[1] I. Intellectual power—Virtute. See the remarks onvirtus, at the commencement of the Conspiracy of Catiline. A little below, I have renderedvia virtutis, "the path of true merit."
[2] Worthy of honor—Clarus. "A person may be calledclaruseither on account of his great actions and merits; or on account of some honor which he has obtained, as the consuls were calledclarissimi viri; or on account of great expectations which are formed from him. But since the worth of him who isclarusis known by all, it appears that the mind is here calledclarusbecause its nature is such that pre-eminence is generally attributed to it, and the attention of all directed toward it."Dietsch.
[3] Abandons itself—Pessum datus est. Is altogether sunk and overwhelmed.
[4] Impute their delinquency to circumstances, etc.—Suam quisque culpam ad negotia transferunt. Men excuse their indolence and inactivity, by saying that the weakness of their faculties, or the circumstances in which they are placed, render them unable to accomplish any thing of importance. But, says Seneca,Satis natura, homini dedit roboris, si illo utamur;—nolle in causâ, non posse praetenditur. "Nature has given men sufficient powers, if they will but use them; but they pretend that they can not when the truth is that they will not." "Negotiais a common word with Sallust, for which other writers would useres, facta." Gerlach. "Cajus rei nos ipsi sumus auctores, ejus culpam rebus externis attribuimus."Muller. "Auctores" is the same as the [Greek:aitioi].
[5] Useless—Aliena. Unsuitable, not to the purpose, not contributing to the improvement of life.
[6] Instead of being mortal—Pro mortalibus. There are two senses in which these words may be taken:as far as mortals can, andinstead of being mortals. Kritz and Dietsch say that the latter is undoubtedly the true sense. Other commentators are either silent or say little to the purpose. As for the translators, they have studied only how to get over the passage delicately. The latter sense is perhaps favored by what is said in c. 2, that "the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, immortal."
[7] II. They all rise and fall, etc.—Omnia orta occidunt, et aucta senescunt. This is true of things in general, but is here spoken only of the qualities of the body, as De Brosses clearly perceived.
[8] Has power over all things—Habet cuncta. "All things are in its power." Dietsch. "Sub ditione tenet. So Jupiter, Ov. Met. i. 197: Quum mihi qui fulmen, qui vos habeoque regoque."Burnouf. So Aristippus said,Habeo Laidem, non habeor a Laide, [Greek:echo ouk echomai]. Cic. Epist. ad Fam. ix. 26.
[9] III. Civil and military offices—Magistratus et imperia. "Illo vocabule civilia, hoc militaria munera, significantur."Dietsch.
[10] To rule our country or subjects, etc.—Nam vi quidem regere patriam aut parentes, etc. Cortius, Gerlach, Kritz, Dietsch, and Muller are unanimous in understandingparentesas the participle of the verbpareo. That this is the sense, says Gerlach, is sufficiently proved by the conjunctionaut; for if Sallust had meantparents, he would have usedut; and in this opinion Allen coincides. Doubtless, also, this sense of the word suits extremely well with the rest of the sentence, in which changes in government are mentioned. But Burnouf, with Crispinus, prefers to follow Aldus Manutius, who took the word in the other signification, supposing that Sallust borrowed the sentiment from Plato, who says in his Epistlead Dionis Propinquos: [Greek:Patera de hae maetera ouch osion haegoumai prosbiazesthai, mae noso paraphrosunaes hechomenous. Bian de patridi politeias metabolaes aeae prospherein, otan aneu phugon, kai sphagaes andron, mae dunaton hae ginesthae taen ariostaen.] And he makes a similar observation in his Crito: [Greek:Pantachou poiaetaen, o an keleuoi hae polis te, kai hae patris.—Biazesthai de ouch osion oute maetera, oute patera poly de touton eti aetton taen patrida.] On which sentiments Cicero, ad Fam. i. 9, thus comments:Id enim jubet idem ille Plato, quem ego auctorem vehementer sequor; tantum contendere in republica quantum probare tuis civibus possis: vim neque parenti, neque patriae afferre oportere. There is also another passage in Cicero, Cat. i. 3, which seems to favor this sense of the word:Si te parentes timerent atque odissent tui, neque eos ullâ ratione placare posses, ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquò concederes; nunc te patria, quae communis est omnium nostrum parens odit ac metuit, etc. Of the first passage cited from Plato, indeed, Sallust's words may seem to be almost a translation. Yet, as the majority of commentators have followed Cortius, I have also followed him. Sallust has the word in this sense in Jug., c. 102;Parentes abunde habemus. So Vell. Pat. ii. 108:Principatis constans ex voluntate parentium.
[11] Lead to—Portendant. "Portenderein apregnant sense, meaning not merely to indicate, butquasi secum ferre, to carry along with them."Kritzius.
[12] IV, Presumptuously—Per insolentiam. The same asinsolenter, though some refer it, not to Sallust, but toquis existumet,in the sense ofstrangely,i. e.foolishly or ignorantly.I follow Cortius's interpretation.
[13] At what periods I obtained office, what sort of men, etc. —Quibus ego temporibus maqistratus adeptus sum, et quales viri,etc. —"Sallust obtained the quaestorship a few years after the conspiracy of Catiline, about the time when the state was agitated by the disorders of Clodius and his party. He was tribune of the people, A.U.C. 701, the year in which Clodius was killed by Milo. He was praetor in 708, when Caesar had made himself ruler. In the expressionquales viri,etc., he alludes chiefly to Cato, who, when he stood for the praetorship, was unsuccessful."Burnouf.Kritzius defendsadeptus sum.
[14] What description of persons have subsequently entered the senate—"Caesar chose the worthy and unworthy, as suited his own purposes, to be members of the senate."Burnouf.
[15] Quintus Maximus—Quintus Fabius Maximus, of whom Ennius says,Unus qui nobis cunctando restituit rem;Non ponebat enim rumores ante salutem.
[16] Publius Scipio—Scipio Africanus the Elder, the conqueror of Hannibal. See c. 5.
[17] To the pursuit of honor—Ad vertutem. Virtusin the same sense as invirtutis viâ,c. 1.
[18] The wax—Ceram illam.The images or busts of their ancestors, which the nobility kept in the halls of their houses, were made of wax. See Plin. H. N. xxxv., 2.
[19] Men of humble birth—Homines novi. See Cat., c. 23.
[20] V. Threw every thing, religious and civil, into confusion—Divina et humana cuncta permiscuit. "All things, both divine and human, were so changed, that their previous condition was entirely subverted."Dietsch.
[21] Civil dissensions—Studiis civilibus. This is the sense in which most commentators takestudia; and if this be right, the whole phrase must be understood as I have rendered it. So Cortius; "Ut non prius finirentur [studia civilia] nisi bello et vastitate Italiae." Sallust hasstudia partiumJug. c. 42; and Gerlach quotes from Cic. pro Marcell. c. 10: "Non enim consiliis solis et studiis, sed armis etiam et castris dissidebamus".
[22] More than any other enemy—Maximè.
[23] Since the Roman name became great—Post magnitudinem nominis Romani. "I know not why interpreters should find any difficulty in this passage. I understand it to signify simplysincethe Romans became so great as they were in the time of Hannibal; for,beforethat period they had suffered even heavier calamities, especially from the Gauls."Cortius.
[24] Syphax—"He was King of the Masaesyli in Numidia; was at first an enemy to the Carthaginians (Liv. xxiv. 48), and afterward their friend (Liv. xxviii. 17). He then changed sides again, and made a treaty with Scipio; but having at length been offered the hand of Sophonisba, the daughter of Asdrubal, in marriage, he accepted it, and returned into alliance with the Carthaginians. Being subsequently taken prisoner by Masinissa and Laelius, the lieutenant of Scipio, (Liv. xxx. 2) he was carried into Italy, and died at Tibur (Liv. xxx. 45)."Burnouf.
