FOOTNOTES:

FOOTNOTES:[1]Cf. iii. p. 172.[2]Siegebert, who had been baptized in France, on returning to his own country and becoming king of East Anglia “desiring to imitate those things which he had seen well ordered in France, at once set up a school in which youths could be instructed in letters, and was helped herein by bishop Felix who came to him from Kent, and who supplied him with paedagogues and masters after the custom of the men of Kent.“—Bede, cap. xviii.[3]Cair-Graunt means the Castle on the Granta, and is exchanged in the A-S. Chronicle forGrantacaester.[4]“Civitatulam quandam desolatam ... quae lingua anglorum Grantacaestir vocatur.“—Bede, cap. xix.[5]The castle, ruinous by the middle of the xv c., was quarried to supply stone for King’s College and other university buildings in that and the next century. Edw. III. had quarried it for King’s Hall, and Hen. IV. granted more of the stone for King’s Hall chapel. Finally Mary gave the stone to Sir Robert Huddleston in 1557 for his new house at Sawston: “Hereby that stately structure, anciently the ornament of Cambridge, is at this day reduced next to nothing,” writes Fuller.[6]A-S. Chron.,Grantebrycge. Domesday,Grentebrige. Henry I.’s charter (1118)Grantebrugeshireand borough ofGrantebruge. In Matilda’s grant of the earldom of Cambridge (before 1146)Cantebruggescire. Temp. John,Cantebrige,Cantebrig. Temp. Hen. III.,Cantebr.(1218)Cantabr.(1231, 1261)Cantabrigiense.Cauntebrigg.andCantebrigg.in the same deed relating to the Merton scholars (1269-70) Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 5832. f. 74. Hundred Rolls (1276-9)Cantebr.In a document of Hugh de Balsham’s, 1275,Cantabr.Barnwell Chartulary, circ. 1295,Cantebrige, Cantebrigesire, burgum Cantebrigiae. In the earliest college statutes (1324)Cantebrigia. In Chaucer, Cantebrigge, Cantebregge. In the first half of the next (xvth) century we haveCambruggein a petition sent by King’s Hall to the Franciscans. Cf. also noteinfrap. 7, on the name of the river.[7]The RomanDeva.[8]Caius, writing in 1447, says that the town is divided into two parts by the Canta and the Rhee, called earlier le Ee; and by Spenser the Cle. We haveGranta,Guant, andCante: therdropped out, andGwas replaced byCin the name of both town and river (seesupra). Cante does not seem to have been the name of a river at all. The river bank by Castle Mound is spoken of in the xiv c. as “the common bank called Cante“: one arm at least of the Cambridge river was known simply as “the water” [Prof. Skeat has pointed out that Ee is the xii, xiii, and xiv c. form of the A-S.éa, cognate withaqua] and for centuries there would appear to have been no need for any other name. In Henry of Huntingdon’s Chronicle (1130) the river is called theGrenta; but Lydgate writesAnd of this noble vniuersitieSett on this ryver which is called Cante.In the same decade Spenser knows only the Guant (Faery Queene, Book iv, Canto xi.1590) and Camden for the first time tells us that it was called both Granta and Cam (alii Grantam,Camum alii.1586) the name used as we have seen by Milton. If there was no river Canteà fortiorithere was no river Cam; for themin the name of the town is only another change in the original first syllable of Cambridge. Seefootnote, p. 6.[9]Trumpington is 2 miles S., Grantchester 2 miles S.S.W. of the town.[10]878. It was from the town (Grantebrycge) that the Danes set forth, two years before, and surprised Alfred at Wareham. In the time of Ethelred, just before the Danish invasion, Cambridge was a royal mint; it was so in the time of the Conqueror, and had a Danish ‘moneyer,’ and continued to be so under the Plantagenet kings: even Henry VI. coined money at Cambridge. In Domesday the town is described as a “Hundred,” a description, says Stubbs, belonging to big towns with large surrounding common land—Norwich and Canterbury are similarly described. After the history of the town became merged in that of the university, two parliaments were summoned there; in 1388, and in 1447 (afterwards held at Bury-St.-Edmund’s). For the city, see also p. 36 and v. p. 260.[11]Fuller, p. 7.[12]The edict expelling the Jews from England dates from 1290, and the Jews left Cambridge the year following.[13]The fancy appellations Cam and Isis appear to have both been due to Camden. They are not heard of before his work appeared in 1586.[14]Cambridge, writes Doctor Jessopp, existed as a town and fortress “a thousand years before Oxford was anything but a desolate swamp, or at most a trumpery village, where a handful of Britons speared eels, hunted for deer, and laboriously manufactured earthenware pots.”[15]They found a Roman stone coffin, sculptured; one, apparently, of many known to have been left there, for portions of Roman sarcophagi are even now to be seen walled up in the church at Grantchester. Bede, cap. xix.[16]The pollard willow is the chief denizen of the fens.[17]The water runs flows and dances through the Cantabrigian’s life. The king’s and the bishop’s mills, Newnham mill just beyond, the Mill street, and the hythes, all courted constant recognition. As at Ely, thehytheswere the small trading ports along the river: there was Dame Nichol’s hythe, Cornhythe, Flaxhythe, Salthythe, Clayhythe.[18]For the vii c. foundation ofElysee chap. vi. p. 311. The see dates from 1107, when the minster became a cathedral.Crowland, in Lincolnshire on the borders of Cambridgeshire, was built over the tomb of Guthlac, a prince and a saint of the house of Mercia, in the vii c.Buryrose after the martyrdom of the East Anglian king Edmund (870)c.903; it did not become a monastery till 1020.Peterboroughwas founded by Wulfhere, king of Mercia from 659 to 674: it formed part of the diocese of Lincoln till the xvi c. Ramsey and Thorney were other fen monasteries. Ramsey was on the borders, in Huntingdonshire, but Thorney was in Cambridgeshire. Peterborough and Thorney with Ely and Crowland were sacked by the Danes in 870. All these were ‘black Benedictine’ houses.[19]Cottenham 7 miles north of Cambridge; the benefice became an advowson of Chatteris abbey in the isle of Ely, and was bestowed by the abbess on Warham in 1500.[20]Joffred was appointed abbot of Crowland in 1109 in succession to Ingulph: the xiv c. forgery theHistoria Croylandensispretends to be written by Ingulph (nat.1030) and continued by Peter of Blois. It contains fables about the antiquity of Oxford. SeeIngulph and the Historia Croylandensisby W. G. Searle,M.A.[21]p. 8.[22]Fuller.[23]“The monk Odo, a singular grammarian and satirical poet, read grammar to the boys and those of the younger sort assigned to him”; logic and rhetoric were imparted to the elder scholars.Soi-disant Peter of Blois.