventaille was not in all cases directly detachable from the heaume, butswung outwards upon a hinge on one side, similar to a wicket gate; as this hinge had a pin running through it which could be withdrawn, the visor was wholly removed if not required.
Fig.131.—Helmet,c.1250.
Fig.131.—Helmet,c.1250.
Fig.132.Fig.133.
Fig.132.
Fig.132.
Fig.133.
Fig.133.
About 1270 the round-topped variety came into fashion, of which examples are found until the end of the century and even after it. The seal of Patrick Dunbar, 10th Earl of March, affords a good illustration of the heaume with a circular crown; it is furnished with a movable visor. Other examples are shown in groups in the Painted Chamber at Westminster, and two very late specimens are represented in Figs.116and117on p.102.