[25] His reign—Imperii. Cortius thinks that the grant of the Romans ceased with the life of Masinissa, and that his son, Micipsa, reigned only over that part of Numidia which originally belonged to his father. But in this opinion succeeding commentators have generally supposed him to be mistaken.
[26] VII. During the Numantine war—Bella Numantino. Numantia, which stood near the source of the Durius orDouroin Spain, was so strong in its situation and fortifications, that it with stood the Romans for fourteen years. See Florus, ii. 17,18; Vell. Pat. ii. 4.
[27] VIII. Rather by attention to them as a body, than by practicing on individuals—Publicè quà m privatim."Universae potius civitatis, quà m privatorum gratiam quaerendo."Burnouf. The words can only be rendered periphrastically.
[28] IX. In a short time—Statim. If what is said in c. 11 be correct, that Jugurtha was adopted within three years of Micipsa's death, his adoption did not take place till twelve years after the taking of Numantia, which surrendered in 619, and Micipsa died in 634.Statimis therefore used with great latitude, unless we suppose Sallust to mean that Micipsa signified to Jugurtha his intention to adopt him immediately on his return from Numantia, and that the formal ceremony of the adoption was delayed for some years.
[29] X. I received you—into my kingdom—In meuum regnum accepi. By these words it is only signified that Micipsa received Jugurtha into his palace so as to bring him up with his own children. The critics who suppose that there is any allusion to the adoption, or a pretended intention of it on the part of Micipsa, are evidently in the wrong.
[30] Pre-eminent merit—Gloriâ. Our English wordgloryis too strong.
[31] By the fidelity which you owe to my kingdom—Per regni fidem. This seems to be the best of all the explanations that have been offered of these words. "Per fidem quam tu rex (futurus) mihi regi praestare debes."Bournouf. "Per fidem quae decet in regno,i. e.regem."Dietsch. "Per eam fidem, qua esse decet eum qui regnum obtinet.Kritzius.
[32] It is not armies, or treasures, etc.—[Greek:Ou tode to chrusoun skaeptron to taen basileian diasozon estin, alla oi polloi philoi skaeptron basileioin ulaethestaton kai asphalestaton.] "It is not this golden scepter that can preserve a kingdom; but numerous friends are to princes their trust and safest scepter." Xen. Cyrop., viii. 7,14.
[33] And who can be a greater friend than one brother to another? —Quis autem amicior, quam frater fratri?"[Greek:Nomiz adelphous tous alaethinous philous] Menander."Wasse.
[34] That I have not adopted a better son, &c—Ne ego meliores liberos sumsissevidear quam genuisse. As there is no allusion to Micipsa's adoption of any other son than Jugurtha, Sallust's expressionliberos sumsissecan hardly be defended. It is necessary to givesonin the singular, in the translation.
[35] XI. Had spoken insincerely—Ficta locutum. Jugurtha saw that Micipsa pretended more love for him than he really felt. Compare c. 6,7.
[36] Which is regarded by the Numidians as the seat of honor—Quad apud Numidas honori ducitur. "I incline," says Sir Henry Steuart, "to consider those manuscripts as the most correct, in which the wordetis placed immediately beforeapud, Quod et apud Numidas honori ducitur." Sir Henry might have learned, had he consulted the commentators, that "the wordetis placed immediately beforeapud" in no manuscript; that Lipsius was the first who proposed its insertion; and that Crispinus, the only editor who has received it into his text, is ridiculed by Wasse for his folly. "Lipsius," says Cortius, "cùm sciret apud Romanos etiam medium locum honoratiorem fuisse, corrigit:quod et apud Numidas honori ducitur. Sed quis talia ab historico exegerit? Si de Numidis narrat, non facile aliquis intulerit, aliter propterea fuisse apud Romanos."
[37] To the other seat—In alteram partem. We must suppose that the three seats were placed ready for the three princes; that Adherbal sat down first, in one of the outside seats; the one, namely, that would be on the right hand of a spectator facing them; and that Hiempsal immediately took the middle seat, on Adherbal's right hand, so as to force Jugurtha to take the other outside one. Adherbal had then to remove Hiempsalin alteram partem, that is, to induce him to take the seat corresponding to his own, on the other side of the middle one.
[38] Chief lictor—Proximus lictor. "Theproximus lictorwas he who, when the lictors walked before the prince or magistrate in a regular line, one behind the other, was last, or next to the person on whom they attended."Cortius. He would thus be ready to receive the great man's commands, and be in immediate communication with him. We must suppose either that Sallust merely speaks in conformity with the practice of the Romans, or, what is more probable, that the Roman custom of being preceded by lictors had been adopted in Numidia.
[39] Hut of a maid-servant—Tugurio muliers ancillaeRose renderstugurio"a mean apartment," and other translators have given something similar, as if they thought that the servant must have had a room in the house. But she, and other Numidian servants, may have had huts apart from the dwelling-house.Tuguriumundoubtedly signifiesa hutin general.
[40] XIII. Into our province—In Provinciam. "The wordprovince, in this place, signifies that part of Africa which, after the destruction of Carthage, fell to the Romans by the right of conquest, in opposition to the kingdom of Micipsa."Wasse.
[41] Having thus accomplished his purposes—Patratis consiliis. Afterconsiliis, in all the manuscripts, occur the wordspostquam omnis Numidia potiebatur, which were struck out by Cortius, as beingturpissima glossa. The recent editors, Gerlach, Kritz, Dietsch, and Burnouf, have restored them.
[42] His intimate friends—Hospitibus. Persons probably with whom he had been intimate at Numantia, or who had since visited him in Numidia.
[43] The senate—gave audience to both parties—senatus utrisque datur. "The embassadors of Jugurtha, and Adberbal in person, are admitted into the senate-house to plead their cause."Burnouf.
[44] By deputation—Procuratione. He was to consider himself only theprocurator, manager, or deputed governor, of the kingdom.
[45] Kindred—and relatives—Cognatorum—affinium.Cognatusis a blood relation;affinisis properly a relative by marriage.
[46] Hereditary—Ab stirpe.
[47] Next to this—Secundum ea. "Priscianus, lib. xiii., de praepositione agens,Secundum, inquit, _quando pro [Greek:kata ei meta] loco praepositionis est_. Sallustius in Jugurthino:secundum ea, uti deditis uterer.—Videlicet hoc dicit,Secundumin Sallustii exemple,postvelproximèsignificare."Rivius.
[48] As I had no power to form the character of Jugurtha—Neque mihi in manu fuit, qualis Jugurtha foret. "In manu fuitis simplyin potestate fuit—Ter. Hec., iv. 4, 44:Uxor quid faciat in manu non est meâ."Cortius.
[49] Dishonored, afflicted—_Deformatus aerumnis.
[50] Above all others—Potissimum.
[51] One of us has been murdered, and I, the other, have scarcely escaped the hand of lawlessness—Alter eorum necatus, alterius ipse ego manus impias vix effugi. This is the general reading, but it can not be right. Adherbal speaks of himself and his brother as two persons, and of Jugurtha as a third, and says thatof those twothe one (alter) has been killed; he would then naturally proceed to speak of himself as the other;i. e.he would use the wordalterconcerning himself, not apply it to Jugurtha. Allen, therefore, proposes to readalter necatus, alter manus impias vix effugi. This mode of correction strikes out too much; but there is no doubt that the secondaltershould be in the nominative case.