[24]iii. p. 164. Their school was in the parish where the university schools rose later—under the shadow of Great S. Mary’s; and opposite was Le Glomery Lane (theVicus Glomeriae).[25]La Bataille des vii Ars.Oeuvres Rutebeuf, Paris 1839, ii. 415.[26]Abbot Sampson (b.1135) had himself been “a poor clerke” at the school of Bury, and William Diss, a Norfolk man, was the schoolmaster. In 1160 Sampson became itsmagister scholarum. He proceeded to buy certain stone houses—those solid structures which either as Jewish or Norman building were sought for at Cambridge and at Oxford also—so that the scholars might live rent free; and in 1198 he endowed themagister scolarum grammaticaliumso that the tuition too became free. (The Chronicle of Jocelin of Brakelond, newly edited by Sir Ernest Clarke,M.A., F.S.A.) “School Hall Street” was just outside the abbey precincts, and answered to the “School Street” and theVicus Glomeriaein Cambridge. There was an ancient chapel in Cambridge dedicated to the patron saint of Bury, and one of the chief possessions of that rich abbey was the manor of Mildenhall, which provided the expenses of its sacrist and cellarer: it is at least an interesting coincidence that Robert and Edmund of Mildenhall were original fellows of Michaelhouse; the former was its second master, third master, according to Le Neve, of Peterhouse, and chancellor of the university in 1334. An abbot and a monk of Bury are two of those to be specially commemorated in every mass said by the scholars of the new foundation of Michaelhouse (1324); and Curteys the 24th abbot of Bury was one of the personages invited by Henry VI. to assist at the laying of the foundation stone of King’s College. Walter Diss (a name well known in Bury) was a famous Carmelite friar at Cambridge in the xiv c. Fuller preserves the legend that Jocelyn, Abbot Sampson’s Boswell, had studied in the Cambridge schools, the source of which is Bale who was a Carmelite of Norwich and Cambridge. Together these things perhaps suggest that the schools of Cambridge and Bury had some relation to each other as well as to Orléans.Bury was reckoned among fen monasteries because of its Suffolk property (of which Mildenhall formed part) where the See of Ely possessed several manors.[27]A Henry of Orléans was sub-bailiff of Cambridge in the 2nd year of Edw. I. (Hundred Rolls i. p. 49).[28]The transformation of houses of canons serving a church or cathedral into Regular Canons in the xii and xiii centuries was the effect of the rule indited by Yvo of Chartres which gave its final form and name to the “Canons Regular of S. Augustine” at the end of the xi c. The canons of S. Giles and Lanfranc’s hospital of S. Gregory at Canterbury were among the earliest of these communities to be converted, in the reign of Henry I., into Regulars.[29]In the xi and xii centuries a large number of hospitals of the order of S. Augustine were founded for the relief of poor and impotent persons, the type being that of the Whittington hospital in London. Sometimes their object was to succour the wayfarer, sometimes they were virtually almshouses where leprous and indigent “brethren” formed the larger part of the community with a few “healthful brethren” and the master to look after them. Such was the origin, in the xi c., of the Knights of Malta, or Order of the Hospital of S. John of Jerusalem. At Canterbury Lanfranc erected a hospital of S. Gregory; at Oxford the hospital of S. Bartholomew, founded in the reign of Hen. I., was bestowed by Edw. III. on Oriel College; and Magdalen, Oxford, was erected on the site of another S. John’s hospital, which numbered brethren and sisters among its members. Amalfi merchants trading to the Holy Land endowed the first “master and brethren” of the Order of S. John of Jerusalem; a well-to-do burgess endowed the Cambridge hospice, and the nobles, the bishops, and the sovereign himself are to be numbered among the founders and benefactors of these first almshouses and hospitals. Cf. ii. p. 117n.[30]See chap. ii. Peterhouse and S. John’s.[31]See chap. ii. S. John’s and Jesus Colleges.[32]Fordham and Mirmaud-at-Welle. The Gilbertines of Chiksand in Bedfordshire had a house and garden in King’s Childers’ Lane by King’s Hall, which they leased to the university for the schools quadrangle in 1433. The Gilbertines were a double Order of nuns and canons; the former followed the Cistercian rule but were never affiliated to that Order. The canons followed the rule of S. Augustine, but the sympathies, like the dress, of the Gilbertines were Cistercian: “militat sub instituto Cisterciensi.” Only in this indirect way did Citeaux enter Cambridge: but see i. p. 25 and ii. p. 143.[33]The Carmelite Bale says:ex omni factione sua primus tandem fuit qui theologicus doctor sit effectus. Pits says the same in theDe illust. Angl. Script.For Carmelite property in Cambridge see also vi. pp. 325-6.[34]This was the treatise known in Cambridge as ‘the black book,’ in which Prior Cantilupe tells of Cantaber and his son Grantanus, and their foundation of Cambridge on the site of Caergrant.[35]The prison or tolbooth had been the house of Benjamin the Jew, which became university property in the reign of Elizabeth, but after a famous trial in the next reign reverted to the citizens. Like the Jewish houses elsewhere it was amongst the most solid structures in the town.[36]Dugdale says “before 1275.” Their priory was enlarged and perhaps refounded by Alice, wife of de Vere second Earl of Oxford.[37]Chap. ii., Sidney Sussex and Emmanuel Colleges.[38]v. p. 275.[39]All branches of the Augustinians were represented at Cambridge: the Augustinian canon at Barnwell, the hospitaller at S. John’s, and the hermit-friar at the Austin friary. ‘The friars heremites of the order of S. Austin’ were settled in Suffolk from the middle of the xiii c., probably by Richard de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Lord of the honour of Clare. One of their chief benefactors was Elizabeth de Burgh. See Clare College chap. ii. p. 64.[40]Confraternities and friars “of the Sack,” known as Sacconi in their birthplace, Italy, and so called because of the loose gown or ‘sack’ common to begging friars and confraternities, and also because of the large sacks which they sometimes carried when begging for the poor, were associations due to the preaching of S. Francis and especially of S. Antony of Padua in the first quarter of the xiii c. So that the Cambridge friars, dispersed after the Council of Lyons in 1307, were one of the earliest of these communities; and it is interesting to find them addicted to scholarship.