Chapter V.
SAFETY OF THE COLONIES ENDANGERED.
The correspondence of Mr. Canning with Mr. Galatin, lately published, evinces plainly the importance which is attached to our transatlantic possessions. It cannot be supposed that a minister of state will hold one tone to a foreign power, and a different one to ourselves.
It is on occasions of public diplomacy, when our own policy is opposed to that of the great rising republic of America, that the full swell of public opinion makes known the extent of interest felt by the British nation towards her colonies.
The love of dominion is natural to mankind, and few like to lose what they have once possessed; but, with the reflecting part of the nation, this feeling is strengthened by the consciousness that slavery itself will be promoted by the destruction of the British colonies. Foreign nations will take up what we abandon; and if we are still to consume sugar, the state of the continental markets proves to a demonstration that that consumption will be supplied by slave-labour, and not by free labour from either east or west.
Hence the safety of the colonies not only affectsthe dignity of His Majesty’s crown, which ministers have sworn to uphold; but it combines every consideration on this question which can influence the conduct of an independent member of the legislature.
If, then, there ever was a measure which involved a dilemma, it is that of compulsory manumission. It must either be operative, or, from the restrictions with which it is fenced, it must be inoperative.
Let us view it in both ways.
It is almost unnecessary to remark, that the nature of the colonial system assumes the production in the colonies of commodities possessing exchangeable value, to be transported to the mother-country for sale, and tending, in the various relations of their transport, to promote and invigorate the national commerce.
But if the negroes free themselves in the manner proposed, this commerce must cease.
The writer of the “Remarks” has made one acknowledgment which greatly abridges the necessity for argument or examination on this head. He says, that no instance has yet occurred of free negroes working steadily for hire in the field, in the Britishcolonies; and that it is not to be expected that they will so work, until their physical wants have been augmented.
Now it has been shown, in thefirst section of the preceding chapter, that those wants, instead of being augmented, or even established, are effectually checked by the new measure. If there could be, in the first instance, a hope that cultivation might hereafter be conducted by free labourers, it is destroyed in its bud; and precisely in the degree that the negroes are freed, will the value of the colonies decline.
Political economy is now the fashion. All who are connected with the Legislature, or who take a part in public affairs, are anxious to display their proficiency in this science. Without further comment, an appeal is made to them to pronounce, on weighing well the reasoning referred to, if profitable cultivation in the colonies will not be superseded.
What, then, would be the object of protecting those colonies? They would virtually be lost to this country, in express contradiction to the declared policy of the Legislature.
On the other hand, let us suppose compulsory manumission inoperative; that Government discoverits latent difficulties, and that they wish ostensibly to enforce its enactment while they fetter it with restrictions to prevent its practical working.
Here it is conceived that still more disastrous consequences would ensue. You tell the negro that he has a right to purchase his freedom; and when he comes forward to claim it, he finds himself mocked and imposed upon.
In common reason, is this the kind of legislation we are to expect after the many warnings we have had of negro-susceptibility, and the well-grounded conviction that there are embers, only wanting one kindling breath to involve the whole colonies in destruction?
Since the agitation of negro-emancipation, within these few years past, a great excitement has prevailed among the slaves, and mischief on no common scale has occurred, merely from the delusion practised upon the negroes as to the pretended benefits intended them. During the insurrection in Demerara, when the insurgents were told by the governor, of the new laws and indulgences to be granted them, they received the boon with comparative derision; they said, to quote the words of the Governor’s despatch, that “those things were no comforts for them; that they were tired of being slaves; that their good King had sent orders that they should be free, and that they would not work any more.”
By obvious analogy we may judge of the danger if an inoperative law be now passed. To inspire hopes which can never be realized, is at any time bad; but in the case of the slaves, it is to render them for ever dissatisfied with their lot, and to arouse every angry passion in their minds. The strongest indignation, therefore, should be expressed at attempts made to palliate the manifold errors of the measure, or to procure the unreflecting concurrence of parties locally interested, by representing that it might ostensibly be allowed to pass, if rendered inoperative, because then no harm can result from it. Such a mode of proceeding to all parties concerned, both master and slave, would be unworthy of the British Government, and not more disingenuous than impolitic.
Imagine, for a moment, the feelings of a slave, who, relying upon the efficacy of the law promulgated, applies for his freedom, but finds all a fallacy! Think of his baffled hope—the pinings of the heart—the burning sense of injustice! And it is all-important to reflect, that the obnoxious object of these excited passions will be the master, or the resident proprietor. The negro will never believe that he has been deceived by the King of England. He will decide, that the King has conferred on him the boon, and that it has been intercepted by combination of the colonial proprietors.
The negroes are just beginning to be sensible that amelioration is different from what they firstimagined it. Proclamations and proceedings of the governors have tended to check their fatal impression that a life of idleness was now at hand; but if you disturb the existing tranquillity, if you again raise the delusive cry of “Freedom!” may we not apprehend that kindred spirits, brooding over their fancied wrongs, will coalesce, and discontent thus swell into rebellion. It is vain to disguise or cloak the measure. Every colonial proprietor knows the excitement that will always be kept up by the anti-colonial party. “If I am to be robbed,” he will say, “rather let me suffer at once, than be kept in perpetual dread of ruin. If a slave worth 300l.comes to demand his freedom, better suffer a loss of 100l.than send him back with a refusal, for assuredly he will never be a peaceable or good subject again.” In his own defence, therefore, he must refuse to sanction any modifications of a measure which will equally injure himself, and endanger the public safety.
Whether, then, compulsory manumission contain an executory principle, or otherwise, it is incompatible with the safety of the colonies.
We have now contemplated the measure in every point of view, and it must be emphatically pronounced to be contrary both to the letter and the spirit of the Resolutions of both houses of Parliament.