[52] From being friendly, has become hostile to me—Ex necessariis adversa facta sunt."Si omnia mihi incolumia manerent, neque quidquam rerum mearum (s. praesidiorum) amisissem, neque Jugurtha aliique mihi ex necessariis inimici facti essent."Kritzius.
[53] But would that I could see him, etc.—Quod utinam illum—videam. Thequod, inquod utinam, is the same as that inquod si, which we commonly translate,but if.Quod, in such expressions, serves as a particle of connection, between what precedes and what follows it; the Latins being fond of connection by means of relatives. See Zumpt's Lat. Grammar on this point, Sect. 63, 82, Kenrick's translation. Kritzius writesquodutinam,quodsi,quodnisi, etc., as one word. Cortius injudiciously interpretsquodin this passage as havingfacientemunderstood with it.
[54] My life or death depends on the aid of others—Cujus vitae necisque ex opibus alienis pendet. On the aid of the Romans. Unless they protected him, he expected to meet with the same fate as Hiempsal at the hands of Jugurtha.
[55] Without disgrace—Sine dedecore. That is, if he did not succeed in getting revenge on Jugurtha.
[56] By your regard for yourselves, etc.—I have here departed from the text of Cortius, who readsper, vos, liberos atque parentes, i. e.vos (obsecro) per liberos, etc., as most critics would explain it, though Cortius himself prefers takingvosas the nominative case, and joining it withsubvenite, which follows. Most other editions haveper vos, per liberos, atque parentes vestros, to which I have adhered.Per vos, though an adjuration not used in modern times, is found in other passages of the Roman writers. Thus Liv. xxix. 18:Per vos, fidemque vestram. Cic. pro Planc., c. 42;Per vos, per fortunas vestras.
[57] To sink into ruin—Tabescere. "Paullatim interire."Cortius. Lucret. ii. 1172:Omnia paullatim tabescere el ire Ad capulum. "This speech," says Gerlach, "though of less weighty argument than the other speeches of Sallust, is composed with great art. Neither the speaker nor his cause was adapted for the highest flights of eloquence; but Sallust has shrouded Adherbal's weakness in excellent language. That there is a constant recurrence to the same topics, is no ground for blame; indeed, such recurrence could hardly be avoided, for it is natural to all speeches in which the orator earnestly labors to make his hearers adopt his own feelings and views. The Romans were again and again to be supplicated, and again and again to be reminded of the character and services of Masinissa, that they might be induced, if not by the love of justice, yet by the dread of censure, to relieve the distresses of his grandson…. He omits no argument or representation that could move the pity of the Romans; and if his abject prostration of mind appears more suitable to a woman than a man, it is to be remembered that it is purposely introduced by Sallust to exhibit the weakness of his character."
[58] XV. Aemilius Scaurus—He wasprinceps senatus(see c. 25), and seems to be pretty faithfully characterized by Sallust as a man of eminent abilities, but too avaricious to be strictly honest. Cicero, who alludes to him in many passages with commendation (Off., i. 20, 30; Brut. 29; Pro Muraen., 7; Pro Fonteio, 7), mentions an anecdote respecting him (De Orat. ii. 70), which shows that he had a general character for covetousness. See Pliny, H. N, xxxvi. 14. Valerius Maximus (iii. 7, 8) tells another anecdote of him, which shows that he must have been held in much esteem, for whatever qualities, by the public. Being accused before the people of having taken a bribe from Mithridates, he made a few remarks on his own general conduct; and added, "Varius of Sucro says that Marcus Scaurus, being bribed with the king's money, has betrayed the interests of the Roman people. Marcus Scaurus denies that he is guilty of what is laid to his charge. Which of the two do you believe?" The people dismissed the accusation; but the words of Scaurus may be regarded as those of a man rather seeking to convey a notion of his innocence, than capable of proving it. The circumstance which Cicero relates is this: Scaurus had incurred some obloquy for having, as it was said, taken possession of the property of a certain rich man, named Phyrgio Pompeius, without being entitled to it by any will; and being engaged as an advocate in some cause, Mommius, who was pleading on the opposite side, seeing a funeral pass by at the time, said, "Scaurus, yonder is a dead man, on his way to the grave; if you can but get possession of his property!" I mention these matters, because it has been thought that Sallust, from some ill-feeling, represents Scaurus as more avaricious than he really was.
[59] His ruling passion—Consuetâ libidine. Namely, avarice.
[60] XVI. Lucius Opimius—His contention with the party of C. Gracchus may be seen in any history of Rome. For receiving bribes from Jugurtha he was publicly accused, and being condemned, ended his life, which was protracted to old age, in exile and neglect. Cic. Brut. 33; Planc. 28.
[61] XVII. Only two divisions, Asia and Europe—Thus Varro, de L. L. iv.13, ed. Bip. "As all nature is divided into heaven and earth, so the heaven is divided into regions, and the earth into Asia and Europe." See Bronkh. ad Tibull., iv. 1, 176.
[62] The strait connecting our sea with the ocean—Fretum nostri maris et oceani. That is, theFretum Gaditanum, or Strait of Gibraltar. Byour see, he means the Mediterranean. See Pomp. Mela, i. 1.
[63] A vast sloping tract—Catabathmos—Declivem latitudinem, quem locum Catabathmon incolae appellant. Catabathmus—vallis repente convexa, Plin. H. N. v 5.Catabathmus, vallis devexa in Aegyptum, Pomp. Mela, i. 8. I have translateddeclivem latitudinemin conformity with these passages.Catabathmus, a Greek word, meansa descent. There were two, themajorandminor; Sallust speaks of themajor.
[64] Most of them die by the gradual decay of age—Plerosque senectus dissolvit"A happy expression; since the effect of old age on the bodily frame is not to break it in pieces suddenly, but to dissolve it, as it were, gradually and imperceptibly."Burnouf.
[65] King Hiempsal—"This is not the prince that was murdered by Jugurtha, but the king who succeeded him; he was grandson of Masinissa, son of Gulussa, and father of Juba. After Juba was killed at Thapsus, Caesar reduced Numidia to the condition of a province, and appointed Sallust over it, who had thus opportunities of gaining a knowledge of the country, and of consulting the books written in the language of it."Burnouf.
[66] XVIII. Getulians and Lybians—Gaetuli et Libyes, "See Pompon. Mel. i. 4; Plin. H. N. v. 4, 6, 8, v. 2, xxi. 13; Herod, iv. 159, 168."Gerlach. The nameGaetuli, is, however, unknown to Herodotus. They lay to the south of Numidia and Mauretania. See Strabo, xvii. 3.Libyesis a term applied by the Greek writers properly to the Africans of the North coast, but frequently to the inhabitants of Africa in general.
[67] His army, which was composed of various nations—This seems to have been an amplification of the adventure of Hercules with Geryon, who was a king in Spain. But all stories that make Hercule a leader of armies appear to be equally fabulous.
[68] Medes, Persians and Armenians—De Brosses thinks that these were not real Medes, etc., but that the names were derived from certain companions of Hercules. The point is not worth discussion.
[69] Our sea—The Mediterranean. See above, c. 17.