[41]Matthew Paris, anno 1257.Concessa est mansio fratribus Bethleemitis in Cantabrigia, silicet in vico qui ducit versus Trumpintonam.[42]They were begging friars following the rule of S. Austin.[43]They had held land in Cambridge for over 100 years “of the gift of the earl of Mandeville.” At the Suppression they were seized of land in Haslyngfeld, co. Cambridge. Cf. ii. p. 96.[44]The property was situated “in Henney,” a well-known part of Mill Street in the parish of S. John Baptist, and included the stone house on the high street by S. Michael’s rectory house which passed to the family of Sir John Cambridge in 1311 was by him bequeathed to Corpus Christi College, and became the nucleus of Gonville Hall. The prior of Anglesey is found leasing this land in the reign of Edward III., and selling it to Henry VI. in 1447. The priory lay between Cambridge and Newmarket.[45]Rot. Hund.ii. 360. Cf. alsoibid.p. 370.[46]pp. 25n., 49 and ii. p. 90.[47]Another piece of this ground was conveyed by Henry VI. (who bought it of the university in the same year) to Trinity Hall in 1440 (and became the college garden). It is there described as “a void ground”pertinent priori et confratribus sancti Johannis in Anglia. Crouched hostel had already been pulled down for the schools. Like other hostels in Mill Street—God’s house, S. Nicholas, and Austin’s (see King’s and Christ’s Colleges) it stood, as we see, on open ground: “a certain garden of the hostel of the Holy Cross” we hear of in 1421.[48]It is supposed that monks from Denney and Tyltey came here to study. The former was in fact a cell to Ely abbey before Marie de Chatillon transferred the Franciscans of Waterbeach thither. The two ‘nuns of the Order of S. Clare’ who were friends of Erasmus at Cambridge were probably inmates of Denney. InRot. Hund.two other communities are recorded: themoniales de Pato, of whom we know nothing—there is aPastonin Norfolk and another in Northants.; and ‘the monks of the Holy Trinity at Cambridge’ who are mentioned in the Oxford Hundred Rolls of the 7th year of Edw. I.: the name affords another instance of the antiquity and popularity of this dedication to the Trinity, which we find at Michaelhouse, Trinity Hall, Trinity church, and in the guild of the Trinity at Cambridge.[49]p. 127.[50]Fuller.[51]For later monastic influences in Cambridge, see ii. pp. 127-9, Magdalene College.[52]Pembroke College p. 69. For Scrope see ii. 94, v. 295; for Thorpe ii. 75, 96, v. 295.[53]...in statutis universitatis ejusdem ... familia scholarium ... immunitate et libertate gaudeant qua et scholares, ut coram archidiacono non respondeant....(Balsham’s JudgmentA.D.1275/6). TheStatuta Antiqua, the old body of statutes of the university, have for the most part no chronological arrangement, and the date cannot in some cases be determined to within a century. The earliest ‘grace’ to which a date is attached belongs to the year 1359, but there is another referable to the year 1275/6. The latest, reduced to chronological order, is of the year 1506. TheStatuta Antiquawere replaced in the 12th year of Elizabeth by a fresh body of statutes, and these again by the statutes of Victoria, 1882. The former are printed in Dyer’sPrivileges of the University.[54]Simon Montacute (1337-1345) ceded the right of the bishops of Ely to the presentation of fellowships in their own college of Peterhouse. Cf. also iv. pp. 203-4.[55]Dated February 20, 624; and 689. Martin’s bull recognises their authority. Copies exist in the Cambridge Registry, Nos. 107 and 114 in the catalogue.[56]“Si quis de ordine sacerdotium in monasterio suscipi rogaverit, non quidem citius ei assentiatur.“—Regula S. P. Benedicti, caput lx.[57]See, chap, ii., Michaelhouse, Corpus, Gonville, and Trinity Hall.[58]A chartered corporation and a university in the sense of astudium generalepossessing European privileges. Cambridge was auniversitasmany years before this, and was so familiarly styled by Henry III. in 1231.[59]It has been pointed out that our knowledge of Oxford’s intellectual activity during the xii c. is confined to the visits of three or four celebrated teachers who lectured to its changing population and in its schools, among which the priory school of S. Frideswide was the most important. We must not of course confuse the activities of monastic and episcopal schools with those of a university.[60]Matthew Paris,in anno 1209: Ita quod nec unus ex omni universitate remansit.[61]p. 47.[62]Satis constat vobis quod apud villam nostrum Cantebr’ studendi causa e diversis partibus tam cismarinis quam transmarinis confluit multitudo, quod valde gratum habemus et acceptamus, cum exemplum toti regno nostro commodum non modicum, et honor nobis accrescat, et vos specialiter inter quos fideliter conversantur studentes non mediocriter gaudere debetis et laetari.[63]Clerkandscholarwere used interchangeably in the xiii c. as they are in these two rescripts,clericusbeing employed in the rescript of 1218 and in that addressed to the sheriff (vicecomes) of the county cited above:Quoniam ut audivimus plures nominanturclericiapud Cantabr. qui sub nullius magistri scholarum sunt disciplina et tuitione, sed potius mentiuntur se essescholarescum non sint.... In a further rescript of the king’s the meaning is no less clear:Ita tamen quod ad suspensionem vel mutilationem clericorum non procedatis, sed eos alio modo per consilium universitatis Cantabr. castigetis. (Referring to “insults recently offered to certain northern scholars of the university of Cambridge,” 1261.) In the Hundred Rolls, at the same period, we haveclerici de Mertonandscholares de Merton; andclerici in scholis degentesis W. de Merton’s own description of his scholars.[64]The charter of Oxford university belongs to the same reign.[65]Rot. Hund.7th Edw. I.[66]The Pope no doubt refers to the forged bulls (p. 28) but his reference to previous royal rescripts is likely to be more correct, and to have been supplied by Edward himself.[67]Seestudium generalepp. 30n., 31.[68]The importance of Cambridge was steadily growing in the reigns of Henry I. and Stephen. The isle of Ely supported Matilda; and the earldom of Cambridge was conferred both by her and by Stephen for the first time. The former by her letters, issued before the year 1146, bestowed it on her favourite Aubrey de Vere, “if the King of Scotland hath it not,” as prior in dignity to the counties of “Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, or Dorsetshire” one of which he was to take if Stephen’s gift of the earldom of Cambridge to Saint David of Scotland held good. De Vere had to accept the county of Oxford which has since remained in that family—the earldom of Cambridge passing to royal hands and becoming in time a royal dukedom. David of Scotland held Cambridge in his own and Huntingdon in right of his wife. Malcolm of Scotland held both earldoms together in exchange for the northern counties of Northumberland and Cumberland. The union of these earldoms is still represented by the union of Huntingdon and Cambridge under onevicecomesor sheriff. Edward III. created his wife’s brother (the Count of Hainault) and after him his son Edmund Langley, earls of Cambridge. Edmund’s son Richard held the earldom until his attainder, and his son Richard Duke of York was again created Earl of Cambridge by Henry V. (p. 295). This was Edward IV.’s father in whom the earldom became merged in the crown. The arms of Edmund Langley, Duke of York and Earl of Cambridge, are on the first of the 6 shields of arms of Edward’s sons over the entrance gate of Trinity; beneath is inscribed:Edmondus D. Ebor. C. Cantabrugie.[69]See “Town and Gown” chap. iv. p. 233n.[70]Cf. “the students from regions near home” (e partibus diversis tam cismarinis...) of his father’s rescript p. 33.[71]For other references to this important document seeantepp. 14, 28; chap. iii. p. 165n, iv. p. 203.[72]Henry VI., VII., VIII., and Edward VI. continued the favour shown by the Henrys and Edwards to Cambridge; the exceptions were Henry V. and Edward IV. See ii. p. 101, v. p. 262. For the relation of the English queens to the university see Queens’ College pp. 109, 112, and p. 114.Edward III. allowed the university to appropriate any church of the yearly value of £40; to receive (through its chancellor) the oaths of the mayor and aldermen and the bailiffs; to take cognizance of all causes in which the scholars were concerned, “maim and felony” excepted; and required that the chancellor should not be disquieted if he imprisoned offenders; that masters of arts should not be cited out of the university; and that the mayor should make assay of the weight of bread as often as the chancellor demanded it.[73]pp. 29, 54.[74]Peterhouse p. 55, S. John’s pp. 122-3.[75]Except Kilkenny’s exhibitioners,infrap. 40.[76]“I have given to God, the Blessed Virgin, blessed John Baptist, and to the House of the Scholars of Merton“: these words occur in the same deed with those in the text.Harl. Add. MSS. 5832. ff. 74, 75.The gift includes a stone house in the town:Dedi etiam et concessi prefatae domui ... domum illam lapideam in Cauntebrigg. cum gardino et curia adjacente.... Three deeds relating to the same transaction are datedmense Martii54th of Hen. III. InRot. Hund.7th Edw. I. p. 366, a certain John gives a quit rent to the scholars of Merton for 18 acres of this property.[77]The priory of S. Frideswide granted him land in 1265, and he obtained much more two years later.[78]The wording provides for the existing or any otherordinatioMerton may formulate.[79]“Domus scolarium de Merton.”Burg. Cantebr. Rot. Hund.i. 55.[80]Rot. Hund.ii. 360.[81]The “Merton clerks,”clerici de Merton, are mentioned again in the next paragraph. At the same date a certain Johanna declares that she had as a marriage portion from her father a messuage given him by Cecil at the Castle, for which is paid a quit rent of twelve pence a year to “the scholars of Merton.”Rot. Hund.ii. 379. In the Hundred of Chesterton (p. 402) we find that “the scholars of Merton hold of the fee of Hervey Dunning” such and such properties. They also paid a quit rent to Edmund Crouchback for lands he held (on the death of de Montfort) as earl of Leicester.[82]Rot. Hund.ii. 364, 407.[83]The general rule in these Rolls is to add no qualification of origin in cases where the owner, or religious house, has another habitation in the locality to which the transaction refers. Hence we find “the prior of Anglesey,” “the prioress of Stratford,” side by side with “the scholars of Merton” in the Cambridge Hundred Rolls (cf.Rot. Hund.ii. 364).[84]Grantchester (7th Edw. I. p. 565):et tota dicta pars alienata est scolaribus Oxon’ per dominum Walter’ de Merton’, nescit quo warranto. Gamlingay: “William of Leicester sold the whole of that holding todominusWalter de Merton and the said Waltergave it all to the scholarsof thedomus de Merton Oxonie.”[85]“Villani ejusd’ Gunnor’ dicunt quodprior de Mertone” held the advowson of the church of Barton. (Rot. Hund.ii. 564.)The Bishop of Nelson points out that the scholars were called not after Walter de Merton, but after the place—Merton priory. Merton himself had no surname; he was born at Basingstoke, and was perhaps educated at the priory from which he also took his name. Beket was certainly educated at this well-known Merton, which gave its name to the “Statute of Merton” devised there in 1236, and was also the theatre of a council held by the archbishop 22 years later. At the evaluation of 1291, the priory held property in Norfolk (Index Monasticus). The Cambridge estates settled on the scholars of thedomus apud Meandon(Malden) in 1270 were in Gamlingay,Merton,Over-Merton, Chesterton, etc. It is worth notice that among a number of scholars who received the king’s pardon in 1261 for the part they had taken in a riot, there is aWilliam de Merton, servant to two of the East Anglian scholars implicated.[86]For the “Ely scholars” see ii. pp. 122-3. The firstto leave an endowmentfor scholars was William of Durham in 1249; but several years elapsed before the fund was utilised, scholars maintained, or University College Oxford founded. University College was thus the outcome of an earlierintentionto endow, and Balliol College was an earlier foundation in embryo, than either Peterhouse or Merton.[87]The preamble of these letters addressed to the civic authorities at Northampton is as follows:Occasione cuiusdam magnae contentionis in villa Cantabrigiensi triennio jam elapso subortae nonnulli clericorum tunc ibidem studentium unanimiter ab ipsa villa recessissent, se usque ad villam nostram praedictam Northam. transferentes et ibidem (studiis inherendo) novam construere universitatem cupientes. The letters are dated from Westminster 1 Feb. in the 49th year of his reign (1265).Rot. Claus.49,Hen. III. membr.10.d.[1 Feb. 1264-5].[88]Chaucer shows us that the system of private lodgings continued in vogue at Oxford even in the late xiv c. His “pore scholer” lodges in the house of a well-to-do carpenter.[89]p. 33.[90]Cf. the regulations for lodgings at the present day, iv. pp. 224, 225.[91]Caius speaks of “two principals” overseeing respectively the studies and the economics of Physwick hostel.[92]Cf. ii. Trinity Hall p. 79, Magdalene pp. 127, 128.[93]Crouched, Crutched, forCrossed. So the Trinitarians who also wore a conspicuous cross on their habit were known in England as Crutched friars.[94]p. 56.