[70] More toward the Ocean—Intra oceanum magis. "Intra oceanumis differently explained by different commentators. Cortius, Muller and Gerlach, understand the parts bounded by the ocean, lying close upon it, and stretching toward the west; while Langius thinks that the regions more remote from the Atlantic Ocean, and extending toward the east, are meant. But Langius did not consider that those who had inverted keels of vessels for cottages, could not have strayed far from the ocean, but must have settled in parts bordering upon it_. And this is what is signified byintra oceanum. Forintra aliquam remis not always used to denote what is actuallyin a thing,and circumscribed by its boundaries, but what approaches toward it, and reaches close to it." Kritzius. He then instancesintra modum, intra legem; Hortensii scripta intra famam sunt, Quintil. xi. 8, 8. But the best example which he produces is Liv. xxv. 11:Fossa ingens ducta, et vallum, intra eamerigitur. Cicero, in Verr. iii. 89, has also, he notices, the same, expression,Locusintra oceanumjam nullus est—quò non nostrorum hominum libido iniquitasque pervaserit, i. e..locus oceano conterminus. Burnouf absurdly follows Langius.
[71] Numidians—Numidas. The same asNomades, or wanderers; a term applied to pastoral nations, and which, as Kritzius observes, the Africans must have had from the Greeks, perhaps those of Sicily.
[72] More to the sun—sub sole magis. I have borrowed this expression from Rose. The Getulians were more southward.
[73] These soon built themselves towns—That is, the united Medes, Armenians, and Libyans.
[74] Medes—into Moors—Mauris pro Medis. A most improbable, not to say impossible corruption.
[75] Of the Persians—Persarum. That is, of the Persians and Getulians united.
[76] The two parties—Utrique. The older Numidians, and the younger, who had emigrated toward Carthage.
[77] Those who had spread toward our sea—for the Libyans are less warlike than the Getulians—Magis hi, qui ad nostrum mare processerant; quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicosi. The Persians and Getulians (under the name of Numidians), and their colonists, who were more toward the Mediterranean, and were more warlike than the Libyans (who were united with the Medes and Armenians) took from them portions of their territories by conquest. This is clearly the sense, as deducible from the preceding portion of the text.
[78] Lower Africa—Africa pars inferior. The part nearest to the sea. The ancients called the maritime parts of a countrythe lower parts, and the inland partsthe higher, taking the notion, probably, from the course of the rivers. Lower Egypt was the part at the mouth of the Nile.
[79] XIX. Hippo—"It is not Hippo Regius" (now calledBona) "that is meant, but another Hippo, otherwise calledDiarrhytumorZarytum, situate in Zengitana, not far from Utica. This is shown by the order in which the places are named, as has already been observed by Cortius."Kritzius.
[80] Leptis—There were two cities of this name. Leptis Major, nowLebida, lay between the two Syrtes; Leptis Minor, nowLempta, between the smaller Sytis and Carthage. It is the latter that is meant here, and in c. 77, 78.
[81] Next to the Catabathmos—Ad Catabathmon.Admeans, on the side of the country toward the Catabathmos. "Catabathmoninitiumponens Sallustius ab eodiscedit." Kritzius.
[82] Along the sea-coast—Secundo mari. "Si quis secundum mare pergat"Wasse.
[83] Of Therseans—Theraeon. From the island of Thera, one of the Sporades, in the Aegean Sea, now calledSantorin. Battus was the leader of the colony. See Herod., iv. 145; Strab., xvii. 8; Pind. Pyth., iv.
[84] Two Syrtes—See c. 78.
[85] Leptis—That is,Leptis Major. See above on this c.
[86] Altars of the Philaeni—see c. 79.
[87] To the south of Numidia—Super Numidiam. "Ultra Numidiam, meridiem versus."Burnouf.
[88] Had lately possessed—Novissimè habuerant. In the interval between the second and third Punic wars.
[89] XXI. Both armies took up, etc.—I have omitted the wordinterimat the beginning of this sentence, as it would be worse than useless in the translation. It signifies,during the interval before the armies came to an engagement; but this is sufficiently expressed at the termination of the sentence.
[90] Cirta—Afterward namedSittianorum Colonia, from P. Sittius Nucerinus (mentioned in Cat., c. 21), who assisted Caesar in the African war, and was rewarded by him with the possession of this city and its lands. It is now calledConstantina, from Constantine the Great, who enlarged and restored it when it had fallen into decay. Strabo describes it, xvii. 3.
[91] Twilight was beginning to appear—Obscuro etiam tum lumine. Before day had fairly dawned.
[92] Romans—Togatorum. Romans, with, perhaps, some of the allies, engaged in merchandise, or other peaceful occupations, and therefore wearing thetoga. They are calledItaliciin c. 26.
[93] Three young men—Tres adolescentes. Cortius includes these words in brackets, regarding them as the insertion of some sciolist. But a sciolist, as Burnouf observes, would hardly have thought of insertingtres adolescentes. The words occur in all the MSS., and are pretty well confirmed by what is said below, c. 25, that when the senate next sent a deputation, they took care to make it consist ofmajores natu, nobiles. See onadolescens, Cat., c. 38.
[94] XXII. Told much less than the truth—Sed is rumor clemens erat. "It fell below the truth, not telling the whole of the atrocity that had been committed."Gruter."Priscian (xviii. 26) interpretsclemens'non nimius,' alluding to this passage of Sallust."Kritzius.All the later commentators have adopted this interpretation, except Burnouf, who adopts the supposition of Ciacconius, that avague and uncertainrumor is meant.
[95] Right of nations—Jure gentium."That is, the right of avenging himself."Rupertus.
[96] XXIV. Pays no regard—Neque—in animo habeat.This letter of Adherbal's, both in matter and tone, is very similar to his speech in c. 14.
[97] I have experienced, even before—Jam antea expertus sum.He means, in the result of his speech to the senate.
[98] XXV. Chief of the senate—Princeps senatûs."He whose name was first entered in the censors' books was calledPrinceps Senatûs, which title used to be given to the person who of those alive had been censor first (qui primus censor, ex iis qui viverent, fuisset), but after the year 544, to him whom the censors thought most worthy, Liv., xxvii. 13. This dignity, although it conferred no command or emolument, was esteemed the very highest, and was usually retained for life, Liv., xxxiv. 44; xxxix. 52. It is calledPrincipatus; and hence afterward the Emperor was namedPrinceps, which word properly denotes rank, and not power." Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 3.
[99] At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed—Vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium."Evil propensities gained the ascendency in his ambitious disposition."
[100] XXVI. The Italians—Italici.See c. 21.
[101] XXVII. By the Sempronian law—Lege Semproniâ.This was theLex Sempronia de Provinciis.In the early ages of the republic, the provinces were decreed by the senate to the consuls after they were elected; but by this law, passed A.U.C. 631, the senate fixed on two provinces for the future consuls before their election (Cic. Pro Dom., 9; De Prov. Cons., 2), which they, after entering on their office, divided between themselves by lot or agreement. The law was passed by Caius Gracchus. See Adam's Rom. Antiq., p. 105.
[102] Publius Scipio Nasica—"The great-grandson of him who was pronounced by the senate to bevir optimus; and son of him who, though holding no office at the time, took part in putting to death Tiberius Gracchus. He was consul with Bestia, A.U.C. 643, and died in his consulship. Cic. Brut., 34."Burnouf.
[103] Lucius Bestia Calpurnius—"He had been on the side of the nobility against the Gracchi, and was therefore in favor with the senate. After his consulship he was accused and condemned by the Mamilian law (c. 40), for having received money from Jugurtha, Cic. Brut. c. 34. De Brosses thinks that he was the grandfather of that Bestia who was engaged in the conspiracy of Catilina." Burnouf._
[104] XXIX. For the sake of giving confidence—Fidei causâ."In order that Jugurtha might have confidence in Bestia, Sextius the quaestor was sent as a sort of hostage into one of Jugurtha's towns."Cortius.