[1]Cf. iii. p. 172.

[2]Siegebert, who had been baptized in France, on returning to his own country and becoming king of East Anglia “desiring to imitate those things which he had seen well ordered in France, at once set up a school in which youths could be instructed in letters, and was helped herein by bishop Felix who came to him from Kent, and who supplied him with paedagogues and masters after the custom of the men of Kent.“—Bede, cap. xviii.

[3]Cair-Graunt means the Castle on the Granta, and is exchanged in the A-S. Chronicle forGrantacaester.

[4]“Civitatulam quandam desolatam ... quae lingua anglorum Grantacaestir vocatur.“—Bede, cap. xix.

[5]The castle, ruinous by the middle of the xv c., was quarried to supply stone for King’s College and other university buildings in that and the next century. Edw. III. had quarried it for King’s Hall, and Hen. IV. granted more of the stone for King’s Hall chapel. Finally Mary gave the stone to Sir Robert Huddleston in 1557 for his new house at Sawston: “Hereby that stately structure, anciently the ornament of Cambridge, is at this day reduced next to nothing,” writes Fuller.

[6]A-S. Chron.,Grantebrycge. Domesday,Grentebrige. Henry I.’s charter (1118)Grantebrugeshireand borough ofGrantebruge. In Matilda’s grant of the earldom of Cambridge (before 1146)Cantebruggescire. Temp. John,Cantebrige,Cantebrig. Temp. Hen. III.,Cantebr.(1218)Cantabr.(1231, 1261)Cantabrigiense.Cauntebrigg.andCantebrigg.in the same deed relating to the Merton scholars (1269-70) Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 5832. f. 74. Hundred Rolls (1276-9)Cantebr.In a document of Hugh de Balsham’s, 1275,Cantabr.Barnwell Chartulary, circ. 1295,Cantebrige, Cantebrigesire, burgum Cantebrigiae. In the earliest college statutes (1324)Cantebrigia. In Chaucer, Cantebrigge, Cantebregge. In the first half of the next (xvth) century we haveCambruggein a petition sent by King’s Hall to the Franciscans. Cf. also noteinfrap. 7, on the name of the river.

[7]The RomanDeva.

[8]Caius, writing in 1447, says that the town is divided into two parts by the Canta and the Rhee, called earlier le Ee; and by Spenser the Cle. We haveGranta,Guant, andCante: therdropped out, andGwas replaced byCin the name of both town and river (seesupra). Cante does not seem to have been the name of a river at all. The river bank by Castle Mound is spoken of in the xiv c. as “the common bank called Cante“: one arm at least of the Cambridge river was known simply as “the water” [Prof. Skeat has pointed out that Ee is the xii, xiii, and xiv c. form of the A-S.éa, cognate withaqua] and for centuries there would appear to have been no need for any other name. In Henry of Huntingdon’s Chronicle (1130) the river is called theGrenta; but Lydgate writesAnd of this noble vniuersitieSett on this ryver which is called Cante.In the same decade Spenser knows only the Guant (Faery Queene, Book iv, Canto xi.1590) and Camden for the first time tells us that it was called both Granta and Cam (alii Grantam,Camum alii.1586) the name used as we have seen by Milton. If there was no river Canteà fortiorithere was no river Cam; for themin the name of the town is only another change in the original first syllable of Cambridge. Seefootnote, p. 6.

And of this noble vniuersitieSett on this ryver which is called Cante.

In the same decade Spenser knows only the Guant (Faery Queene, Book iv, Canto xi.1590) and Camden for the first time tells us that it was called both Granta and Cam (alii Grantam,Camum alii.1586) the name used as we have seen by Milton. If there was no river Canteà fortiorithere was no river Cam; for themin the name of the town is only another change in the original first syllable of Cambridge. Seefootnote, p. 6.

[9]Trumpington is 2 miles S., Grantchester 2 miles S.S.W. of the town.

[10]878. It was from the town (Grantebrycge) that the Danes set forth, two years before, and surprised Alfred at Wareham. In the time of Ethelred, just before the Danish invasion, Cambridge was a royal mint; it was so in the time of the Conqueror, and had a Danish ‘moneyer,’ and continued to be so under the Plantagenet kings: even Henry VI. coined money at Cambridge. In Domesday the town is described as a “Hundred,” a description, says Stubbs, belonging to big towns with large surrounding common land—Norwich and Canterbury are similarly described. After the history of the town became merged in that of the university, two parliaments were summoned there; in 1388, and in 1447 (afterwards held at Bury-St.-Edmund’s). For the city, see also p. 36 and v. p. 260.

[11]Fuller, p. 7.

[12]The edict expelling the Jews from England dates from 1290, and the Jews left Cambridge the year following.

[13]The fancy appellations Cam and Isis appear to have both been due to Camden. They are not heard of before his work appeared in 1586.

[14]Cambridge, writes Doctor Jessopp, existed as a town and fortress “a thousand years before Oxford was anything but a desolate swamp, or at most a trumpery village, where a handful of Britons speared eels, hunted for deer, and laboriously manufactured earthenware pots.”

[15]They found a Roman stone coffin, sculptured; one, apparently, of many known to have been left there, for portions of Roman sarcophagi are even now to be seen walled up in the church at Grantchester. Bede, cap. xix.

[16]The pollard willow is the chief denizen of the fens.

[17]The water runs flows and dances through the Cantabrigian’s life. The king’s and the bishop’s mills, Newnham mill just beyond, the Mill street, and the hythes, all courted constant recognition. As at Ely, thehytheswere the small trading ports along the river: there was Dame Nichol’s hythe, Cornhythe, Flaxhythe, Salthythe, Clayhythe.

[18]For the vii c. foundation ofElysee chap. vi. p. 311. The see dates from 1107, when the minster became a cathedral.Crowland, in Lincolnshire on the borders of Cambridgeshire, was built over the tomb of Guthlac, a prince and a saint of the house of Mercia, in the vii c.Buryrose after the martyrdom of the East Anglian king Edmund (870)c.903; it did not become a monastery till 1020.Peterboroughwas founded by Wulfhere, king of Mercia from 659 to 674: it formed part of the diocese of Lincoln till the xvi c. Ramsey and Thorney were other fen monasteries. Ramsey was on the borders, in Huntingdonshire, but Thorney was in Cambridgeshire. Peterborough and Thorney with Ely and Crowland were sacked by the Danes in 870. All these were ‘black Benedictine’ houses.

[19]Cottenham 7 miles north of Cambridge; the benefice became an advowson of Chatteris abbey in the isle of Ely, and was bestowed by the abbess on Warham in 1500.

[20]Joffred was appointed abbot of Crowland in 1109 in succession to Ingulph: the xiv c. forgery theHistoria Croylandensispretends to be written by Ingulph (nat.1030) and continued by Peter of Blois. It contains fables about the antiquity of Oxford. SeeIngulph and the Historia Croylandensisby W. G. Searle,M.A.

[21]p. 8.

[22]Fuller.

[23]“The monk Odo, a singular grammarian and satirical poet, read grammar to the boys and those of the younger sort assigned to him”; logic and rhetoric were imparted to the elder scholars.Soi-disant Peter of Blois.

[24]iii. p. 164. Their school was in the parish where the university schools rose later—under the shadow of Great S. Mary’s; and opposite was Le Glomery Lane (theVicus Glomeriae).

[25]La Bataille des vii Ars.Oeuvres Rutebeuf, Paris 1839, ii. 415.

[26]Abbot Sampson (b.1135) had himself been “a poor clerke” at the school of Bury, and William Diss, a Norfolk man, was the schoolmaster. In 1160 Sampson became itsmagister scholarum. He proceeded to buy certain stone houses—those solid structures which either as Jewish or Norman building were sought for at Cambridge and at Oxford also—so that the scholars might live rent free; and in 1198 he endowed themagister scolarum grammaticaliumso that the tuition too became free. (The Chronicle of Jocelin of Brakelond, newly edited by Sir Ernest Clarke,M.A., F.S.A.) “School Hall Street” was just outside the abbey precincts, and answered to the “School Street” and theVicus Glomeriaein Cambridge. There was an ancient chapel in Cambridge dedicated to the patron saint of Bury, and one of the chief possessions of that rich abbey was the manor of Mildenhall, which provided the expenses of its sacrist and cellarer: it is at least an interesting coincidence that Robert and Edmund of Mildenhall were original fellows of Michaelhouse; the former was its second master, third master, according to Le Neve, of Peterhouse, and chancellor of the university in 1334. An abbot and a monk of Bury are two of those to be specially commemorated in every mass said by the scholars of the new foundation of Michaelhouse (1324); and Curteys the 24th abbot of Bury was one of the personages invited by Henry VI. to assist at the laying of the foundation stone of King’s College. Walter Diss (a name well known in Bury) was a famous Carmelite friar at Cambridge in the xiv c. Fuller preserves the legend that Jocelyn, Abbot Sampson’s Boswell, had studied in the Cambridge schools, the source of which is Bale who was a Carmelite of Norwich and Cambridge. Together these things perhaps suggest that the schools of Cambridge and Bury had some relation to each other as well as to Orléans.Bury was reckoned among fen monasteries because of its Suffolk property (of which Mildenhall formed part) where the See of Ely possessed several manors.

Bury was reckoned among fen monasteries because of its Suffolk property (of which Mildenhall formed part) where the See of Ely possessed several manors.

[27]A Henry of Orléans was sub-bailiff of Cambridge in the 2nd year of Edw. I. (Hundred Rolls i. p. 49).

[28]The transformation of houses of canons serving a church or cathedral into Regular Canons in the xii and xiii centuries was the effect of the rule indited by Yvo of Chartres which gave its final form and name to the “Canons Regular of S. Augustine” at the end of the xi c. The canons of S. Giles and Lanfranc’s hospital of S. Gregory at Canterbury were among the earliest of these communities to be converted, in the reign of Henry I., into Regulars.

[29]In the xi and xii centuries a large number of hospitals of the order of S. Augustine were founded for the relief of poor and impotent persons, the type being that of the Whittington hospital in London. Sometimes their object was to succour the wayfarer, sometimes they were virtually almshouses where leprous and indigent “brethren” formed the larger part of the community with a few “healthful brethren” and the master to look after them. Such was the origin, in the xi c., of the Knights of Malta, or Order of the Hospital of S. John of Jerusalem. At Canterbury Lanfranc erected a hospital of S. Gregory; at Oxford the hospital of S. Bartholomew, founded in the reign of Hen. I., was bestowed by Edw. III. on Oriel College; and Magdalen, Oxford, was erected on the site of another S. John’s hospital, which numbered brethren and sisters among its members. Amalfi merchants trading to the Holy Land endowed the first “master and brethren” of the Order of S. John of Jerusalem; a well-to-do burgess endowed the Cambridge hospice, and the nobles, the bishops, and the sovereign himself are to be numbered among the founders and benefactors of these first almshouses and hospitals. Cf. ii. p. 117n.

[30]See chap. ii. Peterhouse and S. John’s.

[31]See chap. ii. S. John’s and Jesus Colleges.

[32]Fordham and Mirmaud-at-Welle. The Gilbertines of Chiksand in Bedfordshire had a house and garden in King’s Childers’ Lane by King’s Hall, which they leased to the university for the schools quadrangle in 1433. The Gilbertines were a double Order of nuns and canons; the former followed the Cistercian rule but were never affiliated to that Order. The canons followed the rule of S. Augustine, but the sympathies, like the dress, of the Gilbertines were Cistercian: “militat sub instituto Cisterciensi.” Only in this indirect way did Citeaux enter Cambridge: but see i. p. 25 and ii. p. 143.

[33]The Carmelite Bale says:ex omni factione sua primus tandem fuit qui theologicus doctor sit effectus. Pits says the same in theDe illust. Angl. Script.For Carmelite property in Cambridge see also vi. pp. 325-6.

[34]This was the treatise known in Cambridge as ‘the black book,’ in which Prior Cantilupe tells of Cantaber and his son Grantanus, and their foundation of Cambridge on the site of Caergrant.

[35]The prison or tolbooth had been the house of Benjamin the Jew, which became university property in the reign of Elizabeth, but after a famous trial in the next reign reverted to the citizens. Like the Jewish houses elsewhere it was amongst the most solid structures in the town.

[36]Dugdale says “before 1275.” Their priory was enlarged and perhaps refounded by Alice, wife of de Vere second Earl of Oxford.

[37]Chap. ii., Sidney Sussex and Emmanuel Colleges.

[38]v. p. 275.

[39]All branches of the Augustinians were represented at Cambridge: the Augustinian canon at Barnwell, the hospitaller at S. John’s, and the hermit-friar at the Austin friary. ‘The friars heremites of the order of S. Austin’ were settled in Suffolk from the middle of the xiii c., probably by Richard de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Lord of the honour of Clare. One of their chief benefactors was Elizabeth de Burgh. See Clare College chap. ii. p. 64.

[40]Confraternities and friars “of the Sack,” known as Sacconi in their birthplace, Italy, and so called because of the loose gown or ‘sack’ common to begging friars and confraternities, and also because of the large sacks which they sometimes carried when begging for the poor, were associations due to the preaching of S. Francis and especially of S. Antony of Padua in the first quarter of the xiii c. So that the Cambridge friars, dispersed after the Council of Lyons in 1307, were one of the earliest of these communities; and it is interesting to find them addicted to scholarship.

[41]Matthew Paris, anno 1257.Concessa est mansio fratribus Bethleemitis in Cantabrigia, silicet in vico qui ducit versus Trumpintonam.

[42]They were begging friars following the rule of S. Austin.

[43]They had held land in Cambridge for over 100 years “of the gift of the earl of Mandeville.” At the Suppression they were seized of land in Haslyngfeld, co. Cambridge. Cf. ii. p. 96.

[44]The property was situated “in Henney,” a well-known part of Mill Street in the parish of S. John Baptist, and included the stone house on the high street by S. Michael’s rectory house which passed to the family of Sir John Cambridge in 1311 was by him bequeathed to Corpus Christi College, and became the nucleus of Gonville Hall. The prior of Anglesey is found leasing this land in the reign of Edward III., and selling it to Henry VI. in 1447. The priory lay between Cambridge and Newmarket.

[45]Rot. Hund.ii. 360. Cf. alsoibid.p. 370.

[46]pp. 25n., 49 and ii. p. 90.