[105] As if by an evident majority of voices—Quasi per saturam exquisitis sententiis."The opinions being taken in a confused manner," or, as we say,in the lump. The sense manifestly is, that there was (or was said to be) such a preponderating majority in Jugurtha's favor, that it was not necessary to ask the opinion of each individual in order.Satura, which some think to be always an adjective, withlanxunderstood, thoughlanx, according to Scheller, is never found joined with it in ancient authors, wasa plate filled with various kinds of fruit, such as was annually offered to the gods."Lanx plena diversis frugibus in templum Cereris infertur, quae satura nomine appellatur," Acron. ad Hor. Sat., i. 1,init. "Lanx. referta variis multisque primitiis, sacris Cereris inferebatur," Diomed., iii. p. 483."Satura, cibi genus ex variis rebus conditum," Festussub voce. See Casaubon. de Rom. Satirâ, ii. 4; Kritzius ad h. l., and Scheller's Lex. v.,Satur.In the Pref. to Justinian's Pandects, that work is calledopus sparsim et quasi per saturam collectum, utÃle cum inutilibus mixtim.
[106] To preside at the election of magistrates—Ad magistratus rogandos.The presiding magistrate hadto askthe consent of the people, sayingVelitis, jubeatis—rogo Quirites.
[107] XXX. To give in full—Perscribere."To write at length." The reader might suppose, at first, that Sallust transcribed this speech from some publication; but in that case, as Burnouf observes, he would rather have saidascribere.Besides, the followinghujuscemodishows that Sallust did not profess to give the exact words of Memmius. And the speech is throughout marked with Sallustian phraseology. "The commencement of it, there is little doubt, is imitated from Cato, of whose speechDe Lusitanisthe following fragment is extant in Aul. Gell. xiii. 24:Multa me dehortata sunt huc prodere, anni, aetas, vox vires, senectus." Kritzius.
[108] XXXI. During the last fifteen years—His annis quindecim."It was at this time, A.U.C. 641, twenty-two years since the death of Tiberius Gracchus, and ten since that of Caius; Sallust, or Memmius, not to appear to make too nice a computation, takes a mean."Burnouf.The manuscripts, however, vary; some readfifteen, and otherstwelve. Cortius conjecturedtwenty, as a rounder number, which Kritzius and Dietsch have inserted in their texts.Twentyis also found in the Editio Victoriana, Florence, 1576.
[109] Your defenders have perished—Perierint vestri defensores.Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, and their adherents.
[110] Liberty of speech—Libertatem.Liberty of speech is evidently intended.
[111] Every civil and religions obligation—Divina et humana omnia."They offended against the laws, when they took bribes from an enemy; against the honor of Rome when they did what was unworthy of it, and greatly to its injury; and against gods and men, against all divine and human obligations, when they granted to a wicked prince not only impunity, but even rewards, for his crimes."Dietsch.
[112] Slaves purchased with money, etc.—Servi, aere parati,etc. This is taken from another speech of Cato, of which a portion is preserved in Aul. Gell. x. 3:Servi injurias nimis aegre ferunt; quid illos bono genere natos, magnâ virtute praeditos, animi habuisse atque habituros, dum vivent?"Slaves are apt to be too impatient of injuries; and what feelings do you think that men of good family, and of great merit, must have had, and will have as long as they live?"
[113] Public spirit—Pietas.Under this word are included all duties that we ought to perform to those with whom we are intimately connected, or on whom we are dependent, as our parents, our country, and the gods. I have borrowed my translation of the word from Rose.
[114] The marks of favor which proceed from you—Beneficia vestra.Offices of state, civil and military.
[115] A greater disgrace to lose, etc.—Quod majus dedecus est parta amitere quam omnino non paravisse.[Greek: Aischion de echontas aphairethaenai ae ktomenous atychaesai] Thucyd. ii. 62.
[116] These times please you less than those, etc.—Illa quam haec tempora magis placent,etc. "Those times, which immediately succeeded the deaths of the Gracchi, and which were distinguished for the tyranny of the nobles, and the humiliation of the people;these times, in which the people have begun to rouse their spirit and exert their liberty."Burnouf.
[117] Embezzlement of the public money—Peculatus aerarii."Peculator, qui furtum facit pecuniae publicae." Ascon. Pedian. in Cic. Verr i.
[118] Kings—I have substituted the plural for the singular. "No name was more hated at Rome than that of a king; and no sentiment, accordingly, could have been better adapted to inflame the minds of Memmius's hearers, than that which he here utters."Dietsch.
[119] If the crimes of the wicked are suppressed, etc.—Si injuriae non sint, haud saepe auxilii egeas."Some foolishly interpretauxiliumas signifyingauxilium tribunicium, the aid of the tribunes; but it is evident to me that Sallust meansaid against the injuries of bad men, i.e. revenge or punishment."Kritzius."If injuries are repressed, or prevented, there will be less need for the help of good men and it will be of less consequence if they become inactive."Dietsch.
[120] XXXII. Lucius Cassius—This is the man from whom came the common sayingcui bono?"Lucius Cassius, whom the Roman people thought the most accurate and wisest of judges, was accustomed constantly to inquire, in the progress of a cause,cui bono fuisset, of what advantage any thing had been." Cic. pro Rosc. Am. 80. "His tribunal," says Valerius Maximus (iii. 7), "was called, from his excessive severity, the rock of the accused." It was probably on account of this quality in his character that he was now sent into Numidia.
[121] Under guarantee of the public faith—Interpositâ fide publicâ.See Cat.47, 48. So a little below,fidem suam interponit. Interponois "to pledge."
[121] Under guarantee of the public faith—Interpositâ fide publicâ.See Cat. 47, 48. So a little below,fidem suam interponit. Interponois "to pledge."
[122] XXXIII. In the garb, as much as possible, of a suppliant—Cultu quam maximè miserabili. "In such a garb as accused persons, or suppliants, were accustomed to adopt, when they wished to excite compassion, putting on a mean dress, and allowing their hair and beard to grow."Burnouf.
[123] XXXIV. Enjoined the prince to hold his peace—A single tribune might, by such intervention, offer an effectual opposition to almost any proceeding. On the great power of the tribunes, see Adam's Rom. Ant., under the head "Tribunes of the People."
[124] Every other act to which anger prompts—Aliis omnibus, qua ira fieri amat."These words have given rise to wonderful hallucinations; for Quintilian, ix. 3. 17, having observed that many expressions of Sallust are borrowed from the Greek, asVulgus amat fieri,all interpreters, from Cortius downward, have thought that the structure of Sallust's words must be Greek, and have takenira,in this passage, for an ablative, andquaefor a nominative plural. Gerlach has even gone so far as to take liberties with the words cited By Quintilian, and to correct them, please the gods, intoquae in Vulgus amat fieri.But how could there have been such want of penetration in learned critics, such deficiency in the knowledge of the two languages, that, when the imitation of the Greek, noticed by Quintilian, has reference merely to the word [Greek: philei],amat, they should think of extending it to the dependence of a singular verb on a neuter plural? With truth, indeed, though with much simplicity, does Gerlach observe, that you will in vain seek for instances of this mode of expression in other writers."Kritzius.Dietsch agrees with Kritzius; and there will, I hope, be no further doubt thatquaeis the accusative andirathe nominative; the sense being, "which anger loves or desires to be done." Another mode of explanation has been suggested, namely, to understandmultitudoas the nominative case toamat, makingirathe ablative; but this method is far more cumbersome, and less in accordance with the style of Sallust. The words quoted by Quintilian do not refer, as Cortius erroneously supposes, to this passage, but to some part of Sallust's works that is now lost.
[125] XXXV. Should be disturbed—Movereis the reading of Cortius;moverithat of most other editors, in conformity with most of the MSS. and early editions.
[126] The times at which he resorted to particular places—Loca atque tempora cuncta."All his places and times." There can be no doubt that the sense is what I have given in the text.
[127] In accordance with the law of nations, etc.—As the public faith had been pledged to Jugurtha for his security, his retinue was on the same footing as that of embassadors, the persons of whose attendants are considered as inviolable as their own, as long as they commit no offense against the laws of the country in which they are resident. If any such offense is committed by an attendant of an embassador, an application is usually made by the government to the embassador to deliver him up for trial. Bomilcar seems to have been apprehended without any application having been made to Jugurtha; as, in our own country, the Portuguese embassador's brother, who was one of his retinue, was apprehended and executed for a murder, by Oliver Cromwell. See, on this point, Grotius De Jure Bell, et Pac., xviii, 8; Vattel, iv. 9; Burlamaqui on Politic Law, part iv. ch. 15. Jugurtha, says Vattel, should have given up Bomilcar; but such was not Jugurtha's object.
[128] At the commencement of the proceedings—In priori actione.That is, when Bomilcar was apprehended and charged with the murder.
[129] His other subjects would be deterred from obeying him—Reliquos popularis metus invaderet parendi sibi."Fear of obeying him should take possession of his other subjects."
[130] That it was a venal city, etc.—Urbem venalem,etc. I consider, with Cortias, that this is the proper way of taking these words. Some would render themO venal city,etc., because Livy, Epit. lxiv., hasO urbem venalem,but this seems to require that the verb should be in the second person; and it is probable that in Livy we should either eject the O or readinveneris.Florus, iii. 1, gives the words in the same way as Sallust.
[131] XXXVI. As propraetor—Pro praetore.With the power of lieutenant-general.
[132] XXXVII. Throughout the year—Totius anni.That is, all that remained of the year.
[133] On the edge of a steep hill—In praerupti montis extremo. "In extremoa scholiast rightly interpretsin margine," Gerlach. Cortius, whom Langius follows, considers thatin extremomeansat the bottom; a notion which Kritzius justly condemns; for, as Gerlach asks, what would that have to do withthe strength of the place? Muller would have us believe thatin extremomeansat the top; but if Sallust had meant to say that the city was at the top, he would hardly have chosen the wordextremusfor the purpose. Doubtless, as Gerlach observes, the city was on the top of the hill, which was broad enough to hold it; but the wordsin extremosignify that the walls were even with the side of the hill. Of the site of the town of Suthul no traces are now to be found.
[134] Vineae—Defenses made of hurdles or other wood, and often covered with raw hides, to defend the soldiers who worked the battering-ram. The word that comes nearest tovineaein our language ismantelets. Before this word, in many editions, occurs the phraseob thesauros oppidi potiundi, which Cortius, whom I follow, omits.
[135] XXXIII. That their defection might thus be less observed—Ita delicta occultiora fore.Cortius transferred these words to this place from the end of the preceding sentence; Kritzius and Dietsch have restored them to their former place. Gerlach thinks them an intruded gloss.
[136] The chief centurion—_Centurio primi pili._There were sixty centurions in a Roman legion; the one here meant was the first, or oldest, centurion of the Triarii, or Pilani.
[137] As death was the alternative—_Quia mortis metu mutabant. Neither manuscripts nor critics are agreed about this passage. Cortius, from a suggestion of Palmerius, adoptedmutabant; most other editors havemutabantur; but both are to be taken in the same sense; formutabantis equivalent tomutabant se. Cortius's interpretation appears the most eligible: "Permutabantur cum metuendâ morte," i.e. there were those conditions on one side, and death on the other, and if they did not accept the conditions, they must die. Kritzius fancifully and strangely interprets,propter mortis metum se mutabant, i.e., alia videbantur atque erant, or the acceptance of the terms appeared excusable to the soldiers, because they were threatened with death if they did not accept them. It is worth while to notice the variety of readings exhibited in the manuscripts collated by Cortius: ten exhibitmutabantur; three,minitabantur; three,multabantur; three,tenebantur; one,tenebatur; one,cogebantur; one,cogebatur; one,angustiabantur; one,urgebantur; and onemortis metuebant pericula. There is also, he adds, in some copies,mutabant, which the Bipont editors and Müller absurdly adopted.
[138] XXXIX. Under all the circumstances of the case—Ex copiâ rerum.From the number of things which he had to consider.
[139] XL. The Latins and Italian allies—Per homines nominis Latini, et socios Italicos."The right of voting was not extended to all the Latin people till A.U.C. 664, and the Italian allies did not obtain it till some years afterward."Kritzius.So that at this period, which was twenty years earlier, their influence could only be employed in an underhand way. Compare c.42.
[140] Marcus Scaurus—See c. 15. That he was appointed on this occasion, is an evident proof of his commanding influence.
[141] But the investigation, notwithstanding, was conducted, etc.—Sed quaes tuo exercita, etc. Scaurus, it is probable, did what he could to mitigate the violence of the proceedings. Cicero, however, says that Caius Gallussacerdos, with fourconsulares, Bestia, Caius Cato, Albinus, and Opimius, were condemned and exiled by this law of Mamilius. See Brut., c. 34.
[142] XLI. Took, snatched, and seized—Ducere,trahere, rapere. "Ducereconveys the notion of cunning and fraud;trahereof some degree of force;rapereof open violence."Muller. The words chiefly refer to offices in the state, as is apparent from what follows.
[141] The parents and children of the soldiers, etc.—
Quid quod usque proximosRevellis agri terminos, et ultraLimites clientiumSalis avarus? Pellitur paternosIn sinu ferens deosEt uxor et vir, sordidosque natos.
Hor. Od.,ii. 18.
What can this impious av'rice stay?Their sacred landmarks torn away.You plunge into your neighbor's grounds,And overleap your client's bounds,Helpless the wife and husband flee,And in their arms, expell'd by thee,Their household gods, adored in vain,Their infants, too, a sordid train.
[144] Among the nobility—Ex nobilitate.Cortius injudiciously omits those words. The reference is to the Gracchi.
[145] By means of the allies and Latins—See on, c. 40.
[146] But to a reasonable man it is more agreeable to submit, etc.—Sed bono vinci satius est, quam malo more injuriam vincere. Bono,sc.viro. "That is, if the nobility had been truly worthy characters, they would rather have yielded to the Gracchi, than have revenged any wrong that they had received from them in an unprincipled manner."Dietsch.Thus this is a reflection on the nobles; in which notion of the passage Allen concurs with Dietsch. Others, as Cortius, think it a reflection on the too great violence of the Gracchi. The brevity with which Sallust had expressed himself makes it difficult to decide. Kritzius, who thinks that the remark is in praise of the Gracchi, supplies the ellipse thus: "Sane concedi debet Gracchis non satis moderatum animum fuiase;quae res ipsis adeo interitum attulit; sedsic quoque egregii viri putandi sunt; nambono vinci," etc. Langius and Burnouf joinbonowithmore, but do not differ much in their interpretations of the passage from that given by Dietsch.
[147] XLIII. Of a character uniformly irreproachable—Famâ tamen aequabili et inviolatâ. Aequabilisis uniform, always the same, keeping an even tenor.
[148] Regarded all things as common to himself and his colleague—Ali omnia sibi cum collegâ ratus."Other matters, unconnected with the war against Jugurtha, he thought that he would have to manage in conjunction with his colleague, and that, consequently, he might give but partial attention to them; but that the war in Numidia was committed to his sole care."Cortius.Other interpretations of these words have been suggested; but they are fanciful and unworthy of notice.