[47]Another piece of this ground was conveyed by Henry VI. (who bought it of the university in the same year) to Trinity Hall in 1440 (and became the college garden). It is there described as “a void ground”pertinent priori et confratribus sancti Johannis in Anglia. Crouched hostel had already been pulled down for the schools. Like other hostels in Mill Street—God’s house, S. Nicholas, and Austin’s (see King’s and Christ’s Colleges) it stood, as we see, on open ground: “a certain garden of the hostel of the Holy Cross” we hear of in 1421.

[48]It is supposed that monks from Denney and Tyltey came here to study. The former was in fact a cell to Ely abbey before Marie de Chatillon transferred the Franciscans of Waterbeach thither. The two ‘nuns of the Order of S. Clare’ who were friends of Erasmus at Cambridge were probably inmates of Denney. InRot. Hund.two other communities are recorded: themoniales de Pato, of whom we know nothing—there is aPastonin Norfolk and another in Northants.; and ‘the monks of the Holy Trinity at Cambridge’ who are mentioned in the Oxford Hundred Rolls of the 7th year of Edw. I.: the name affords another instance of the antiquity and popularity of this dedication to the Trinity, which we find at Michaelhouse, Trinity Hall, Trinity church, and in the guild of the Trinity at Cambridge.

[49]p. 127.

[50]Fuller.

[51]For later monastic influences in Cambridge, see ii. pp. 127-9, Magdalene College.

[52]Pembroke College p. 69. For Scrope see ii. 94, v. 295; for Thorpe ii. 75, 96, v. 295.

[53]...in statutis universitatis ejusdem ... familia scholarium ... immunitate et libertate gaudeant qua et scholares, ut coram archidiacono non respondeant....(Balsham’s JudgmentA.D.1275/6). TheStatuta Antiqua, the old body of statutes of the university, have for the most part no chronological arrangement, and the date cannot in some cases be determined to within a century. The earliest ‘grace’ to which a date is attached belongs to the year 1359, but there is another referable to the year 1275/6. The latest, reduced to chronological order, is of the year 1506. TheStatuta Antiquawere replaced in the 12th year of Elizabeth by a fresh body of statutes, and these again by the statutes of Victoria, 1882. The former are printed in Dyer’sPrivileges of the University.

[54]Simon Montacute (1337-1345) ceded the right of the bishops of Ely to the presentation of fellowships in their own college of Peterhouse. Cf. also iv. pp. 203-4.

[55]Dated February 20, 624; and 689. Martin’s bull recognises their authority. Copies exist in the Cambridge Registry, Nos. 107 and 114 in the catalogue.

[56]“Si quis de ordine sacerdotium in monasterio suscipi rogaverit, non quidem citius ei assentiatur.“—Regula S. P. Benedicti, caput lx.

[57]See, chap, ii., Michaelhouse, Corpus, Gonville, and Trinity Hall.

[58]A chartered corporation and a university in the sense of astudium generalepossessing European privileges. Cambridge was auniversitasmany years before this, and was so familiarly styled by Henry III. in 1231.

[59]It has been pointed out that our knowledge of Oxford’s intellectual activity during the xii c. is confined to the visits of three or four celebrated teachers who lectured to its changing population and in its schools, among which the priory school of S. Frideswide was the most important. We must not of course confuse the activities of monastic and episcopal schools with those of a university.

[60]Matthew Paris,in anno 1209: Ita quod nec unus ex omni universitate remansit.

[61]p. 47.

[62]Satis constat vobis quod apud villam nostrum Cantebr’ studendi causa e diversis partibus tam cismarinis quam transmarinis confluit multitudo, quod valde gratum habemus et acceptamus, cum exemplum toti regno nostro commodum non modicum, et honor nobis accrescat, et vos specialiter inter quos fideliter conversantur studentes non mediocriter gaudere debetis et laetari.

[63]Clerkandscholarwere used interchangeably in the xiii c. as they are in these two rescripts,clericusbeing employed in the rescript of 1218 and in that addressed to the sheriff (vicecomes) of the county cited above:Quoniam ut audivimus plures nominanturclericiapud Cantabr. qui sub nullius magistri scholarum sunt disciplina et tuitione, sed potius mentiuntur se essescholarescum non sint.... In a further rescript of the king’s the meaning is no less clear:Ita tamen quod ad suspensionem vel mutilationem clericorum non procedatis, sed eos alio modo per consilium universitatis Cantabr. castigetis. (Referring to “insults recently offered to certain northern scholars of the university of Cambridge,” 1261.) In the Hundred Rolls, at the same period, we haveclerici de Mertonandscholares de Merton; andclerici in scholis degentesis W. de Merton’s own description of his scholars.

[64]The charter of Oxford university belongs to the same reign.

[65]Rot. Hund.7th Edw. I.

[66]The Pope no doubt refers to the forged bulls (p. 28) but his reference to previous royal rescripts is likely to be more correct, and to have been supplied by Edward himself.

[67]Seestudium generalepp. 30n., 31.

[68]The importance of Cambridge was steadily growing in the reigns of Henry I. and Stephen. The isle of Ely supported Matilda; and the earldom of Cambridge was conferred both by her and by Stephen for the first time. The former by her letters, issued before the year 1146, bestowed it on her favourite Aubrey de Vere, “if the King of Scotland hath it not,” as prior in dignity to the counties of “Oxfordshire, Berkshire, Wiltshire, or Dorsetshire” one of which he was to take if Stephen’s gift of the earldom of Cambridge to Saint David of Scotland held good. De Vere had to accept the county of Oxford which has since remained in that family—the earldom of Cambridge passing to royal hands and becoming in time a royal dukedom. David of Scotland held Cambridge in his own and Huntingdon in right of his wife. Malcolm of Scotland held both earldoms together in exchange for the northern counties of Northumberland and Cumberland. The union of these earldoms is still represented by the union of Huntingdon and Cambridge under onevicecomesor sheriff. Edward III. created his wife’s brother (the Count of Hainault) and after him his son Edmund Langley, earls of Cambridge. Edmund’s son Richard held the earldom until his attainder, and his son Richard Duke of York was again created Earl of Cambridge by Henry V. (p. 295). This was Edward IV.’s father in whom the earldom became merged in the crown. The arms of Edmund Langley, Duke of York and Earl of Cambridge, are on the first of the 6 shields of arms of Edward’s sons over the entrance gate of Trinity; beneath is inscribed:Edmondus D. Ebor. C. Cantabrugie.

[69]See “Town and Gown” chap. iv. p. 233n.

[70]Cf. “the students from regions near home” (e partibus diversis tam cismarinis...) of his father’s rescript p. 33.

[71]For other references to this important document seeantepp. 14, 28; chap. iii. p. 165n, iv. p. 203.