[149] Princes—Reges.Who these were, the commentators have not attempted to conjecture.
[150] XLIV. By Spurius Albinus, the proconsul.—A Spurio Albino proconsule. This is the general reading. Cortius has,Spurii Albini pro consule, with which we may understandagentisorimperantis, but can hardly believe it to be what Sallust wrote. Kritzius reads,Spurii Albini proconsulis.
[151] In a stationary camp—Stativis castris. In contradistinction to that which the soldiers formed at the end of a day's march.
[152] But neither had the camp been fortified, etc.—Sed neque muniebantur ea(se. castra),neque more militari vigiliae deducebantur. "The wordssed neque muniebantur eaare wanting in almost all the manuscripts, as well as in all the editions, except that of Cyprianus Popma."Kritzius. Gerlach, however, had, previously to Kritz, inserted them in his text though in brackets; for he supposed them to be a mere conjecture of some scribe, who was not satisfied with a singleneque. But they have been found in a codex of Fronto, by Angelo Mai, and have accordingly been received as genuine by Kritz and Dietsch. Potter and Burnouf have omitted theea, thinking, I suppose, that in such a position it could hardly be Sallust's; but the verb requires a nominative case to prevent it from being referred to the followingvigiliae.
[153] Foreign wine—Vino advectitioImported. Africa does not abound in wine.
[154] XLV. With regard to other things—Caeteris. Cortius, whom Gerlach follows, considers this word as referring to the men or officers; but Kritzius and Dietsch, with better judgment, understandrebus.
[155] Numerous sentinels—Vigilias crebras. At short intervals, says Kritzius, from each other.
[156] XLVI. Villages—Mapalibus. See c. xviii. The word is here used for a collection of huts, a village.
[157] Here the consul, to try the disposition of the inhabitants, and, should they allow him, to take advantage of the situation of the place, etc.—Huc consul, simul tentandi gratiâ, et si paterentur, opportuniatis loci, praesidium imponit.This is alocus veratissimus, about which no editor has satisfied himself. I have deserted Cortius and followed Dietsch, who seems to have settled the passage, on the basis of Havercamp's text, with more judgment than any other commentator. Cortius read,Huc consul simul tentandi gratiâ, si paterent opportunitates loci, etc., takingopportuniatatesin the sense ofmunitiones, "defenses;" but would Sallust have saidthat Metellus put a garrison in the place, to try if its defenses would be open to him?Havercamp's reading is,simul tentan si gratiâ, et si paterentur opportunitates loci, etc. Palmerius conjecturedsimul tentandi gratiâ, si paterentur; et opportunitate loci,which Gerlach and Kritsius adopt, except that they change the place of theet, and put it beforesi. Allen thinks that he has amended the passage by readingHuc consul, simul si paterentur tentandi, et opportunitatis loci, gratiâ;but this conjecture is liable to similar objection with that of Cortius. Other varieties of reading it is needless to notice. But it is observable that four manuscripts, as Kritzius remarks, havepropter opportunitates,which led me long ago to suppose that the true reading must besimul tentandi gratiâ, simul propter opportunitates loci. Simul proptermight easily have been corrupted intosi paterentur.
[158] Frequent arrival of supplies—Commeatum."Frumenti et omnium rerum quarum in bello usus est, largam copiam."Kritzius. I follow the text of Cortius (retaining the wordsjuvaturum ecercitum) which Kritzius sufficiently justifies. There is a variety of readings, but all much the same in sense.
[159] Extraordinary earnestness—Impensius modo.Cortius and Kritzius interpret thismodoas the ablative case ofmodus; i. e. quam modus erat,orsupra modum;but Dietsch and Burnouf question the propriety of this interpretation, and consider themodoto be the same as that intantummodo, dummodo,etc. The same expression occurs again in c. 75.
[160] XLVIII. Running parallel with the stream—Tractu pari.It may be well to illustrate this and the following chapter by a copy of the lines which Cortius has drawn, "to excite," as he says, "the imagination of his readers:"
River Muthul, flowing from the south—————————————————————————I Hill onNorth I which<—————- I I JugurthaI I postedI I himself—————————————————————————Range of hills, parallel I with the MuthulII Route of MetellusI
[161] XLIX. In a transverse direction—Transverso itinere. It lay on the flank of the Romans as they marched toward the river,in dextero latere, c.49, fin.
[162] Well acquainted with the country—Prudentes."Periti loci et regionis." _Cortius._Or it may mean knowing what they were to do, while the enemy would beimperiti,surprised and perplexed.
[163] Would crown—Confirmaturum. Would establish, settle, put the last hand to them.
[164] Was seen—Conspicitur.This is the reading adopted by Cortius, Müller, and Allen, as being that of all the manuscripts. Havercamp, Kritzius, and Dietsch admitted into their texts, on the sole authority of Donatus ad Ter. Eun. ii. 3,conspicatur, i.e. (Metellus)catches sightof the enemy. The latter reading, perhaps, makes a better connection.
[165] Rendering it uncertain—Incerti.Presenting such an appearance that a spectator could not be certain what they were.
[166] He drew up these in the right wing—in three lines—In dextero latere triplicibus subsidiis aciem instruxit.In the other passages in which Sallust has the wordsubsidia(Cat. c. 59), he uses it forthe lines behind the front.Thus he says of Catiline,Octo cohortes in fronte constituit; reliqua signa in subsidiis arctiùs collocat;and of Petreius,Cohortes veteranas—in fronte; post eas reliquum exercitum in subsidiis locat.But whether he uses the word in the same sense here; whether we might, as Cortius thinks (whom Gerlach and Dietsch follow), call the division of Metellus's troopsquadrupleinstead oftriple,or whether he arranged them as De Brosses and others suppose, in the usual disposition of Hastati, Principes, and Triarii, who shall place beyond dispute? The probability, however, if Sallust is consistent with himself in his use of the word, lies with Cortius. Gerlach refers to Caesar, De Bell, Civ., iii. 89: "Celeriter ex tertiâ acie singulas cohortes detraxit, atque ex his quartam instituit;but this does not illustrate Sallust's use of the wordsubsidia: Caesar forms a fourthacies; Metellus draws up oneaciestriplicibus subsidia".
[167] With the front changed into a flank—Transversis principiis.He made the whole army wheel to the left, so that what was their front line, orprincipia,as they faced the enemy on the hill, became their flank as they marched from the mountain toward the river.
[168] L. Behind the front line—Post principia.Theprincipiaare the same as those mentioned in the preceding note, that is, the front line when the army faced that of Jugurtha on the hill, but which presented its flank to the enemy when the army was on its march. So that Marius commanded in the center ("in medio agmine," says Dietsch), while Metellus took the lead with the cavalry of the left wing. See the following note.
[169] Cavalry on the left wing—which, on the march, had become the van—Sinistrae ulae equitibus—qui in agmine principes facti erant.When Metellus halted (c. 49, fin.), and drew up his troops fronting the hill on which Jugurtha was posted, he placed all his cavalry in the wings; consequently, when the army wheeled to the left, and marched forward, the cavalry of the left wing became the van.
[170] LI. Of the whole struggle—Totius negotii.That is, on the side of the Romans.
[171] LII. The enemy's ignorance of the country—Regio hostibus ignara. Ignaraforignota;a country unknown to the enemy.
[172] LIII. Fatigued and exhausted—Fessi lassique.I am once more obliged to desert Cortius, who readslaetique. The sense, as Kritzius and Dietsch observe, shows thatlaetican not be the reading, for there must evidently be a complete antithesis between the two parts of the sentence; an antithesis which would be destroyed by the introduction oflaeti. Gerlach, though he retainslaetiin his text, condemns it in his notes.
[173] LIV. Which could only be conducted, etc.—Quod, nisi ex illius lubidine, geri non posset.Cortius omits thenonbeforeposset, but almost every other editor, except Allen, has retained it, from a conviction of necessity.
[174] Under these circumstances, however—Ex copiâ tamen.Withcopiâwe must understandconsiliorumorrerum,as at the end of c. 39. All the manuscripts, except two, haveinopiâ, which editors have justly rejected as inconsistent with the sense.
[175] LV. A thanksgiving—Supplicia.The same assupplicatio,on which the reader may consult Adam's Rom. Ant., or Dr. Smith's Dictionary.
[176] LVI. Dared not be guilty of treachery—Fallere nequibant."Through dread of the severest punishments if they should fall into the hands of the Romans. Valerius Maximus, ii. 7, speaks of deserters having been deprived of their hands by Quintus Fabius Maximus; of others who were crucified or beheaded by the elder Africanus; of others who were thrown to wild beasts by Africanus the younger; and of others who were sentenced by Paulus Aemilius to be trampled to death by elephants. Hence it appears that the punishment of deserters was left to the pleasure of the general."Burnouf.
[177] Sicca—It stood on the banks of the Bagradas, at some distance from the coast, and contained a celebrated Temple of Venus. Val. Max., ii. 6. D'Anville thinks it the same as the modernKef.
[178] LVII. Javelins—Pila.Thispilummay have been, as Müller suggests, similar to thefalaricawhich Livy (xxi. 8) says that the Saguntines used against their besiegers.Falarica erat Saguntinis, missile telum hastili abiegno—id, sicut in pilo, quadratum stuppa circumligabant, linebantque pice:—quod cum medium accensum mitteretur, etc. Of Sallust's other words, in the latter part of this sentence, the sense is clear, but the readings of different editors are extremely various. Cortius and Gerlach havesudes, pila praeterea picem sulphure et taedâ mixtam ardentia mittere:but it can scarcely be believed that Sallust wrotepicem—taedâ mixtam.Havercamp givespice et sulphure taedam mixtam ardentia mittere,which has been adopted by Kritzius and Dietsch, except that they have changedardentia,on the authority of some of the manuscripts, intoardenti.
[179] LIX. And thus, with the aid of the light-armed foot, almost succeeded in giving the enemy a defeat—Ita expeditis peditibus suis hostes paene victos dare.Cortius, Kritzius, and Allen, concur in regardingexpeditis peditibusas an ablative of the instrument, i.e. as equivalent toper expeditos peditesandvictos dareas nothing more thanvincere.This appears to be the right mode of explanation; but most of the translators, French as well as English, have takenexpeditis peditibusas a dative, and given to the passage the sense that "the cavalry delivered up the enemy, when nearly conquered, to be dispatched by the light-armed foot."
[180] LX. Attacks, or preparations for defense, were made in all quarters—Oppugnare aut parare omnibus locis.There is much discussion among the critics whether these verbs are to be referred to the besiegers or the besieged. Cortius and Gerlach attributeoppugnareto the Romans, andparareto the men of Zama; a distinction which Kritzius justly condemns. There can be little doubt that they are spoken of both parties equally.
[181] LXI. The rest of his forces—in that part of our province nearest to Numidia—Caeterum exercitum in provinciam, quae proxima est Numidiae, hiemandi gratiâ collocat."The wordsquae proxima est NumidiaeCortius would eject as superfluous and spurious. But it is to be understood that Metellus did not distribute his troops through the whole of the province, but in that part which is nearest to Numidia, in order that they might be easily assembled in case of an attack of the enemy or any other emergency. There is, therefore, no need to read with the Bipont edition and Müller,qua proxima,etc. though this is in itself not a bad conjecture."Kritzius.
[182] LXII. Was summoned to appear in person at Tisidium, etc. —Cum ipse ad imperandum Tisidium vocaretur.The gerund is used, as grammarians say, in a passive sense. "The town of Tisidium is nowhere else mentioned. Strabo (xvii. 3, p. 488, Ed. Tauch.) speaks of a place named [Greek:Tisiaioi], which was utterly destroyed, and not a vestige of it left."Gerlach.
[183] LXIII. Sacrificing to the gods—Per hostias dis supplicante.Supplicating or worshiping the gods with sacrifices, and trying to learn their intentions as to the future by inspection of the entrails. "Marius was either a sincere believer in the absurd superstitions and dreams of the soothsayers, or pretended to be so, from a knowledge of the nature of mankind, who are eager to listen to wonders, and are ore willing to be deceived than to be taught."Burnouf.See Plutarch, Life of Marius. He could interpret omens for himself, according to Valerius Maximus, i. 5.
[184] The people—disposed of, etc.—Etiam tum alios magistratus plebes, consulatum nobilitas, inter se per manus tradebat.The commentators have seen the necessity of understanding a verb withplebes.Kritzius suggestshabebat;Gerlachgrebatoraccipiebat.
[185] A disgrace to it—Pollutus.He was considered, as it were, unclean. See Cat., c. 23,fin.
[186] LXIV. As soon as the public business would allow him—Ubi primum potuisset per negotia publica.As soon as he could through (regard to) the public business.
[187] With his own son—Cum filio suo.With the son of Metellus. He tells Marius that it would be soon enough for him to stand for the consulship in twenty-three years' time, the legitimate age for the consulship being forty-three.
[188] In the camp with his father—Contubernio patris.He was among the young noblemen in the consul's retinue, who were sent out to see military service under him. This was customary. See Cic. Pro Cael. Pro Planc. 11.
[189] LXV. Which was as weak as his body—Ob morbos—parum valido.Sallust had already expressed this a few lines above.
[190] Merchants—Negotiatores."Every one knows that Romans of equestrian dignity were accustomed to trade in the provinces."Burnouf.
[191] With the most honorable demonstrations in his favor —Honestissimâ suffragatione."Suffragatiowas the zealous recommendation of those who solicited the votes of their fellow-citizens in favor of some candidate. See Festus, s.v.Suffragatores,p. 266, Lindem."Dietsch.It was honorable, in the case of Marius, as it was without bribery, and seemed to have the good of the republic in view.
[192] The Mamilian law—See c. 40.
[193] LXVI. Advantageous positions—Suos locos.Places favorable for his views. See Kritzius on c. 54.
[194] LXVII. Were in trepidation. At the citadel, etc.—I have translated this passage in conformity with the texts of Gerlach, Kritzius, Dietsch, Müller, and Allen, who put a point betweentrepidareandad arcem. Cortina, Havercamp, and Burnouf havetrepidare ad arcem, without any point. Which method gives the better sense, any reader can judge.
[195] On the roofs of the houses—Pro tectis aedificiorum. In front of the roofs of the houses; that is, at the parapets. "In prima tectorum parte."Kritzius. The roofs were flat.
[196] Worthless and infamous character—Improbus intestabilisque. These words are taken from the twelve tables of the Roman law: See Aul. Gell. vi. 7, xv. 3. Horace, in allusion to them, hasintestabilis et sacer, Sat. ii. 3.181,Intestabilissignified a person to be of so infamous a character that he was not allowed to give evidence in a court of justice.
[197] LXVIII. Averse to further exertion—Tum abnuentes omnia. Most of the translators have understood by these words that the troops refused to obey orders; but Sallust's meaning is only that they expressed, by looks and gestures, their unwillingness to proceed.