[72]Henry VI., VII., VIII., and Edward VI. continued the favour shown by the Henrys and Edwards to Cambridge; the exceptions were Henry V. and Edward IV. See ii. p. 101, v. p. 262. For the relation of the English queens to the university see Queens’ College pp. 109, 112, and p. 114.Edward III. allowed the university to appropriate any church of the yearly value of £40; to receive (through its chancellor) the oaths of the mayor and aldermen and the bailiffs; to take cognizance of all causes in which the scholars were concerned, “maim and felony” excepted; and required that the chancellor should not be disquieted if he imprisoned offenders; that masters of arts should not be cited out of the university; and that the mayor should make assay of the weight of bread as often as the chancellor demanded it.

Edward III. allowed the university to appropriate any church of the yearly value of £40; to receive (through its chancellor) the oaths of the mayor and aldermen and the bailiffs; to take cognizance of all causes in which the scholars were concerned, “maim and felony” excepted; and required that the chancellor should not be disquieted if he imprisoned offenders; that masters of arts should not be cited out of the university; and that the mayor should make assay of the weight of bread as often as the chancellor demanded it.

[73]pp. 29, 54.

[74]Peterhouse p. 55, S. John’s pp. 122-3.

[75]Except Kilkenny’s exhibitioners,infrap. 40.

[76]“I have given to God, the Blessed Virgin, blessed John Baptist, and to the House of the Scholars of Merton“: these words occur in the same deed with those in the text.Harl. Add. MSS. 5832. ff. 74, 75.The gift includes a stone house in the town:Dedi etiam et concessi prefatae domui ... domum illam lapideam in Cauntebrigg. cum gardino et curia adjacente.... Three deeds relating to the same transaction are datedmense Martii54th of Hen. III. InRot. Hund.7th Edw. I. p. 366, a certain John gives a quit rent to the scholars of Merton for 18 acres of this property.

[77]The priory of S. Frideswide granted him land in 1265, and he obtained much more two years later.

[78]The wording provides for the existing or any otherordinatioMerton may formulate.

[79]“Domus scolarium de Merton.”Burg. Cantebr. Rot. Hund.i. 55.

[80]Rot. Hund.ii. 360.

[81]The “Merton clerks,”clerici de Merton, are mentioned again in the next paragraph. At the same date a certain Johanna declares that she had as a marriage portion from her father a messuage given him by Cecil at the Castle, for which is paid a quit rent of twelve pence a year to “the scholars of Merton.”Rot. Hund.ii. 379. In the Hundred of Chesterton (p. 402) we find that “the scholars of Merton hold of the fee of Hervey Dunning” such and such properties. They also paid a quit rent to Edmund Crouchback for lands he held (on the death of de Montfort) as earl of Leicester.

[82]Rot. Hund.ii. 364, 407.

[83]The general rule in these Rolls is to add no qualification of origin in cases where the owner, or religious house, has another habitation in the locality to which the transaction refers. Hence we find “the prior of Anglesey,” “the prioress of Stratford,” side by side with “the scholars of Merton” in the Cambridge Hundred Rolls (cf.Rot. Hund.ii. 364).

[84]Grantchester (7th Edw. I. p. 565):et tota dicta pars alienata est scolaribus Oxon’ per dominum Walter’ de Merton’, nescit quo warranto. Gamlingay: “William of Leicester sold the whole of that holding todominusWalter de Merton and the said Waltergave it all to the scholarsof thedomus de Merton Oxonie.”

[85]“Villani ejusd’ Gunnor’ dicunt quodprior de Mertone” held the advowson of the church of Barton. (Rot. Hund.ii. 564.)The Bishop of Nelson points out that the scholars were called not after Walter de Merton, but after the place—Merton priory. Merton himself had no surname; he was born at Basingstoke, and was perhaps educated at the priory from which he also took his name. Beket was certainly educated at this well-known Merton, which gave its name to the “Statute of Merton” devised there in 1236, and was also the theatre of a council held by the archbishop 22 years later. At the evaluation of 1291, the priory held property in Norfolk (Index Monasticus). The Cambridge estates settled on the scholars of thedomus apud Meandon(Malden) in 1270 were in Gamlingay,Merton,Over-Merton, Chesterton, etc. It is worth notice that among a number of scholars who received the king’s pardon in 1261 for the part they had taken in a riot, there is aWilliam de Merton, servant to two of the East Anglian scholars implicated.

[85]“Villani ejusd’ Gunnor’ dicunt quodprior de Mertone” held the advowson of the church of Barton. (Rot. Hund.ii. 564.)

The Bishop of Nelson points out that the scholars were called not after Walter de Merton, but after the place—Merton priory. Merton himself had no surname; he was born at Basingstoke, and was perhaps educated at the priory from which he also took his name. Beket was certainly educated at this well-known Merton, which gave its name to the “Statute of Merton” devised there in 1236, and was also the theatre of a council held by the archbishop 22 years later. At the evaluation of 1291, the priory held property in Norfolk (Index Monasticus). The Cambridge estates settled on the scholars of thedomus apud Meandon(Malden) in 1270 were in Gamlingay,Merton,Over-Merton, Chesterton, etc. It is worth notice that among a number of scholars who received the king’s pardon in 1261 for the part they had taken in a riot, there is aWilliam de Merton, servant to two of the East Anglian scholars implicated.

[86]For the “Ely scholars” see ii. pp. 122-3. The firstto leave an endowmentfor scholars was William of Durham in 1249; but several years elapsed before the fund was utilised, scholars maintained, or University College Oxford founded. University College was thus the outcome of an earlierintentionto endow, and Balliol College was an earlier foundation in embryo, than either Peterhouse or Merton.

[87]The preamble of these letters addressed to the civic authorities at Northampton is as follows:Occasione cuiusdam magnae contentionis in villa Cantabrigiensi triennio jam elapso subortae nonnulli clericorum tunc ibidem studentium unanimiter ab ipsa villa recessissent, se usque ad villam nostram praedictam Northam. transferentes et ibidem (studiis inherendo) novam construere universitatem cupientes. The letters are dated from Westminster 1 Feb. in the 49th year of his reign (1265).Rot. Claus.49,Hen. III. membr.10.d.[1 Feb. 1264-5].

[88]Chaucer shows us that the system of private lodgings continued in vogue at Oxford even in the late xiv c. His “pore scholer” lodges in the house of a well-to-do carpenter.

[89]p. 33.

[90]Cf. the regulations for lodgings at the present day, iv. pp. 224, 225.

[91]Caius speaks of “two principals” overseeing respectively the studies and the economics of Physwick hostel.

[92]Cf. ii. Trinity Hall p. 79, Magdalene pp. 127, 128.

[93]Crouched, Crutched, forCrossed. So the Trinitarians who also wore a conspicuous cross on their habit were known in England as Crutched friars.

[94]p. 56.

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